Sunday, November 09, 2025

The US is Doing a Great Job at Increasing Economic Inequality


 November 7, 2025

Image by Elyse Chia.

There are those who want to make America great again who generally fail to discuss one area in which the U.S. has already achieved greatness by not just maintaining the accomplishment but also by making it greater: Economic Inequality.

One achievement, that has enabled the growth in economic inequality, has been how, for more than 16 years, the national government has maintained the official minimum wage at $7.25 an hour with no adjustment for increases in the cost of living. One working 40 hours a week for 52 weeks at the minimum wage would end up earning $15,080 in a year.

In 2024, the government’s poverty threshold [pg. 17] for a single person under 65 years of age was $16,320 with those making less deemed to be impoverished. That means that the full-time minimum wage worker is earning $1,240 less than the poverty threshold.

Don’t assume this minimum wage worker will get to live on all that money earned. That earned income of $15,080 is subject to social security, Medicare, and income taxes that are offset by the earned income credit (assuming the person is at least 25 and under 65) that results in $894 in taxes not including possible state taxes, taken from the $15,080 on which one is to pay for living expenses.

Growing Income Inequality

Growing income inequality has been widespread and increasing as is brought out in government statistics that Trump has so far not prevented from being made available.

According to the government [pg.33], the average household income of those among the 20% of the population with the lowest income in 2024 was $18,460. This amont represents an increase of $2,800 since 1990 in 2024 inflation adjusted dollars, an 18% increase over 34 years of less than $85/year. By contrast, those households in the top 5% of income during this same period experienced an 84% increase of $256,800, over $7,500/year, enabling them to reach an average income of $560,000 in 2024. Their average income relative to those in the bottom 20% went from being 19 times greater to over 30 times greater.

Additionally, the income of the top 5% relative to those in the second lowest 20% of households during the same period went from being 7.7 times greater to over 11.3 times as great.

And the top 5%’s income relative to those in the middle 20% went from being 4.65 times as great to over 6.6 times as great, adding to the further assault against economic equality.

Hell, even those in the second highest 20% saw their income relative to those in the top 5% go from being one-third as much as that of the top 5% to one-fourth as much despite growing $38,760 from 1990 to 2024.

Hence, greater income inequality favoring the wealthy has been widespread and has been coming at the expense of most of the rest of the population.

Then There is Growing Wealth Inequality

Growing income inequality helps to foster growing wealth inequality. Here the growing inequality is especially skyrocketing.

The most recent set of figures from the Federal Reserve Board show that from 1990 to the second quarter of 2025, the share of the country’s wealth held by the wealthiest .1% of the U.S. population went from 8.6% to 13.9%, an increase of over 60%. In nominal dollars (not adjusted for inflation) that comes to a growth from $1.8 trillion in 1990 to $23.33 trillion halfway through 2025, an almost 13-fold increase. During that same period, the poorest 50% saw their nominal wealth grow from $.73 trillion to $4.21 trillion, a rate of growth less than half of that of the wealthiest .1% and is likely largely attributed to the increasing value of the homes some of them own and that fill a necessity of a place to live in. Assuming the U.S. population is 342 million, the average wealth holdings of the poorest 50% of the population halfway through 2025 stood at $24,610/person while that of those among the wealthiest .1% came to over to $68 million/person, over 2,700 times greater.

Far outdoing the wealthiest .1% are the wealthiest 10 within their ranks. In 1990, according to the Forbes list of the 400 richest people, the 10 richest were worth $25.92 billion. By 2000, that amount had grown almost ten times to $254.7 billion. It generally continued to grow during most of the next decade until the great recession that saw its total in 2010 at $264.6 billion, $9.9 billion greater, which is less than a 4% growth from year 2000. However, the entire wealthiest .1% was doing better. According to the Fed, their wealth came to $6.29 trillion in the first quarter of 2010, over 33% greater than $4.7 trillion which is where it stood in the first quarter of 2000.

There is no need to fret over what appears in the 2010 figures to hint at slow progress in the relatively greater fortunes of the wealthiest 10. At the end of 2020, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, their holdings had more than quadrupled to $1,068.5 billion. As of the end of October 2025, it was up over nine-fold from 2010, reaching $2,420 billion.

In 35 years, the wealth of the wealthiest 10 U.S. citizens had gone up more than 90 times from where it stood in 1990 with six of them being multi-centibillionaires—with wealth holdings of more than $200 billion.

In 1990, the ranks of the wealthiest ten came from more diverse sectors in the economy. Today, they are largely populated by tech bros. Only Warren Buffet, who was a member of the top ten in 1990, remains among the top 10 today, a time in which his wealth increased from $3.3 billion in 1990 to $144 billion as of the end of October 2025.

In contrast to the minimum wage worker who must pay federal taxes, to further secure inequality, our wealthy friends generally pay no income taxes on most, if not all, of the increase in their wealth. They likely pay taxes on the portion of their assets that generate income in forms such as rent, interest or dividends, or they sell their assets at a gain. This income is subject to income taxes unless it is offset by losses and deductions. Additionally, this income of the wealthy, unlike the income earned from work, is not subject to social security or Medicare taxes. Furthermore, their gains from the sale of most assets that have been held for more than a year and most dividends are subject to a lower tax rate than what is imposed on income earned from working. And if the interest is generated from the ownership of most municipal bonds, it is exempt from being subjected to an income tax.

If Trump ever takes full credit and claims responsibility for growing economic inequality that has gone on for years before his regime began, you might reach a shocking conclusion! Our great leader, the stable genius, who is causing much immiseration in the U.S. and around the world, would be lying.

Trump and Government Statistics

Trump has shown he is not fond of some government statistics. He recently brought a halt to the annual report on household food insecurity which, as this is written, with the cuts in the SNAP program, could dramatically increase.

However, Trump, may not seek to end the reports of the Federal Reserve Board figures on the distribution of household wealth or the Census Bureau figures on income because, unlike figures on food insecurity, they show his wealthiest buddies what has been happening in their favor at the expense of people who Trump might call a bunch of losers.

The Future

Will the wealthiest continue to make even more impressive gains in their income and wealth holdings that foster even greater economic inequality? Certainly, that is a powerful tendency of an exploitative capitalist economy. However, a stock market “correction” could have an adverse impact as could an economic downturn, a nuclear war, an environmental collapse or some other catastrophe.

Furthermore, no one needs and should be allowed to accumulate $100 billion or even $1 billion which is 1,000 million, or even $100 million, especially when there are people who are hungry and homeless. However, for the time being, unless people with much potential power, especially the working class, get organized and see to the confiscation and/or a heavy tax on the wealth of the wealthiest, given the current power of billionaires, little change in inequality should be expected.

Rick Baum teaches Political Science at City College of San Francisco. He is a member of AFT 2121.

At the end of last August, President Donald Trump asserted that average wages for U.S. workers had risen by $546 during the first six months since he returned to office in January 2025. As with virtually all of Trump’s pronouncements, this one bears little relationship to the truth. In fact, when using the most reliable government data on wages and then controlling for inflation, workers’ wages did still rise under Trump, but by $26—that’s 95% less than the $546 average pay raise proclaimed by Trump.

The reality of wage stagnation under Trump is fully consistent with his broader attack on working people. As just one example, the labor historian Joseph McCartin called Trump’s move in March to cancel the union rights of more than one million federal government workers “by far the largest single action of union-busting in American history.”

Still worse is that wage stagnation to date under Trump follows what is now a 50-year pattern.   In 1973, the average nonsupervisory employee earned $29.15 an hour (in 2024 dollars). As of 2024, that average wage was $30.13. Over the same time period, the average productivity of U.S. workers—the average value of what they produce when they show up at work—rose by 150%. If these workers had received raises every year between 1973 and 2024 just equal to their increased productivity, but not a penny more, their average hourly pay today would be $72.88 an hour. 

To further clarify the current pay levels for nonsupervisory workers, compare their current average hourly wage of $30.13 with what we could consider a living wage standard. There are various ways in which one can define what we mean by a living wage. In A Living Wage:  American Workers and the Making of a Consumer Society, Lawrence Glickman defines the term qualitatively, as being a wage level that offers workers “the ability to support families, to maintain self-respect and to have both the means and leisure to participate in the civic life of the nation.”  

A research group at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) has produced a Living Wage Calculator that provides detailed annual quantitative estimates of living wage standards for every state and county in the United States, as measured relative to the cost of living in each area. Their definition of what constitutes a living wage in a given community is less ambitious than the standard suggested by Glickman. Specifically, according to the MIT Calculator’s definition, “The living wage is the basic income standard that, if met, draws a very fine line between the financial independence of the working poor and the need to seek out public assistance or suffer consistent and severe housing and food insecurity. In light of this fact, the living wage is perhaps better defined as a minimum subsistence wage for persons living in the United States.”

Working from this lower-end but still reasonable definition, the MIT researchers estimate living wages for various family household types, including those with one or two adults and between zero to three children. For example, their living wage estimates at the state level for family households with one adult and one child range between a low of $32.62 an hour in Mississippi and a high of $55.15 an hour in Massachusetts. These figures yield the striking result that even the low-end Mississippi living wage of $32.62 an hour is 8% above the $30.13 average now being earned by nonsupervisory workers in the United States. The $55.15 Massachusetts living wage is 83% higher than the current average hourly wage of $30.13.      

Since the early 1990s a strong political movement in the United States has fought to establish living wage standards at the municipal and state levels. The movement has  achieved some significant successes. Between 1994 and 2010, living wage laws were enacted in over 125 cities and counties. At the state level, 30 states and Washington, D.C., now have minimum wage rates above the poverty-level federal minimum of $7.25 an hour. Washington State has the highest state-level minimum wage at $16.66 an hour. The minimum wage for Washington, D.C., is still higher, at $17.95 an hour.  

Yet these state and city living wage rates remain uniformly well below even the MIT Calculator’s lower-end standards. Given the broader 50-year pattern of wage stagnation in the United States, we cannot avoid the conclusion that the living wage movement has not been successful enough, despite great efforts by thousands of organizers and activists throughout the country.

Under Trump, we can only expect more of the same outright lies and vicious assaults on workers’ rights, job opportunities, and living standards. It is therefore now imperative to revive the living wage movement throughout the country. A ramped-up living wage movement can become one important force contributing to the resistance against Trump and Trumpism. More fundamentally still, a revived living wage movement can be a means for building working class power and, with that power, delivering pay levels for nonsupervisory wages that—after 50 years of U.S. wage stagnation—can reach true living wage standards.  l

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Robert Pollin is Distinguished Professor of Economics and Codirector of the Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. He has served as a consultant on energy and the economy for a wide range of organizations and institutions, including the U.S. Department of Energy, the International Labour Organization, the United Nations Industrial Development Program (UNIDO), and numerous nongovernmental organizations. He is author of Back to Full Employment (MIT Press), also in the Boston Review series, and Contours of Descent: U.S. Economic Fractures and the Landscape of Global Austerity.




Socialists Won City Elections Across America This Week

Source: Jacobin

The biggest left-wing political story of the week is democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani becoming mayor of New York City. But Mamdani’s was not the only socialist victory on Tuesday.

Just like with almost every election year that’s come before in the Trump era, this week saw a series of lesser-known wins for socialists downballot around the country as well as defeats. From the Midwest to the East Coast, socialists grew their ranks in elected office on the back of a grassroots-powered, affordability-first strategy that suggests Mamdani’s run isn’t just a potential model for future socialist campaigns — it’s already directly inspired successful disciples.

Victory and Defeat in Minneapolis

This past Tuesday saw twenty-two races where candidates endorsed by the Democratic Socialists of America’s (DSA) National Election Commission (NEC) were on the ballot, eleven of whom have won their races so far. Two of those are on the Minneapolis City Council: socialist Robin Wonsley, who won reelection to her third term on the back of efforts like expanding antidiscrimination protection and banning the use of algorithms to raise rents, and Soren Stevenson, best known before this for winning a $2.4 million settlement from the city after Minneapolis police shot a “less than lethal” round at him during 2020’s George Floyd protests, costing him his eye.

This was his second tilt at the city council seat: in 2023, Stevenson, who backs rent control, fell just thirty-eight votes short of unseating council president Andrea Jenkins, who opposed it despite Minneapolis voters having expressly approved a measure instructing the council to put one in place. Jenkins chose not to seek reelection this year. Besides Wonsley, two other socialists, Aisha Chughtai and Jason Chavez, won reelection to their council seats, while a third victorious incumbent, Aurin Chowdhury, did not seek the local DSA chapter’s endorsement this year.

These wins mean progressives will hold onto a bare majority of the city council’s thirteen seats, which had been threatened by the retirement of one member of the progressive bloc and further eroded by the defeat of progressive ally Katie Cashman. That majority won’t be large enough to override the veto of the city’s corporate centrist mayor, Jacob Frey, however.

That may have been moot if DSA-backed mayoral candidate Omar Fateh had defeated Frey on Tuesday. But the incumbent held onto a third term in the second round of voting, beating Fateh, a two-term state senator who ran on rent control and increasing the city’s housing stock, by 6 points, and delivering national DSA endorsees one of nine total losses on Election Night so far. Frey and his allies were buoyed by outside spending from three PACs funded by a coalition of landlords, developers, business groups, Lyft, and some unions, which raised nearly three times that of the PACs backing progressives.

DSA-backed candidates have had success in the past winning the endorsement of the Minneapolis  Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party (DFL), essentially the local iteration of the Democratic Party, but this year was a mixed bag. Two candidates, Stevenson and Chavez, won the party’s endorsement, while Wonsley, who didn’t seek its endorsement, successfully maneuvered like she has previously to block an endorsement from going to a challenger.

Others sought the endorsement but didn’t get it. Chughtai, who won DFL’s endorsement in 2023, was denied it at this year’s Ward Ten convention despite winning more votes than her challenger and alleged that one of her opponent’s supporters assaulted her.

An even bigger controversy erupted at the Minneapolis DFL convention, where Fateh initially won the party’s endorsement over Frey in July — a major boon in a city where the DFL-backed candidate tends to win the overall race — only to be stripped of it a month later after a complicated series of events.

Frey had challenged the outcome in the wake of convention chaos caused partly by an electronic voting system on the fritz, even though he didn’t have the numbers to win. The state party then stepped in to overrule the Minneapolis chapter and revoke Fateh’s endorsement, even as it explicitly acknowledged that the outcome wouldn’t necessarily have been different, and ignoring the Minneapolis DFL’s call to simply reassemble the delegates and have them vote on the endorsement again.

The whole affair drew substantial outrage at the time, with more than a dozen Minnesota DFL elected officials, including Squad member Representative Ilhan Omar, publicly condemning the state party’s moves. The incident may get renewed scrutiny in the wake of the election result, where only eight thousand votes separated Fateh from Frey in the final round of ranked-choice voting in the overwhelmingly blue city.

Minneapolis saw other DSA defeats in the form of two unsuccessful bids, one endorsed by the Minneapolis DFL, to the city’s Park and Recreation Board. They were part of a wave of union-friendly candidates vying for the board following a twenty-day strike last year by the city’s park workers, the first in the board’s 140-year history, over stalled contract negotiations.

Municipal Socialism Rising

Socialists made high-profile gains in other cities too.

In Atlanta, DSA member and labor organizer Kelsea Bond became the city’s first ever socialist city council member with a convincing 64 percent of the vote, beating their real estate–backed closest challenger by more than 40 points, whom they had also narrowly out-fundraised through small-dollar donations. Bond, who says they were motivated to run by the mayor’s steamrolling of public opposition to Cop City, ran on building affordable housing and public transit.

Bond is only the second democratic socialist to ever win office in Georgia, the first being Georgia state house representative Gabriel Sanchez, whose successful run for office last year Bond served as campaign manager for. As with socialists in Minneapolis, Bond was able to draw support from both progressive groups and DSA together with several establishment Democrats.

While no other DSA members or nationally endorsed candidates ran in the city, several progressives recommended by the organization’s Atlanta chapter had success. Of the nine city council candidates the organization backed, three won their races, while two are now in runoff elections. Outside of Atlanta, twenty-four-year-old Sam Foster, whom Atlanta DSA called “the clear Democratic choice,” came within a hair’s breadth of unseating the city of Marietta’s four-term septuagenarian mayor, falling short by just eighty-seven votes on a campaign focused on lowering the cost of living through zoning reforms and building non-car infrastructure.

Over in Detroit, socialists upped their presence on the nine-member city council to two, after DSA member Denzel McCampbell, former communications director for Squad member Rashida Tlaib, cruised to victory with nearly 60 percent of the vote. McCampbell’s primary win was one of the big surprises of Michigan’s primary season this past August, having edged out both a challenger who had come within a sliver of taking the seat four years earlier and sitting state legislator Kate Whitsett, who was also his opponent in the general.

Whitsett has been a magnet for liberal frustration, a conservative Democrat who repeatedly bucked the party and sided with Republicans on key issues like abortion rights and health care funding, and missed nearly the entire last legislative session — saying that most of what happens in the state house is not worth the cost of travel and daycare for her dog. McCampbell, meanwhile, has said he modeled his run on Mamdani’s campaign, with DSA-led volunteers making more than ten thousand phone calls and texts and knocking between nine and fifteen thousand doors.

Though the city’s mayor-elect, twelve-year city council member Mary Sheffield, is the business community’s pick, there may be room for collaboration. As a city councilor, Sheffield spearheaded various measures related to affordable housing, tenant and worker rights, and assistance for the poor, and has said she would revive some that haven’t yet passed. McCampbell has said he has a good relationship with her going back to his time working on changes to the city’s constitution at the close of last decade.

Two socialists will similarly sit on Ithaca’s common council, after winning both of their races on Tuesday. Jorge DeFendini, who worked on Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s 2018 primary run, had held a common council seat from 2021 to 2023, when he was unseated in an upset. He had been encouraged to make another run this year for a different ward by its outgoing alderperson, with whom DeFendini had worked on passing good cause eviction.

In the general election, DeFendini crushed a local right-wing activist by 79 points on a platform of, among other things, rent stabilization, building more affordable housing, and stronger enforcement of building codes. Hannah Shvets, a Cornell University junior who ran on a similar platform focused on rent stabilization, became the youngest socialist elected in US history when she beat her opponent by 29 points. (The opponent had called for cutting public spending and lowering property taxes.) Rent stabilization was also part of the platform of Mid-Hudson DSA’s Dutchess County cochair Daniel Atonna, who won a seat on the Poughkeepsie Common Council.

Mamdani’s victory and these upstate wins weren’t the only socialist successes in New York this week. Both of New York City DSA’s other endorsees cruised to reelection after overcoming a tidal wave of corporate spending during the primary season: city council incumbents Alexa Avilés, who won by nearly 50 points, and Tiffany Cabán, who ran unopposed. Some non-endorsee reelections can also be counted as wins for the socialist movement, like socialist city council incumbent Shahana Hanif, who easily won a third term despite not seeking DSA’s endorsement this year, and public advocate Jumaane Williams, a socialist who served as a key supporter of Mamdani in the primary race.

Since the election, two more DSA candidates have announced campaigns for the New York State Assembly. If successful, they will give the newly elected Mamdani more much-needed allies at the state level, where his agenda may ultimately sink or swim.

Go East

Election Day was more of a mixed bag for socialists in Massachusetts. DSA-endorsed Ayah Al-Zubi won the third-most first-place votes out of nineteen candidates in the Cambridge city council’s ranked-choice system, becoming one of only two victorious challengers in what was otherwise a good night for incumbents. Al-Zubi championed municipally owned social housing as a solution to the affordability crisis and was praised by vice mayor and top city council vote-getter Marc McGovern for her grassroots, door-knocking-focused campaign.

Also winning in Cambridge was Boston DSA–backed Jivan Sobrinho-Wheeler, who won his third term to the city council, though he didn’t receive the national DSA endorsement. Sobrinho-Wheeler was unseated from the council in 2021 but won back a seat in 2023 after the city’s then vice mayor decided not to seek a fourth term. He has sponsored ordinances to end broker fees, build bike lanes, and, most recently, strengthen Cambridge’s sanctuary city status in Donald Trump’s second term.

But in Somerville, where socialists have been a fixture on the thirteen-member city council since first winning two seats in 2017, the Left suffered disappointment, as two-term socialist city councilor Willie Burnley Jr was beaten in the mayor’s race by 11 points despite an endorsement from Senator Ed Markey. Burnley, who has credited both Jacobin magazine and his own financial struggles with converting him to socialism, had looked to replicate Mamdani’s approach in the ultraliberal Massachusetts, after having been involved in successful legislative efforts to forgive medical debt and expand tenant rights.

Burnley first won election in 2021, as part of a push in Somerville to win the country’s first socialist city council majority that resulted in four seats. That number has since been reduced to three, after socialist councilor Charlotte Kelly chose in 2023 to not seek reelection in favor of organizing outside of elected office. In another letdown for socialists, Boston DSA–endorsed candidate Marcos Candido narrowly lost his bid for a city council seat in the city of Lowell to an incumbent he had beaten in a preliminary race months earlier.

In brighter news for the Left, Somerville residents also approved a ballot measure divesting the city from Israel. Burnley’s victorious opponent has not endorsed the measure though, making its future uncertain.

Socialists made gains elsewhere onf the east coast. In the DC metro area, Frankie Fritz unseated a thirty-four-year incumbent on the Greenbelt city council in a high-turnout election that saw them win more votes than three incumbents. In the small North Carolina town of Carrboro, Danny Nowell won reelection to a second term on the town council, pointing to his role in building the town’s first municipal building in decades — a library — and promising to rewrite the town’s Land Use Ordinance to encourage affordable housing and environmentally friendly construction.

Still to be decided are Joel Brooks’s and Jake Ephros’s bids for Jersey City council; their races have gone to runoffs. Endorsed by progressive housing policy expert and winning state assembly candidate Katie Brennan, Brooks led the vote in his ward, while Ephros narrowly trails the top vote-getter in his, a social services lawyer whose father was a three-term mayor of the city.

Slow and Steady

This past Tuesday continues a consistent trend over the past five to ten years: of socialist candidates winning elections around the country, and slowly but surely building up their ranks in elected office. The major difference is that in previous years, these downballot victories have often been paired with high-profile defeats. In this case, they have, for a change, come with what is arguably the biggest election victory the socialist Left has ever had in the form of Mamdani’s New York mayoral win.

Mamdani’s campaign served as an explicit model for many of these downballot socialist campaigns, not just in terms of their emphasis on furious door-knocking and other volunteer efforts but also in their laser focus on affordability, particularly housing issues. Their success suggests that Mamdani’s campaign is pointing the way for socialists in the era of skyrocketing housing costs and a cost-of-living crisis.Email

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Branko Marcetic is a staff writer at Jacobin magazine and a 2019-2020 Leonard C. Goodman Institute for Investigative Reporting fellow. He is the author of Yesterday’s Man: The Case Against Joe Biden.