Saturday, December 27, 2025

Opinion

I did not understand I grew up in a concentration camp until I left Gaza

Growing up in Gaza, I didn't realize that the siege I was living under was unique or that others didn't face a constant threat of death. It was only after I left that I understood I had grown up in a concentration camp, and that it shaped my life.
 December 24, 2025
MONDOWEISS



A Palestinian family sits on the rubble of their home destroyed during Israel’s 22-day offensive in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip on February 16, 2009. The attacks came despite ceasefires declared on January 18, 2009, after a three-week Israeli offensive against the territory’s Hamas rulers that killed 1,330 Palestinians (Photo: APAIMAGES PHOTO / Ashraf Amra)


I was around ten years old when I first saw death carried through the street like a neighbor.

I was outside our house in Gaza, playing in the street the way children do when they have no parks. I was kicking a crushed soda can like it was a football. The air was soft, the kind of afternoon when the sun is gentle and you forget, for a moment, that you live under occupation. Then I heard it. At first it was only a faint noise, something like a distant drum. Footsteps, many of them, all at once

I remember hearig voices before I saw faces. A wave of chanting rolled toward me, words I could not understand, broken by the rhythm of marching feet. For a few seconds, I thought it might be a wedding. In Gaza, chanting and loudspeakers can mean joy or grief, and as a child you do not always know which is which.

The crowd came closer. Men filled the street, packed shoulder to shoulder, moving with a kind of heavy purpose. In the middle of them, high above the heads, I saw a body wrapped in white.

They were not walking like people going to the market. They were marching. The body moved with them, lifted up on arms, swaying slightly with each step. I froze in the middle of the road. Dust stuck to my legs. The air smelled like sand and sweat. Someone near me whispered the word “shaheed.”

A martyr.

I did not know what that meant. I only knew that a human being was being carried past me and that nobody seemed surprised. Some people joined the march. Others watched from windows. The chants grew louder. I remember feeling very small, as if the crowd would swallow me. Then, suddenly, I ran.

I sprinted back home, heart racing, my slippers slapping against the ground. I burst through the door and asked my father what I had seen. He said it was a funeral procession of a martyr, a young man shot by Israeli soldiers because he was throwing stones, because he was protesting, because he wanted freedom and a decent life.

My father said it simply, like a weather report.

The word “martyr” settled in my mind long before I understood politics or international law. Funeral marches like that became part of the background of my childhood. They passed through our streets often enough that they stopped being strange. You might be doing homework, or buying bread, or visiting a relative, and somewhere in the distance you would hear the chant begin and know that another body was being carried through the city.

Death, at some point, stopped being an event and became a pattern.

Years later, another scene welded itself into me. By then I was in high school. It was late December 2008, the beginning of one of the major assaults on Gaza. That day I left school and walked, not to my parents’ house, but to the apartment of my sister who had just been married. I went there the way any younger brother would: to see how she was settling into her new home and, if I am honest, to eat baklava.

In Gaza, weddings mean sweets. Even in poverty, people borrow money to buy chocolates and pastries for guests. It is a way of insisting that joy still exists.

I reached her building, climbed the stairs, and sat on the couch in the new living room. The house still smelled like fresh paint and new furniture. My sister was smiling. There was a tray of sweets. I remember the taste of the baklava, the syrup and pistachio, still in my mouth.

Then the first bomb hit.

The sound was not like anything I had heard before. It was not just loud. It had weight. It grabbed the entire house and shook it. The doors flew open. The windows shattered. Glass exploded inward across the floor. We all jumped to the ground without planning it. My ears were ringing. The air tasted of dust and something metallic.

For a few seconds the world felt like it was breaking apart, and I did not know if the next bomb would land on us.

My sister screamed. Her husband tried to calm her, but his face was pale. I remember my own body trembling. Outside, more explosions. The house that had been “new” a few minutes earlier looked wounded, its windows blown out, its clean floors covered with shards and dust.

There is a moment in every war where your mind shifts from “this might happen” to “this is happening right now.” That was my moment.

I wanted to run back to my parents’ home. My sister did not want me to leave, because we did not know where the bombs would fall. For an hour I stayed there, my heart sprinting inside my chest, listening to the sound of distant strikes, wondering if my family knew where I was. She called my father to tell him I was safe with her. Eventually, when there was a pause in the bombing, I ran home through streets that felt different from the ones I had walked in that morning.

It took years for me to understand that these scenes were not just “war memories” or “a hard life.” They were the daily rituals of a place designed to keep people inside and under control. I did not know the language of “open air prison” or “concentration camp.” I only knew that my world was full of bodies in the street, glass on the floor, and a silence in my father’s eyes that I could not yet read.

Later, much later, I would find the words. Human Rights Watch would publish a report marking fifteen years of blockade and say clearly that the closure “trapped” more than two million Palestinians in a small coastal strip, turning Gaza into an open air prison. The Norwegian Refugee Council would describe Gaza in the same terms, as would War Child, sharing testimonies of Palestinian children who say they feel like they are growing up in a prison without a roof. UN experts would go further and describe the entire occupied territory as a system of open air imprisonment, and would call Gaza “the open air prison of our time.”

By the time I read those words, the camp was already there, all around me. I was just a child growing up inside it
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Palestinians stuck in Egypt wait to cross into Gaza at Rafah’s border crossing, in the southern Gaza Strip. Egypt has warned Palestinians against trying to break through its resealed Gaza border about two weeks after Hamas militants blew it open to defy an Israeli-led blockade in January 2008. (Photo: APA Images)

The blockade did not arrive in my life as a headline. It arrived in my father’s breathing.

I was in high school when it began. People talked about “al hisar,” the siege, as if it were just another word in the long dictionary of Palestinian suffering. At first I did not understand what it really meant. I only understood that my father’s world began to collapse.

Before the blockade, he worked in construction. He brought building materials into Gaza, especially cement. He dealt with suppliers, trucks, crossings. His work was not easy, but it was a life. He could provide for eight children, his wife, and his mother. He was proud of that.

Then the borders tightened.

Cement stopped coming in. One restriction after another, one permit after another denied, until his entire business simply died. There was no big announcement. No one from any government came to our house and said: “From now on, your father will not work, your family will not have a stable income, your future will narrow to the width of this strip.”

It just ended.

Much later, when I began to read economists like Sara Roy, I saw my father’s story turned into data. She calls it “de development,” a deliberate policy that makes normal economic life impossible, that turns a society from productive to dependent. In her books on Gaza, she shows how closures and restrictions are not side effects. They are design. When I read her work, I saw my father’s shoulders inside every chart about unemployment and every paragraph about destroyed industry.

Our house was small. Three narrow bedrooms and a living room that did not deserve to be called a living room. At first I shared a room with my brother, who is five years older than me. As he grew up, he needed his own space. I understood that. There was nowhere else to go, so I moved my mattress into the living room. That became my bed.

My father’s computer was also in the living room.

From the day the blockade started, a new routine entered our home. Every morning, after the dawn prayer, he would sit at the computer and open the news. These were the years before social media became central. He moved between local sites and Hebrew news, trying to read the decisions that controlled our lives.

I would wake up as soon as he turned on the computer. The light from the screen cut across the dark room. I did not tell him I was awake. I lay there on my mattress, my back to him, listening.

He rarely spoke, but I could hear his breathing. Long exhale. Short inhale. Sometimes a small sound, not even a word, just something like “ah” that slipped out of him before he pulled it back. I waited for a sentence that never came. He did not say, “The crossings opened.” He did not say, “Cement is allowed in again.” He did not say, “Things will go back to how they were.”

Day after day, he searched for a different answer. Day after day, the answer stayed the same.

I did not yet have the language of “collective punishment” or “economic strangulation.” I only had the image of my father’s shoulders becoming heavier over time. I do not remember seeing him truly relaxed or financially comfortable after the blockade began. His face became more serious, his patience shorter, his smile rarer. He was not sick. He was not weak. He was a man who could no longer fulfill his role in a place where roles were broken on purpose.

There were eight of us children. At one point, four of us were at university at the same time. Tuition, books, transportation, daily expenses, all resting on a man whose business had been wiped out not by market failure, but by policy.

He tried different things. Small projects. New ideas. Each time he hoped this one would work. Each time, the same walls appeared. Closures. Shortages. A shattered economy inside an already shattered place. Failure did not mean he was not trying hard enough. It meant the cage was doing what it was designed to do. Researchers like Sara Roy describe this as making Gaza “unviable.” Think tank reports speak about policies that “make Gaza unlivable.” I did not need those words to know that our living room, with its glowing computer screen and silent man in the dark, was part of that same design.

I do not think he ever stopped looking up news about the crossings. He just stopped talking about what he wanted to rebuild.

It was not only my father who changed. The atmosphere around us shifted. Before the blockade, life in Gaza was never “normal,” but people still imagined futures. They talked about working in Israel, or finding a way to study abroad, or saving to build a house. After the blockade, those dreams sounded more and more like fiction.

People stopped making long-term plans. You cannot plan ten years ahead when you do not know if you will have electricity tomorrow. You cannot plan a life that moves when all the exits are locked. Human Rights Watch and B’Tselem describe this reality in legal language. They talk about a “closure” regime that controls who and what goes in or out, how materials are rationed, how even medical patients and students are blocked from travel. When I read their reports, I recognize the small conversations that disappeared from our house, the way people stopped saying “one day I will” and started saying “inshallah” with less and less conviction.

Even worship was affected. My mother, like many older women in Gaza, always dreamed of going to Mecca for Hajj. It is one of the pillars of her faith, one of the deepest wishes of her life. She has still never gone. Not because she did not save money. Not because she did not want to. Simply because the borders insist that a woman in Gaza, who has done nothing but raise a family in a refugee strip, cannot move.

In testimonies collected by human rights groups, you can read stories about people blocked from leaving Gaza to get life saving treatment, to study, to work, to reunite with family. They speak of “separation,” of families torn apart by travel bans and closed crossings. Each testimony sounds like it was written in my parents’ living room, under that same dim light.

This is not the kind of prison you see in movies, with bars and guards in uniforms. It is a different kind of cage, built out of permits and crossings and invisible decisions made in offices far away. A cage that makes you fight with your own poverty and then blames you for losing. Scholars of carceral geography now study Gaza as an example of how space itself can be turned into a punishment, a place where an entire population is confined and monitored without the walls of a traditional prison. But before the theory, there was my father at the computer, reading the invisible walls in the morning news.

While all this was happening, the infrastructure of our days was slowly stripped away.

Palestinian boys take part in a rally calling for an end to the siege on Gaza in front of the UN headquarters in Gaza City on July 07, 2009. (Photo: Naaman Omar/APA Images)

Electricity became a timetable rather than a constant. At the beginning, we might have fourteen hours of power, then fewer and fewer. After each war, after each major assault, the power plant would be hit again. First you hear the news, then you feel it when the lights go out for longer periods. Ten hours without power. Twelve. Sixteen. In the last years before I left, we had around four hours of electricity a day.

Health experts now write about how Gaza’s health system is collapsing inside this open air prison. They talk about hospitals that cannot run equipment because of fuel shortages, water that is unsafe to drink, sewage that cannot be treated. Policy reports explain that this is not an accident but a result of a blockade that limits fuel, materials, and even calorie counts. For us, it showed up as spoiled food in the fridge, dark classrooms, and nights when the only light came from phones and candles.

Time itself bent around the schedule of the grid. You learn to count your life by those hours. When to cook. When to wash clothes. When to study. When to charge your phone and the emergency batteries. The rest of the day belongs to the dark.

Charging a phone should be a thoughtless act. You plug it in, you forget about it. Under the blockade, it became a task, a small journey. Some people in each neighborhood had fuel and generators. They became the unofficial charging stations. You would see people walking with phones, chargers, and power strips, heading there when the power was off in their own homes.

Imagine having to leave your house and walk to another street just to give your phone a little life. Imagine doing this again and again, week after week, year after year, not because of a natural disaster, but because someone decided that this is how you should live.

When I was a university student, this took a special kind of cruelty. Professors started assigning online homework and quizzes, trying to keep up with the modern world. We would sit in front of our screens, our eyes on the questions, our minds on the ticking clock in the corner and the invisible clock of the electricity cut.

You begin an online quiz knowing that at any moment the power might go out. The screen could go black in the middle of a sentence, and all your answers would disappear with it. Sometimes that meant losing grades. Sometimes you could not retake the quiz. Then came the explanations: messages to professors, begging them to understand that you are not lazy, you are just plugged into a fragile grid controlled by people who do not know your name and do not care about your GPA.

Even when teachers believed us, the fear stayed. Every assignment became a small test not only of knowledge, but of whether the electricity gods would be kind for an hour.

The shrinking of Gaza was not only political. It was personal. The shrinking lived inside my chest before I ever named it. I felt it when I hesitated to dream about simple things, like choosing a career because I loved it or imagining a future house that was not already cracked. I felt it when relatives told me to “be realistic,” not because my grades were bad, but because the borders were. Even my hopes had to fit inside the map of Gaza, inside the hours of electricity, inside whatever work my father could still find. Little by little, I stopped asking “What do I want to do with my life?” and started asking “What is even possible here?”

It showed itself in small, almost embarrassing comparisons with people my age who lived normal lives.

I remember one moment clearly. I had a friend named Steve, an African American guy from Miami. We met online because I wanted to improve my English. Most of our conversations were simple. What we ate for breakfast, what classes we were taking, how the day was going. Nothing deep. Nothing political. Just daily life.

Then one day Steve told me he was moving to Poland.

Not forever. Not because of danger. Not because he was fleeing anything. Simply because he wanted to study there. He decided it, booked a flight, moved, started classes, and then came home for winter break like it was a weekend trip.

He told the story casually, the way someone tells you they changed their phone plan. But for me, something cracked. I realized he had the ability to move in and out of countries like someone opening and closing doors in their own house. I realized that if he woke up one morning and wanted to study in another place, he could just go. There were airports. Visas. Consulates. Borders that opened.

The thought felt unreal, like hearing that someone can breathe underwater.

Then there were the video calls.

We would talk, laugh, argue about stupid things. And then, suddenly, in the middle of a sentence, the electricity would cut. The screen would freeze, blink, and disappear. The room would fall dark. Eight hours. Ten hours. Sometimes more. No explanation. No apology. Just silence.

When I came back online, Steve would ask:

“What happened? Are you okay?”

I had to explain every time.
The power cut.
The electricity schedule.
The generator shortage.
The siege you can hear in the walls.

For him, a power cut was something announced in advance or caused by a storm. For me, it was a constant reality. A thing that could interrupt any moment of life.

Years later, after arriving in the US, I received a text message from the electricity company saying:

“The power will go off for five minutes between this time and this time.”

A warning.
A courtesy.
A luxury so simple it hurt.

I stared at the message as if it were written in another language. For twenty years of my life, electricity never announced its absence. It vanished like a punishment.

That was the moment I realized the world outside Gaza was not just different. It was larger. Softer. Built for human beings. Built for planning, dreaming, leaving, returning. Built for people who were allowed to exist without rationing light.

Gaza, by contrast, had become a world where even a phone battery felt like borrowed time.

These details might sound like simple hardships, the way people talk about “life is hard in poor countries.” But Gaza is not just “a poor place.” Poor places usually let you leave. In Gaza, poverty is welded to confinement. The blockade does not simply make life difficult. It arranges difficulty in such a way that your energy is spent on basic survival instead of on building a future.

Writers and activists have been trying for years to name this combination. Some call Gaza a ghetto, a bantustan, a carceral zone. As early as the 1980s, analysts were already comparing Gaza to apartheid townships in South Africa. Later, an Israeli sociologist would call it the world’s largest concentration camp, and other commentators would argue that the shift from slow “spacio cide” to open massacre has turned parts of Gaza into something closer to an extermination camp. UN experts now warn that what is happening in Gaza is not only an open air prison but a test of the whole international order.

The funeral marches I saw as a child and the bombs that shook my sister’s new home were open acts of violence. The blockade is quieter. It comes as a morning ritual at a computer, as a mother who cannot go to Hajj, as a son sleeping in a living room listening to his father breathe, as a student racing against a power cut, as a phone in your hand that is always close to dying.

If a city can be turned into a kind of cell, this is how it begins. Not with a single event. With a long, slow shrinking of what is possible, until you wake up one day and realize that almost no one you love believes that “things will get better soon” anymore.

Palestinians mourn over the bodies of loved ones who were killed by Israeli fire while trying to receive aid, according to medics, at Al-Shifa Hospital, in Gaza City, August 4, 2025. (Photo by Omar Ashtawy/APA Images)

On August 4, 2025, my sister, Elham, was devastated by an unspeakable act. Israeli forces took the life of her husband, my brother in law, Haitham. He was a father simply trying to fulfill the most basic duty: securing food for his wife and their five young children. He was killed in one of the most cruel and senseless ways imaginable, caught in the death traps surrounding the humanitarian aid trucks near the borders.

Report after report now documents how families in Gaza are killed while trying to reach food or water, how entire families are wiped out in attacks that human rights groups call possible war crimes. Amnesty International describes whole families being erased in a moment. Gideon Levy collects dispatches about “the killing of Gaza.” To the outside world these are case studies and evidence. To my sister, they are the empty side of the bed and five children asking where their father went.

Abdalrahim Abuwarda
Abdalrahim Abuwarda is a Palestinian scholar and PhD candidate in English (Public Humanities) at the University of Wyoming. His research and teaching explore media representation, rhetoric, and the politics of storytelling in Palestine and beyond.

 ZIONIST IMPERIALISM

Israeli forces’ assault on Qabatiya continues into second day



Members of the Israeli forces take positions during a military raid in the West Bank town of Qabatiya, Saturday, Dec. 27, 2025. (AP)


WAFA
December 27, 2025

Residents of Jenin town forced to evacuate, properties seized

Troops dig up roads, cut electricity supply


RAMALLAH: Israeli troops questioned residents, searched homes and damaged buildings and roads in Qabatiya, south of Jenin, in the occupied West Bank, on Saturday as their operation in the town continued for a second day.

Some residents were forced to evacuate as soldiers took over a number of properties, including a school, to use as a base and to hold and question people, the Palestine News Agency WAFA reported.

Bulldozers were used to dig up streets and create roadblocks at key access points, while the electricity supply to several neighborhoods was cut off.

Also on Saturday, Israeli settlers attacked Palestinian vehicles at the entrance to the town of Bil’in, west of Ramallah, but there were no reports of any injuries to people or damage to property, WAFA said.

The Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission reported that Israeli forces and settlers carried out 2,144 attacks in November, mainly in the governorates of Ramallah and Al-Bireh (360), Hebron (348), Bethlehem (342) and Nablus (334).

Since early Saturday, Israeli forces have closed entrances to several villages and towns north and west of Ramallah, including Ni’lin and Kharbatha Bani Harith, causing traffic congestion and making it hard for Palestinians to move around.

Israeli soldiers also closed the Atara military checkpoint, making it harder for Palestinians to travel, especially for those going to and from villages northwest and west of Ramallah and from northern areas. A report by the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission in October said that the number of permanent and temporary checkpoints, including iron gates, across the Palestinian territories had risen to 916.

Israeli authorities have erected 243 iron checkpoint gates since the start of the conflict on Oct. 7, 2023.

On Dec. 20, Israel's military said that they killed a person in Qabatiya who “hurled a block toward the soldiers.”

It later said that the killing was under review, after Palestinian media aired brief security footage in which the youth appears to emerge from an alley and is shot by troops as he approaches them without throwing anything.

An Israeli reservist soldier rammed his vehicle into a Palestinian man ​as he prayed on a roadside in the occupied West Bank on Thursday, after earlier firing shots in the area, the Israeli military said.

"Footage was received of an armed individual running over a Palestinian individual," it said in a statement, adding the individual was ‌a reservist ‌and his military service ‌had been terminated.

The ​reservist ‌acted "in severe violation of his authority" and his weapon had been confiscated, the military said.


Israeli forces raid Syrian town in Quneitra countryside


December 27, 2025 
Middle East Monitor


A view of Al Qunaitra, where, over the past year since the fall of the Assad regime, the Israeli army has detained more than 40 people, established nine military bases in and around civilian settlements and strategic hills, and took over approximately 12,000 acres of land in the province in southern Syria on December 17, 2025. [Bakr Al Kasem – Anadolu Agency]

Israeli forces raided a countryside town in Syria’s southwestern province of Quneitra on Saturday in a new violation of the Arab country, according to official Syrian media, Anadolu reports.

The state-run Al-Ikhbariya TV channel reported that Israeli troops entered the town of Jabata al-Khashab with six military vehicles accompanied by an armored personnel carrier.

There was no immediate comment from the Israeli army or the Syrian authorities on the media report.

On Friday, Israeli forces fired medium-caliber​​​​​​​ machine guns from the Western Tal Ahmar position toward the Eastern Tal Ahmar in the southern rural Quneitra province. No casualties were immediately reported.

Israeli forces have carried out near-daily incursions in southern Syria in recent weeks, particularly in Quneitra province, conducting arrests, setting up checkpoints, and destroying forested areas, actions that have fueled growing local anger toward Israel.

Israeli forces have repeatedly entered Syrian territory and launched airstrikes, killing civilians and destroying Syrian military sites, vehicles, weapons, and ammunition.

After the fall of the Bashar al-Assad regime in late 2024, Israel expanded its occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights by seizing the demilitarized buffer zone, a move that violated a 1974 agreement with Syria.

UN peacekeeper injured from Israeli gunfire near patrol in southern Lebanon


December 27, 2025 
Middle East Monitor


The United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) are seen as they have reported that the Israeli army constructed two walls inside Lebanese territory along the border, in violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, near the town of Yaroun, Nabatieh, Lebanon on November 15, 2025. [Ramiz Dallah – Anadolu Agency]

A UN peacekeeper was injured by gunfire from Israeli army positions and a bomb explosion in southern Lebanon, the UN mission in the country, UNIFIL, announced Friday, Anadolu reports.

The peacekeeping mission said heavy machine gunfire from Israeli positions south of the Blue Line made impact near a UNIFIL patrol inspecting a roadblock in the village of Bastarra, followed by a grenade explosion nearby.

“The sound of the gunfire and the explosion left one peacekeeper slightly injured with ear concussion,” it added in a statement.​​​​​​​

No damage was reported.

In a separate incident, the UNIFIL said a second patrol carrying out “a routine operational task” in the village of Kfar Shouba also reported machine gunfire from the Israeli side in immediate proximity to their position.

The UN mission said that it had informed the Israeli army in advance about the patrol activities “following usual practice for patrols in sensitive areas near the Blue Line.”

The mission described incidents on or near peacekeepers as “serious violations of Security Council resolution 1701,” reiterating its call on the Israeli army “to cease aggressive behaviour and attacks on or near peacekeepers working for peace and stability along the Blue Line.”

A ceasefire has been in place in Lebanon since November 2024, after more than a year of attacks that killed more than 4,000 people and injured 17,000 others against the backdrop of the Israeli war in Gaza.

At least 335 people have been killed and 973 others wounded in Israeli attacks since the ceasefire, according to Lebanon’s Health Ministry.

The Israeli army was supposed to withdraw from southern Lebanon in January 2025 under the ceasefire, but instead only partially pulled out and continues to maintain a military presence at five border outposts.
Israel uproots 8,000 trees in West Bank in one week, causing $7m in losses

December 27, 2025 
Middle East Monitor


Israeli soldiers stand by as Israeli construction vehicles destroy agricultural lands and uproot centuries-old olive trees in the village of Karyut, south of the city of Nablus, West Bank on December 08, 2025. [Issam Rimawi – Anadolu Agency]


Israel uprooted and bulldozed more than 8,000 trees, most of them olive trees, in the West Bank in just one week, according to documentation released by the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture on Thursday. The ministry estimated the financial losses at around $7 million.

The ministry said Israeli army forces and settlers carried out the attacks as part of an intensifying escalation that directly targeted the agricultural sector and sources of food security in Palestinian areas.

It described the situation as a “dangerous and rapidly increasing” escalation, noting that the attacks took place during the third week of December and were part of what it called a systematic policy aimed at seizing land and removing its original residents.

According to the report, most of the attacks were concentrated in the northern and central West Bank. Israeli forces uprooted about 5,000 olive trees in the town of Silat al-Harithiya, west of Jenin, and another 3,000 olive trees in Turmus Ayya, east of Ramallah.

The ministry also recorded separate bulldozing operations that destroyed 156 olive trees in Mukhmas, east of Jerusalem, and 100 fig trees in the towns of Ramin and al-Nazla al-Sharqiya in the Tulkarm area.

Further damage included the uprooting of 13 olive trees in Al-Funduk village, east of Qalqilya, and 19 olive trees, including 10 old trees, in Deir Istiya in Salfit and Al-Minya in Bethlehem.
Amid Starvation and Mass Killings, This Gaza Baker Refused to Stop Her Work


“Finding flour alone took five full days,” says Dema Al-Buhisi, who continued baking in Gaza amid famine and bombings.
December 26, 2025

Dema, the cake girl who became known not only for creating cakes but for spreading joy. A young woman with unshakable determination, who began her dream as a university student with “Cake Online” — here she is decorating a cake with all her love, a dream that succeeded and continues to grow with her passion and resilience. Captured by Dema’s sister.


“The hardest part of working during the war was the endless search for the ingredients I needed to make cakes,” 23-year-old Gaza baker Dema Al-Buhisi tells me.

“For months, that struggle consumed me,” she adds. “Finding flour alone took five full days — five days just to get clean, unspoiled flour that hadn’t gone bad. And what about the famine we lived through? There was no meat, no vegetables, no fruit, not even medicine … so how could I possibly find anything related to baking cakes in the middle of all that scarcity?”

And yet with a resourcefulness and tenacity that moved everyone around her, Al-Buhisi found ways to continue baking throughout the worst days of the shelling and starvation inflicted by the Israeli military.

For this, she has become known in Gaza as the “Cake Girl”: she is an embodiment of how so many of us in Gaza have risked death to watch our dreams breathe.

Al-Buhisi has inspired many of us with her creativity and innovation. During the harshest days of famine, I was drawn to photos of her cakes on Instagram — they were colorful and inviting, even though we had no access to eggs or traditional food coloring!


Children Are Dying of Cold Exposure as Winter Hits Gaza
Israel has continued to restrict the entry of tents, tarps, and blankets into Gaza amid the bone-chilling rains. By Shahad Ali , Truthout December 20, 2025


I asked her the secret behind her creativity, and she told me it came from the alternatives she invented herself: She used vinegar instead of eggs, and replaced fruit and coloring with turmeric to give her cakes a beautiful yellow hue.
“When I Work, I Feel Like I Can Breathe Again”

Ten years ago, Al-Buhisi carried a small dream that grew within her: to have her own space in the world of desserts.

“When I was a child, I loved making sweets — especially cakes,” she told me. “I thought it was a normal hobby every girl might have, but with time I realized my passion wasn’t ordinary at all.”

In February 2022, Al-Buhisi launched her online cake business while studying accounting at Al-Azhar University. She ran the entire operation from a small private room in her family’s home in Deir al-Balah, in the south of the Gaza Strip, turning it into a workshop of creativity and determination. Her family believed in her completely; they bought her the tools she needed, and even a refrigerator to start her work. Al-Buhisi says that moment was one of the happiest in her life — it felt like she was finally stepping onto the path she loved.

Her name began to spread, her cakes gained recognition, and her dream was slowly taking shape — until the genocide began. Israel’s sustained assault on Gaza beginning in October 2023 brought life to a halt, forcing us all to focus solely on survival. And just like that, Al-Buhisi stopped making cakes — for six long months.

“The war drained me mentally,” Al-Buhisi said. “I felt a kind of depression I had never experienced before, especially after I stopped doing the things I love.”

Having lost all access to a refrigerator, a working oven, eggs, fruit, food coloring, and much more, she started modifying her recipes and baking small batches of cakes in a clay oven.

Her father, who works in the psychological field, noticed how heavily it was weighing on her. He advised her to return to the work she loved, because it was the only space where she could release her energy — and all the emotional pressure we live under here.

Al-Buhisi said, “When I work, I feel like I can breathe again. I love bringing joy to people. They used to call me the maker of happiness — even though all I do is make cakes — because I get to share their celebrations, their sweet moments.”

But when Al-Buhisi decided to resume baking in mid-March 2023, the shock of the barriers to doing so hit her hard. She had remained in Deir al-Balah, in the south, staying in her home throughout the war, but the room she used to work in — with all her tools, her refrigerator, and her supplies — had been damaged when the Israeli military bombed their neighbors’ house, leaving her own home severely affected. And every ingredient she had previously relied on had expired during those long six months of war.

And yet, Al-Buhisi did not consider giving up. Having lost all access to a refrigerator, a working oven, eggs, fruit, food coloring, and much more, she started modifying her recipes and baking small batches of cakes in a clay oven.

I know very well how exhausting it is to use a clay oven, especially since we have also been relying on one for the past two years due to the lack of gas. Even when gas is available, it comes only once a year.

Now, in order to bake, Dema must set up her clay oven, buy the firewood to burn inside it, and struggle to light it. It takes a long time to get it going, which is especially difficult for baking, because pastries normally require a gas oven.


Even obtaining firewood to fuel our clay ovens has become a challenge, so people have started burning wooden furniture from their homes.

Over time, even obtaining firewood to fuel our clay ovens has become a challenge, so people have started burning wooden furniture from their homes, and some have sold it for the same purpose.

Nevertheless, in the face of these challenges, Al-Buhisi has continued to find creative ways to make cakes throughout the recent years of war. She even gained supporters from abroad who sent her money to bake cakes and cupcakes for distribution in camps of displaced people living in tents in southern Gaza. She told me she personally volunteered to distribute her cakes and cupcakes in the camps because she loves to hear children’s laughter.

During the hepatitis outbreak, Al-Buhisi baked cakes specifically for affected children, using ingredients safe for their kidneys.

A photo taken on February 2, 2025 to honor Dima’s remarkable journey of success, celebrating the dream she began on February 2, 2022, and kept alive, even in the midst of war.    Norma Abu Jaiab

Her project became a source of joy for many families during the war. Parents ordered special cakes for their children’s birthdays in an attempt to offer them moments of happiness and momentarily erase the relentless experience of bombing and killing. As Al-Buhisi says, “Children have the right to feel joy. What we adults endured was unbearable — how could they not deserve a little happiness?”

Now, amid the so-called ceasefire that has in reality been characterized by ongoing attacks by the Israeli military on Palestinians, Al-Buhisi continues her work in the face of many challenges.

Food is still not available in the quantities that were common before the war, nor at the same prices. Food and fuel supplies are still limited, and even when traders manage to bring goods into Gaza, it costs them a great deal due to the blockade, which requires obtaining permission from the occupation authorities for any delivery.

I asked her, “What do you struggle with the most even after the ceasefire?”


Parents ordered special cakes for their children’s birthdays in an attempt to offer them moments of happiness and momentarily erase the relentless experience of bombing and killing.

She told me that she is still baking using the clay oven that she has had to rely on since 2023, and that making cakes with it is extremely difficult — especially during the summer, when it exhausts her completely. She added that the hardships are far from over: Eggs remain very expensive and difficult to find, even long after the official start of the ceasefire in January 2025.

And Al-Buhisi also carries with her the trauma of having lost her dearest and most beloved friend, Tasneem Abu Zakrya, who was killed by the Israeli army a year and a half ago in Al-Nuseirat during an operation carried out by the Israeli forces, supposedly to free Israeli prisoners held in Gaza. Al-Buhisi had talked on the phone with Abu Zakrya right before she was killed.

Moments after their conversation ended, Al-Buhisi received the devastating news — she learned that Abu Zakrya’s body had been reduced to fragments. Al-Buhisi told me that Abu Zakrya was not just a friend; she was part of Al-Buhisi’s soul and family.

Al-Buhisi’s decision to continue pursuing her dream doesn’t mean she is without pain. We all suffer, and we all carry the memories of the war and its hardships.
Dema with her cakes.

Yet what sets us apart — and reveals our true strength — is our ability to rise again, to return to life, and to hold on to what we love.

At the height of Israel’s attacks on Gaza this year, I thought children would never return to their education after their schools were destroyed or turned into shelters for the displaced. I wondered: What about university students whose campuses were completely erased? What about Al-Shifa Hospital, which rose again like a phoenix after being destroyed and besieged more times than we can count?

Yet somehow, even in this landscape of ruin, the universities — like the Islamic University and Al-Azhar University — have begun announcing their slow return. Not full reconstruction, but the first fragile signs of life. And some children, too, have found their way back to learning through small educational centers that have emerged from the rubble, trying to restore the rhythm of a stolen normalcy.

Just like Gaza’s “Cake Girl,” we keep moving forward, cherishing every small moment, and holding on to hope — as long as we remain alive.

This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


Dalia Abu Ramadan is a Palestinian storyteller and aspiring graduate of the Islamic University of Gaza, sharing powerful narratives that reflect the strength, resilience, and challenges of life in Gaza.

Rights Group Warns Israel’s Genocide Isn’t Over in Gaza


Israel has killed at least 400 Palestinians and injured over 1,100 others since the ceasefire began in October.


By Sharon Zhang ,
December 26, 2025

A general view shows destroyed houses in Nuseirat camp in the central Gaza Strip on December 26, 2025.Majdi Fathi / NurPhoto via Getty Images

Human rights groups have reiterated that the “ceasefire” deal in Gaza hasn’t stopped Israel from continuing its genocide of Palestinians, killing hundreds in the 12 weeks since the agreement began.

Israeli human rights group B’Tselem said in a statement on Thursday that “the genocide in Gaza is not over.”

“Since the ‘ceasefire’ was declared on 10 October 2025, Israel has been continuing its onslaught on the ground,” the group said. “The so-called ceasefire has been in effect for 75 days. In practice, Israel is continuing its campaign of killing, destruction, displacement and complete control of Palestinians’ lives in Gaza. The international community must stop enabling this façade and take action to help the people of Gaza.”

B’Tselem noted that Israel has killed 405 Palestinians and injured 1,114 since the ceasefire began on October 10 as of Monday, through continued strikes and military attacks.

Just last week, Israeli forces bombed a wedding in Gaza, killing six Palestinians and wounding others as the couple sought to have a moment of joy amid the violence. Gaza officials have said that Israel has committed 875 violations of the ceasefire thus far.



Gaza health officials have also said that several Palestinian children and infants have died due to exposure to cold, wet winter conditions. The UN says that Israel has been blocking food, shelter, and other essential humanitarian supplies like medicine since March, leaving millions exposed to the harshest conditions.

“Refusing to let it in is a choice — one that deprives people inside Gaza of the means to survive and recover,” the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) said on Friday.

B’Tselem noted that, as of December 16, Israel had only allowed 57 percent of 556 planned aid missions to proceed.

Israel has claimed in public statements that it is allowing the requisite 600 trucks of aid in per day since the ceasefire began, but even Israel’s own internal accounting suggests that authorities have only allowed in 459 trucks per day on average, with a significant proportion consisting of commercial goods; the UN reported earlier this month that only 113 trucks of UN-coordinated aid have been allowed to enter per day on average.

Israel is also continuing to exert control over Palestinians’ lives in other ways, including its ongoing occupation past the “yellow line” in Gaza as well as its continued demolition of buildings in Gaza.

“Nearly 1 million people who lived east of the line before the genocide are now crowded west of it in unlivable conditions,” said B’Tselem.

Amnesty International Secretary General Agnès Callamard shared B’Tselem’s statement, noting that Amnesty has also warned of the farce of the ceasefire. “This is [Amnesty’s] conclusion as well. Israel’s genocide in Gaza is continuing,” Callamard said.

Amnesty warned last month that Israel is “continuing to deliberately inflict conditions of life calculated to bring about [Palestinians’] physical destruction” in Gaza, even after receiving all of the remaining living Israeli captives.

“The ceasefire risks creating a dangerous illusion that life in Gaza is returning to normal. But while Israeli authorities and forces have reduced the scale of their attacks and allowed limited amounts of humanitarian aid into Gaza, the world must not be fooled,” Callamard warned.


Turkey Has A Crucial Role In The Rebuilding Of Gaza – OpEd

A family in Rafah, Gaza. Photo Credit: Tasnim News Agency

By Dr. Sinem Cengiz

After more than two years of Israel’s war on Gaza, a conflict that has left thousands of Palestinians dead, a breakthrough occurred in October with the signing of a US-led Gaza ceasefire agreement in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. With the truce now in place, the time has come to move to the next phase of the agreement: the establishment of an International Stabilization Force.

Turkiye was one of four countries that signed the agreement alongside the US, Egypt, and Qatar. This agreement was not the achievement of a single party, but a collective effort aimed at Gaza’s future. As such, each signatory bears significant responsibility for implementing it.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s personal diplomacy with the leaders of the other guarantor states, along with the constructive dialogue maintained by Turkish institutions, including the Foreign Ministry and intelligence services, with their regional counterparts, helped bring the process to this stage. However, Israel continues to pursue a spoiler strategy to disrupt the process. The main pretext for this strategy is Turkiye’s inclusion.

There are now growing divergences between the US and Israel regarding Turkiye’s role. Washington’s position is clear: It considers Turkiye’s role crucial and supports its inclusion in the post-Gaza framework. Regional countries share this view, seeking to broaden regional cooperation for Gaza by involving all key actors. Turkiye maintains close ties with all four guarantor states. Qatar is a key ally, working closely with Ankara to bring Hamas to the negotiating table and encourage the group toward disarmament. Egypt, particularly after the normalization of ties with Ankara, has strengthened its security cooperation with Turkiye. The Gaza war has further consolidated Turkish-Egyptian relations, as Cairo increasingly views Turkiye as a reliable security actor in the region, despite disagreements over some aspects of its foreign policy.


For Washington, including Turkiye in post-war arrangements is essential, particularly regarding Hamas’ position. On Wednesday, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan met Hamas political bureau officials in Ankara to discuss the Gaza ceasefire and advancing the agreement to its second phase. On Monday, US Ambassador to Turkiye Tom Barrack met Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in an effort to ease Israeli concerns about Turkiye. However, a real breakthrough is likely to depend on the meeting between Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump in Florida, scheduled for Monday. This will be the latest attempt to revive the Gaza plan, which aims to move from a ceasefire toward a new governing arrangement in Gaza, the deployment of a peacekeeping force, and the disarmament of Hamas.

In this meeting, even if Trump appears to agree — unwillingly — with Israel’s veto on Turkiye, mediators such as Egypt and Qatar will keep pressure to have Turkiye on their side. If Trump fails to convince Israel on Turkiye’s inclusion, then it is expected to at least initially push for a Turkish role framed as “symbolic” or limited. For Ankara, this would not be a problem. Turkiye is not insisting on a leading role in post-war arrangements; rather, it seeks to complement the roles played by Egypt, Qatar, and other regional actors. A secondary role does not conflict with Turkiye’s vision for Gaza.

However, even a limited Turkish role remains a concern for Israel, which views any Turkish troops in Gaza as crossing a “red line.” This reflects Israel’s long-standing rejection of deploying Turkish troops in the territory. In reality, Israel’s opposition stems from its desire to maintain maximum operational freedom in Gaza.

Moreover, Israel, whose forces are exhausted after prolonged operations and which lacks a naval force, is particularly concerned about Turkiye’s military and intelligence capabilities in the region. Israel argues that Turkiye’s relations with Hamas, which Ankara views as a liberation movement rather than a terrorist organization, is the problem. However, Hamas’ disarmament depends on the establishment of a new Palestinian governing entity and the presence of international peacekeepers, with Turkiye acting as a guarantor. In reality, without Turkiye’s involvement, the disarmament of Hamas may not even be realized. Turkiye has already played a prominent role in the first phase of the Gaza agreement, including efforts to secure the return of hostages. Trump himself acknowledges this and publicly thanked Ankara for using its influence to encourage Hamas to accept the peace plan.

Turkiye is, therefore, an indispensable actor and guarantor, given its active communication channels with Hamas, experience in humanitarian operations, and significant military and reconstruction capabilities. It has decades of experience in post-conflict zones across the world and is now ready to contribute to one of the world’s toughest post-conflict areas through all means if possible. According to reports, Turkiye has already planned to have roughly 2,000 personnel, including ground forces, as well as specialists in logistics and explosive ordnance disposal, for potential participation in the peacekeeping force.

Given Trump’s good relations with Erdogan, it is likely that he will try to bring options to assign Turkiye a role in the ISF. These roles may not — at the first stage — include Turkish troops patrolling in Gaza but may have a critical role in shaping policy and rebuilding the enclave. If Netanyahu continues to reject Turkiye’s inclusion, it is time for Washington to come up with a concrete plan for the second phase of the agreement in the meeting with the Israeli leader. Rather than attempting to fully convince him — given that he views Turkiye’s presence as an existential threat — the goal should be to reach a point where he agrees to disagree while allowing the process to move forward.

• Dr. Sinem Cengiz is a Turkish political analyst who specializes in Turkiye’s relations with the Middle East. X: @SinemCngz


Arab News

Arab News is Saudi Arabia's first English-language newspaper. It was founded in 1975 by Hisham and Mohammed Ali Hafiz. Today, it is one of 29 publications produced by Saudi Research & Publishing Company (SRPC), a subsidiary of Saudi Research & Marketing Group (SRMG).
DESANTISLAND
Florida Sets the Record for Death Penalties This Year


“We’re looking at execution roughly every 16 days,” said Grace Hanna of Floridians for Alternatives to the Death Penalty.
December 27, 2025

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks during a press conference on May 1, 2025, in Miramar, Florida. DeSantis has been criticized for setting executions and deciding clemency requests without providing any explanation for his decisions.
Joe Raedle / Getty Images

Edward Zakrzewski’s wife had known him since they were in the fourth grade. Growing up in the same neighborhood in Michigan, she and Zakrzewski had a close friendship. “I always had a crush on him, but I always knew that he was a ladies’ man in high school, and I was a good girl, so I wasn’t having that,” she said. As happens with many childhood friendships, they lost touch when her family moved away to Illinois. After decades of not being in touch, in a conversation with some old friends, she found out that Zakrzewski was on death row in Florida.

“I wrote him a letter, and all I said was, ‘I’m there for you if you need somebody to talk to, you probably don’t even remember me,’” she said. He wrote her back. “I went to visit him. And one thing led to another.” This December would have been their 11th marriage anniversary, but Zakrzewski was executed in July this year for the murder of his then-wife and their two children, in 1994.

His current wife did not want to be named to avoid attracting negative attention as the widow of a man who was executed. “It was like somebody had grabbed my heart and yanked it out of my chest,” she said when she heard that his execution warrant had been signed. “These guys are not all monsters. They are human beings that people exploit in the worst moments of their life. They don’t know the whole entire back story.”

Zakrzewski was an Air Force veteran who pled guilty without a plea agreement from the state, and only faced a jury for sentencing, according to a statement by Floridians for Alternatives to the Death Penalty (FADP). Almost half of his capital jury believed that the murders of his family were heavily mitigated by his exemplary military service and his “deep mental anguish” at the time of the crime. Five jurors wanted to spare his life for two of the murders, and six voted to sentence him to life without parole for the third, according to the same statement. But at the time, Florida law only required a simple majority to sentence someone to death row. Under Florida’s current law passed in 2023, Zakrzewski may not have qualified for execution, as the jury vote currently required for a death sentence is at least 8-4 (and is still the lowest in the nation).

His execution in July was the ninth execution in Florida in 2025, marking a state record for executions in one year since the restoration of the death penalty in the U.S. in 1976. The state surpassed its record of eight executions, which was set in 2014. Florida has executed 19 people since February 13, making it the state with the highest number of executions carried out in any given year since the death penalty was reinstated.


Trump Directs DOJ to Seek the Death Penalty in DC “in All Appropriate Cases”
Trump’s executive order is “designed to spread fear,” Free DC says, “something we know authoritarians always do.” By Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg , Truthout September 29, 2025


“That means we’re looking at execution roughly every 16 days. This is a really phenomenal pace,” said Grace Hanna, Executive Director of FADP. “In [some] other states, there have actually been court orders saying that they need to give 30 or 60 or even 90 days between executions to give the corrections staff time to regroup, but here in Florida, we have gone nonstop.”

In Florida, unlike most other states where the courts are heavily involved in the process, the governor has the sole authority to issue execution warrants. Current Gov. Ron DeSantis has been criticized for setting executions and deciding clemency requests without providing any explanation for his decisions.

“When you ask Governor DeSantis, he says it is for the victims’ families. And while that is certainly true in some cases, we also work with a lot of victims’ families who don’t want the death penalty and don’t feel that that honors their loved one’s legacy,” Hanna said. “I think also, we see political motivations. Perhaps, you know, President Trump has encouraged governors and the attorney general to pursue the death penalty whenever possible. We also look at any potential elections that are coming up, and does someone want to run as a tough on crime candidate.”

Donald Trump, in his first term, carried out a record number of federal executions during his last seven months in office, executing 13 individuals.

“He kind of set this precedent for how quickly you could go with the death penalty. And I think DeSantis for many reasons, wanted to either carry on that legacy or best that legacy,” Hanna said.

In 2023, Florida had a similar spree of executions, though 2025 has tripled that number. The six executions in 2023 followed three years of no executions in the state. In 2023, Governor DeSantis also launched his presidential campaign, and while Bridget Maloney, communications director for FADP, doesn’t “know that that was the reason why he [DeSantis] was doing so many … he was not doing any of them, and then was doing a lot.”

Further, on Trump’s first day in office, he signed an executive order titled “Restoring the Death Penalty and Protecting Public Safety,” encouraging a pro-punishment outlook and encouraging state attorneys general to bring capital charges.

“President Trump’s messaging around the death penalty really shows how out of touch he is with the views of the American public,” said Robin Maher, executive director of the Death Penalty Information Center. “His support for the death penalty is really a message from another era when public support for the death penalty was much higher than it is today, and at its time, that the American public didn’t have the same concerns about the death penalty, cost, effectiveness and accuracy.”

The punitive approach of Trump and Attorney General Pam Bondi, who was the Florida attorney general under Gov. Rick Scott’s administration, has impacted the number of death sentences carried out this year, according to Maloney. Under Scott’s administration, Florida executed eight people, the state record before 2025 for the number of executions in one year. “I think that our administration, Florida, has really taken all of those calls to the extreme,” Maloney said.

“My advice to those who are seeking to avoid the death penalty in Florida would be to not murder people,” said communications director Alex Lanfranconi when Truthout reached out to DeSantis’s office for comment.

Experts are concerned about the seemingly arbitrary nature of the selection process for whose execution warrant will be signed next. They have also expressed concerns about racial motivations for signing execution warrants and inadequate legal representation.

Kayle Bates, who was executed earlier this year in August, had previously gotten a stay on his execution and was ordered a new sentencing hearing due to ineffective counsel. He was ultimately given the death penalty again. Throughout his trials and appeals process, he had challenged being denied DNA testing, and argued that he was tried by a biased jury. Shortly before his planned execution, Bates, who is Black, brought a civil suit against DeSantis alleging Florida’s execution warrant process ​“is infected with racial discrimination and unconstitutional arbitrariness.” Included in the claim is a statistical analysis showing that ​“95% of the executions that Governor DeSantis has authorized involved white victims.” They also argued that a defendant who is convicted of killing a white victim is over fifteen times more likely to be executed than a defendant whose victims are not white.” It notes as well that “[n]early 88% of Florida’s modern executions have been for cases with white victims.”

Hours after the lawsuit was filed, DeSantis signed the execution warrant for Curtis Wyndham, who had killed three Black people. In the response to the lawsuit brought by Bates, DeSantis and his team said that four of the 21 warrants signed by Governor DeSantis have been for Black prisoners, which was true at the time that the response was filed, and the number as of today is that 6 of the 28 warrants signed have been for Black defendants. “They signed that warrant specifically to skew the numbers. And we know that this was a rushed warrant. We know that it wasn’t planned,” Hanna said. Prior to Wyndham’s warrant being signed, only 18 percent of the victims involved in those warrants were non-white victims.

“He was hopeful that that [the lawsuit] was going to give him some relief. I was hopeful of that also I thought it was a well litigated claim, and unfortunately, the courts did not,” said Thomas Dunn, a member of Bates’s legal team who became his longtime friend after he no longer represented him.

“Kayle had actually exhausted his first rounds of appeals, and at that point in time this case sat for many years and nothing happened, and I had convinced myself, and I think Kayle had convinced himself, that perhaps he wasn’t going to ever get an execution,” Dunn said. “When I found out that he got a warrant, it was, personally, very devastating to me. I represented hundreds of people facing the death penalty. Kayle’s the only one that was facing an execution.”

He was adamant that people continue to fight for him to the end, and his wish to his daughter and his sister and to Dunn was that they continue to talk about his case, Dunn said. “There’s two issues that still remain open. He had DNA in his case, which I think could have exculpated him. He was denied the testing of DNA evidence twice,” he said. “And then in the late stages of his federal litigation, after I left the case, it was determined that one of the victims’ second cousins, actually sat on the original jury.” The courts prohibited anyone on Kayle’s team from interviewing this person and denied the claim, saying it was 40 years too late, Dunn said.

“I thought we were going to have more time. And I know for years, he’s been pressing to get the DNA tested, and that’s what he wanted,” said Gabrielle Wise-Brice, Bates’s cousin. “The only thing that I felt that I could do was just keep advocating and just just ask, you know, for the DNA to be tested.”

Further, experts believe that the chance for anyone to receive clemency in Florida is also low. The board that decides on matters of clemency is made up of Governor DeSantis; Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier, who succeeded Ashley Moody and is a big proponent of the death penalty; State CFO Blaise Ingoglia, who sponsored the bill for non-unanimous juries being able to recommend the death penalty in 2023; and Commissioner of Agriculture Wilton Simpson.

For a clemency request to be granted, three of the four members need to vote in favor of it, including the governor, who also has sole discretion to deny the request. “Why on earth would two people who are solely responsible for signing and defending this warrant, then, you know, turn around and be objective as to whether or not the person deserves clemency, particularly with a third vote being somebody who led this expansion of the death penalty in the legislature?” said Maloney. “I think it really kind of shows how concentrated power is in Governor DeSantis and the attorney general’s hands.”

For those on death row and their loved ones, the system seems to be working against them. “Zak had made his peace with death, and he was okay with it. I think he was just more concerned on how I would handle it,” Zakrzewski’s widow said. “I feel like it doesn’t do any good to execute these men, because it’s not stifling our criminal records here…. It’s not doing anything and it’s taking away loved ones from people that love people on death row. I mean, it doesn’t make any sense…. They want to just go ahead and kill as many as they can.”


Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.

Nayanika Guha is a freelance writer who focuses on writing about social justice, identity and community. She has a background in psychology and social work, which informs her writing and world view. Her work has appeared in The Guardian, The Lily, Refinery 29, and more.








The Trump official who did the most harm to public health in 2025 isn't Kennedy


President Donald Trump with members of his Cabinet, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, an
d Interior Secretary Doug Burgum in 2025 (image from White House galleries)


December 27, 2025 


For much of 2025, public-health debates in the United States have focused on the damage being caused by Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. with his reckless vaccine policy decisions, deep funding cuts, the wholesale firing of experienced public health professionals across Health and Human Services agencies, and the loss of trust in public health institutions like the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

His actions weakened domestic health protections and further eroded trust in science, evidence based decision making and the scientific method itself.

But even accounting for all of Kennedy’s harm, the most destructive public health decision of 2025 didn’t come from his agency. It came from the Secretary of State Marco Rubio via elimination of the U.S. Agency for International Development.

That decision will cost more lives, undermine more health systems and increase global health risk more than any other public health policy choice made this year. It also delivered a severe blow to America’s ability to lead through diplomacy.

USAID provided key global public health infrastructure

For decades, USAID was one of the most important public-health institutions on the planet, arguably more consequential than the World Health Organization or the Gates Foundation. It served as a core pillar of global disease prevention and health-system stability. Today, it’s gone.

USAID funded (and held partners accountable for) infectious disease surveillance, HIV treatment, tuberculosis and malaria prevention, maternal and child health services, clean water and sanitation systems, nutrition programs for mothers and infants, vaccine delivery infrastructure and health workforce training in developing nations.

USAID’s work stopped outbreaks before they became pandemics. It reduced mass displacement. It stabilized regions where collapsing health systems fuel hunger, conflict and migration. It improved women’s health, helped families plan their futures and helped entire populations escape poverty.

USAID focused on upstream prevention on a global scale. It was also one of our most effective tools for building diplomatic influence.

Hard power, soft power and why USAID mattered

In international affairs, countries project power in two ways. Hard power relies on forces like military strength, sanctions and the threat of punishment. Soft power relies on trust, humanitarian aid, scientific cooperation and being seen as a reliable partner acting in good faith.

USAID was a cornerstone of American soft power. When the U.S. helped countries prevent disease, strengthen health systems, and keep children alive and families out of poverty, it built credibility. We earned cooperation and trust. It made American leadership legitimate rather than coercive.

Eliminating USAID didn’t just dismantle public health infrastructure; it dramatically weakened our soft power. It broadcasts that the U.S. is transactional, unreliable and disinterested in shared global responsibility.

That erosion of trust will make cooperation during future emergencies far more difficult not only for this administration, but for future ones that may want to restore America’s role as a force for good.


The damage is u
Thanks to Secretary Rubio disease surveillance is collapsing, meaning outbreaks are detected later or not at all. Interruptions in HIV and tuberculosis treatment are fueling drug resistance, which will inevitably reach us as well.

Gaps in maternal and child health services are translating into preventable deaths. Weakening vaccine infrastructure invites the return of diseases that were on the decline.

Who owns this decision

Responsibility for this decision is clear. As Secretary of State, Rubio presided over, defended, and even trumpeted the dismantling of USAID. President Trump supported it. Elon Musk helped drive the ideological and operational wrecking ball that made it possible.

Together, they reframed global public health as expendable “foreign aid” rather than what it is: A frontline defense against disease, instability, humanitarian catastrophe and a key source of American soft power.

What history will remember

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has done real damage to public health in 2025. But history will judge the elimination of USAID as something even worse: an abdication of public health responsibility trading several decades of disease prevention and diplomacy for personal ambition and professional survival.


History will remember Rubio’s decision as an abandonment of global public health and soft power, not dollars “saved.”