Tuesday, September 15, 2026

Responsibilities in close social relationships explain differences across cultures



Study untangles decades of conflicting findings on identifying collectivism



Arizona State University






Do you think that a person who reorganizes their life so that their aging parents can live with them would be likely to push another out of the way on the subway? What about greeting strangers with a smile?

The answers to these questions are at the heart of a puzzle social psychologists have been debating for 30 years: how to best understand differences between cultures. 

Cultures are generally classified as interdependent or independent, and the prevailing idea that defines cultural differences is whether people value others more than the individual, a concept called collectivism. For decades, the surveys that social psychologists used to measure collectivism have generated contradictory and nonsensical findings, such as repeatedly labeling Western cultures, such as the United States and United Kingdom, as more interdependent than East Asian countries, such as Japan.

In a study published in Nature Human Behavior on September 15, an international research team has shown that the responsibilities people hold in close relationships are what reliably differentiates Eastern and Western cultures and form the foundation of collectivism. The researchers developed a survey to measure this phenomenon, which they termed responsibilism. 

“Culture is everywhere, and because it is everywhere, understanding it unlocks opportunities all around us,” said Thomas Talhelm, lead author on the study and the new Robert Cialdini Endowed Professor in Social Influence in the Arizona State University Department of Psychology.

“This work on responsibilism has the potential to give insight to people who straddle cultures, including children of immigrants navigating conflicting expectations at home and in school, teachers who adjust their instruction based on students with different value sets, or doctors who have to help people make decisions for sick family members.”

The importance of who and what

Talhelm spent 7 years living in China, which inspired and shaped this work. While living in Beijing, he experienced competitive jostling on the subway and received suspicious frowns when he smiled at people he passed on the street. At first, these behaviors seemed to be inconsistent with China having a collectivist culture — until he realized the common thread running through all these interactions was that they were between people who did not have close relationships with each other. Talhelm thought this thread might be contributing to contradictory findings about collectivism.

To test this idea, the research team set up the new survey questions to drill down into the responsibilities that come with having a close relationship with someone. The questions were specific about who was involved and what was happening, such as scenarios about keeping aging parents at home or going to a party and talking to people you don’t know to make new friends. The researchers specified the closeness of the people involved, whether it was a parent, coworker or stranger, and the circumstance and actions involved. Separately, the survey included questions about emotions, such as how people felt about others who were close to them or part of a larger group.

This responsibilism survey was translated into 45 languages and given to 12,247 people in 100 different cultures. The sampled countries covered 90 percent of the world’s population.

The new survey reliably separated East Asian and Western cultures, which previous work struggled to do. Countries in Africa, the Middle East and Asia scored higher in responsibilism than North America, Europe and Australia.

“Individualism versus collectivism explains differences between continents, nations, and even groups within nations,” Talhelm said.

Responsibilism predicts societal differences and individual behaviors

Collectivist cultures tend to do well on measures of social order, but those come at the cost of individual rights and openness, Talhelm explained. Countries that scored high on the responsibilism survey have lower democracy scores and more corruption in government. They also have fewer policies favoring immigrants, such as right to work and family reunification, and fewer patents and sales of creative goods. The survey also found differences in public health, with countries scoring high having fewer deaths per capita from COVID-19 and lower rates of drug abuse.

Scores on the responsibilism survey also predicted behaviors at the individual level, with higher scores being associated with living with extended family members and being willing to lie in court for a close friend. By contrast, lower responsibilism scores, which are associated with more independent cultures, were associated with being likely to return a lost wallet — and with fewer parking tickets given to United Nations diplomats.

Diplomatic immunity means that parking tickets do not have to be paid, but despite the nonexistent consequences, the number of parking tickets among U.N. diplomats varied widely, ranging from none to 246 per diplomat over a 4-year period. Violating parking rules means that someone else, who is likely unknown to the driver, was unable to park. The distance of this relationship likely influences the choice of where to park, and the diplomats with the most parking tickets from near the U.N. were from countries with high responsibilism scores.

This work was conducted with researchers from Northwestern University; Hubei University in Wuhan, China; ESADE Business School in Barcelona, Spain; Sultan Qaboos University in Muscat, Oman; Maqsut Narikbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan; Aarhus University in Aarhus, Denmark; and Wenzhou Kean University in Wenzhou, China. The research was supported by the William Ladany Faculty Scholar fund and the National Science Foundation of China.

  

Why most rivers don’t respond to storms the same way twice


A global analysis of catchments underscores the complexities of modelling river run off and flooding—and provides new tools for hydrologists



University of British Columbia

Forested catchments on Vancouver Island's west coast

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Forested catchments near Bamfield, on Vancouver Island's west coast, where rain arrives almost every week in winter. Simple catchments like these are rare worldwide, but this stretch of coast holds one of the largest concentrations anywhere in the study. (University of British Columbia)

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Credit: University of British Columbia





The same amount of rain falling on the same landscape at different times can send very different amounts of water into its rivers, according to a new study in Nature Water. The research offers a global picture of how catchments behave—not where rivers are or how much water they carry—but how consistently landscapes turn rainfall into river flow.

“We often imagine a catchment as a pipe—put in a certain amount of rain and get a predictable amount of runoff,” said Dr. Ali Ameli, a hydrologist at the University of British Columbia (UBC) and lead author of the study. 

“But most catchments behave more like dynamic systems with a memory. How much of today’s rainfall becomes runoff and reaches the stream depends on both the conditions created by earlier weather and which parts of the landscape supply water to the river during the storm.”

Drawing on more than two million rainfall–runoff events, the researchers assessed the behavior of more than 80,000 catchments across 97 countries. They found that complex behavior, in which similar amounts of rainfall can generate very different runoff responses, covered 87 per cent of the land area evaluated in the study, some 121 million square kilometers. Simple catchments, in which a given amount of rain delivers roughly the same amount of water to the river every time, covered just 1.5 per cent.

A third group, which the researchers call intermediate, sits between the two. They have more than one stable way of responding to rain—perhaps two or three—and switch between them.

Complex catchments dominate across Africa and much of Asia, across most of France, Spain, eastern Germany and Denmark, across the central United States and across most of South America. 

Simple catchments are far rarer, concentrated along the Coast Mountains of Canada’s British Columbia and the U.S. Pacific Northwest, with smaller pockets in the northern and western United Kingdom, parts of Ireland and northern Spain, and in Tasmania and New Zealand. Intermediate catchments are common across the eastern United States.

The team has released an interactive global map of the results, along with a free web application that returns a classification for any catchment boundary. Both are publicly available.

It is not just how much rain falls, but how often

The strongest factor separating simple and complex catchment behavior was the frequency with which meaningful rainfall occurs over time.

“It’s not simply the amount of rain that matters; it’s also the rhythm of rainfall,” Dr. Ameli said. “Persistent rain keeps the landscape in a more consistent state. When wet and dry conditions alternate, the same catchment can behave very differently from one event to the next.”

Where rain arrives regularly, soils, subsurface stores and pathways connecting the landscape to the stream remain in similar states from one storm to the next. In these catchments, a comparable amount of rain is more likely to generate a comparable amount of runoff. The rain-soaked coast of Canada’s British Columbia is one of the clearest examples in the study.

Where rain is less persistent, a catchment repeatedly moves between wet and dry conditions. A storm arriving after a dry period may soak into soils and subsurface stores while sending relatively little water to the river. A similar storm arriving when the landscape is already wet can send a far larger share of that rain downstream.

Impact of overall water availability, landscape

The researchers also found that a region’s overall water availability strongly distinguishes simple from complex catchments.

They examined this using measures including an aridity index, which compares how much water the air can draw off a landscape with how much rain actually falls on it, and the long-term balance between rainfall and the water that evaporates or is taken up by plants.

Catchments with simpler, more consistent behavior were generally found in wetter and more humid conditions. Complex catchments were more commonly associated with drier conditions, where less water remains after evaporation and plant use are accounted for.

These findings show that overall water availability establishes the broad climatic setting, and that rainfall rhythm indicates whether the landscape is likely to remain in a stable hydrologic state or alternate among different states.

Climate was the dominant influence, but the physical character of a catchment helped refine its behavior at local and regional scales. Simple catchments tended to occur in steeper terrain. Steeper slopes can move water rapidly and maintain more direct connections between the landscape and the stream, contributing to a more consistent runoff response.

A new way to understand the world’s catchments

The study and map give hydrologists a common language for comparing catchments in different parts of the world. Two catchments on opposite sides of the planet may convert rain to runoff in the same way, and the classification makes that visible.

It also offers a practical guide to how a catchment should be represented in a computer model. A simple catchment can be captured by a straightforward model. A complex one needs a model that allows different parts of the landscape to take the lead at different times.

The research was conducted by Dr. Ameli and Hamed Sharif of UBC and Dr. Jeffrey McDonnell, affiliated with the University of Saskatchewan, North China University of Water Resources and Electric Power, and the University of Birmingham.


Complex and simple catchment areas

A forested, steep catchment on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, where rain arrives almost every week in winter, and a dry shrubland catchment near Jacobina in Bahia, northeastern Brazil, where long rainless spells fall between storms. Color shows land cover, blue lines are the stream network, and the red circle marks the outlet each catchment drains into. Relief is exaggerated 1.9 times (Ali Ameli, University of British Columbia).

Credit

Ali Ameli, University of British Columbia

Drought-flood alternation under climate change




PNAS Nexus
drought flood switching

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Conceptual diagram of drought–flood alternation events and associated impacts.

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Credit: Qi et al.





Climate change is increasing the frequency of both droughts and floods, and that means that back-to-back extreme events are also on the rise. These rapidly alternating crises can harm people in complex ways. For example, back-to-back climate extremes can stress crops, reducing yield. In addition, the ability to prepare for one emergency is likely reduced if people are still recovering from the last emergency. Wei Qi and colleagues used climate projections and hydrological and socioeconomic mapping to investigate the future of three drought–flood switching event types in China: drought–flood alternation events, drought-to-flood transitions, and flood-to-drought transitions. The authors show that all these event types are increasing as the climate warms, with a mean frequency increase of 10.09% per 0.5 °C of warming. The area affected each year by such events is also likely to increase, with the Yangtze Basin and North China Plain consistently emerging as national hotspots. In addition, low-income populations are likely to see the steepest relative increases in exposure to rapid hydrological transitions. According to the authors, the findings show how climate change is likely to be a regressive force, deepening the divide between the resilient wealthy and the vulnerable poor. 

 

Watching sports on YouTube Doesn’t mean you’ll get off the couch, new SEOULTECH research shows


College students who engage with sports content online are no more likely to participate in real-world physical activity




Seoul National University of Science & Technology


From YouTube to the Playing Field: Can Sports Inspire Participation?

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A study from SeoulTech finds that although college students are motivated to use sports content on YouTube, this engagement does not translate into significantly greater physical activity—highlighting the need for content that helps viewers turn online engagement into real-world action.

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Credit: Prof. Youngho Kim from Seoul National University of Science and Technology, Korea






YouTube has become a go-to platform for sports content, offering far more than traditional game broadcasts and sports news. Alongside highlights and commentary, viewers can find content tailored to their interests, including home-training tips, diet and nutrition advice, and information about sports equipment. College students in their 20s are among the major consumers of sports content on YouTube. They use these videos for entertainment, social interaction, information seeking, spending time, and experiencing sports indirectly through others.

Given the popularity of the platform, a study led by Professor Youngho Kim and Dojin An at Seoul National University of Science and Technology, Korea, examined what drives college students to use YouTube sports content and whether this engagement could translate into participation in sports in the real world.

The study finds that simply engaging with sports-related videos may not be enough to encourage viewers to become more physically active. The paper was made available online on August 12, 2026, and published in Volume 14, Issue 4 of Performance Enhancement & Health on September 01, 2026.

“In our analysis, we found that motivation to use YouTube sports content and technology acceptance increase users' intention to engage with the content. However, these factors do not directly translate into actual sports participation,” says Prof. Kim.

To investigate these relationships, the researchers surveyed university students in their 20s who had experience watching sports content on YouTube. They examined whether students' motivation to use YouTube sports content was related to their intention to use the content and their participation in sports in real life.

The study also examined whether the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM), a framework used to explain how people accept and use technology, would act as a mediating factor. TAM considers how useful and easy to use people perceive a technology to be, as well as their attitude toward using it. The researchers examined whether students who were more motivated to use YouTube sports content were more likely to view it as useful and easy to use and whether this was related to their intention to use the content and their actual participation in sports.

In the questionnaire, students rated factors related to their motivation to use YouTube sports content and their intention to use it on a five-point scale, ranging from 1, “not at all,” to 5, “very much.” Sports participation was measured by asking students how often they engaged in vigorous, moderate, and light physical activities for at least 15 minutes per session during the week.

The results showed that students who were more motivated to use YouTube sports content were more likely to intend to use it and to perceive the technology more positively. TAM also significantly contributed to their intention to use the content. However, neither motivation nor intention to use YouTube sports content was significantly related to actual sports participation.

TAM partly explained the relationship between students' motivation and their intention to use YouTube sports content. However, it did not explain the relationship between motivation and actual sports participation.

These findings suggest that engaging with sports content online does not necessarily lead to greater physical activity. The researchers suggest that YouTube sports content could include practical features, such as easy-to-follow exercise guides, links to local sports facilities, and social support, to help viewers turn what they see online into real-world physical activity.

“Integrating the following features into digital sports content could help users move beyond passive viewing and engage in sustained physical activity: exercise action plans, links to local sports facilities, social support, and strategies to enhance self-efficacy,” says Prof. Kim.

***


Reference
Title of original paper: Can YouTube promote sports participation? A technology acceptance model approach to college students’ motivations for using sports content
Journal: Performance Enhancement & Health
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.peh.2026.100453

About the institute Seoul National University of Science and Technology (SEOULTECH)
Seoul National University of Science and Technology, commonly known as 'SEOULTECH,' is a national university located in Nowon-gu, Seoul, South Korea. Founded in April 1910, around the time of the establishment of the Republic of Korea, SEOULTECH has grown into a large and comprehensive university with a campus size of 504,922 m2.
It comprises 10 undergraduate schools, 35 departments, 6 graduate schools, and has an enrollment of approximately 14,595 students.
Website: https://en.seoultech.ac.kr/

About Professor Youngho Kim
Dr. Youngho Kim is a Professor in the Department of Sport Science at Seoul National University of Science and Technology. He received his PhD in health and exercise psychology from the University of Wollongong, Australia, in 1998. His research focuses on the psychosocial factors influencing physical activity and promoting mental health through exercise, with current work exploring digital technologies and virtual reality. Dr. Kim has held leadership and editorial roles in international sport psychology organizations and journals. He has published more than 250 peer-reviewed articles and delivered over 240 presentations at international conferences.

A third of Americans cannot name the three branches of government


Freedom of speech is the only First Amendment right cited by over half



Annenberg Public Policy Center of the University of Pennsylvania



Knowing the three branches of government

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Figure shows the percentage of U.S. adults who can name the branches of government. Source: Annenberg Constitution Day Civics Survey 2026. See the topline for details.

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Credit: Annenberg Public Policy Center




PHILADELPHIA – Over a third of U.S. adults (35%) cannot name all three branches of the government and under half can name four of the five rights protected by the First Amendment, according to the 2026 Annenberg Constitution Day Civics Survey from the Annenberg Public Policy Center (APPC) of the University of Pennsylvania. Of the five First Amendment rights, only freedom of speech is identified by more than half of survey respondents.

Conducted Aug. 6-9, 2026, among a nationally representative sample of 1,034 U.S. adults, the survey finds that 65% can name the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, which is not a statistically significant change from 70% in 2025 and 65% in 2024.

Knowledge of the rights guaranteed by the First Amendment shows one significant change from the prior year’s survey. When asked in an open-ended question if they can name the specific rights guaranteed by the First Amendment, 73% cite freedom of speech, significantly fewer than the 79% who named that in 2025, but statistically the same as 2024 (74%).

Responses for the other four rights do not differ significantly from the past two years. Fewer than half (43%) name freedom of religion and fewer than one-third name freedom of assembly (31%) or freedom of the press (29%). Just over 1 in 10 (12%) name the right to petition the government. In all, 9% of respondents correctly name all five First Amendment protections, while 24% name none of them. A quarter (25%) incorrectly cite the right to bear arms, which is protected by the Second Amendment, not the First.

“Ignorance is costly,” said Kathleen Hall Jamieson, director emerita of the Annenberg Public Policy Center. “You can’t protect and cherish rights that you don’t know you have.”

Majority knows immigrants in the U.S. illegally have rights under the Constitution

Birthright citizenship: As U.S. courts weigh the meaning of birthright citizenship, the survey finds that most Americans know the U.S. Constitution protects the rights of people who are in this country illegally. Over half (56%) of U.S. adults say it is “very” or “somewhat” inaccurate to say that people who are in the country illegally do not have any rights under the Constitution, while 44% say it is accurate. The Supreme Court has long held that the Constitution’s core protections are written in terms of “persons,” not citizens, and apply to people in the United States regardless of immigration status.

Similarly, three-quarters (76%) correctly say that children born in the United States and subject to its jurisdiction are U.S. citizens if neither of their parents is a citizen (birthright citizenship).

Veto power, the Supreme Court, states’ rights

This year’s survey also asked about knowledge of constitutional provisions related to veto power, the role of the Supreme Court, and states’ rights:

  • Veto overrides: 83% know that when a president vetoes legislation, the bill becomes law if two-thirds of the members in each house of Congress vote to override the veto.
  • A 5-4 Supreme Court ruling: 69% know a 5-4 Supreme Court decision is the law and needs to be followed. Almost 1 in 5 (18%) say the decision is sent back to Congress for reconsideration and 12% say it is sent back to the federal court of appeals to be decided there.
  • Who determines what is constitutional: 60% know that the Supreme Court has the final responsibility for determining whether an action by the president is constitutional if the president and the Supreme Court disagree. However, 17% say the final responsibility lies with Congress, 4% say it is with the president, and 19% are not sure.
  • States’ rights: Asked what the 10th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution says about the relationship between the states and the federal government, half of U.S. adults (50%) correctly say that powers not granted to the federal government are reserved to the states or the people. About 1 in 8 people (13%) say it’s the other way around – that states only have powers granted to them by the Constitution – and over a third (37%) are not sure which is correct. The 10th Amendment, ratified in 1791 as part of the Bill of Rights, says: “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”

Constitution Day

APPC releases its annual Annenberg Constitution Day Civics Survey in advance of Constitution Day, which celebrates the signing of the Constitution on Sept. 17, 1787. APPC’s initiatives to enhance civics education include Annenberg Classroom, which offers free resources for teaching the Constitution, and the Civics Renewal Network (CRN), a coalition of 50 nonpartisan, nonprofit organizations dedicated to improving civics education by providing free, high-quality resources for teachers. Recently added resources for teachers include the collaborative Constitution Day Hub website and a short film on freedom of the press, “Holding the Line: Journalism & Democracy,” part of Annenberg Classroom’s series of award-winning videos.

“This year’s findings indicate there is still work to be done in strengthening the citizenry’s knowledge of the U.S. Constitution. An understanding of our nation’s founding documents remains paramount for the long-term health of the nation’s democracy,” said R. Lance Holbert, director of APPC’s Leonore Annenberg Institute for Civics (LAIC), the home of Annenberg Classroom and the facilitator of the Civics Renewal Network.

The Annenberg Constitution Day Civics Survey

The Annenberg Constitution Day Civics Survey is a nationally representative survey conducted in advance of Constitution Day by the Annenberg Public Policy Center. The 2026 survey was fielded for APPC by independent research company SSRS on the SSRS Opinion Panel Omnibus from August 6-9, 2026, among 1,034 U.S. adults ages 18 and older. The margin of sampling error is ±3.5 percentage points at the 95% confidence level. Data in 2024 and 2025 were collected on APPC’s Institutions of Democracy and Annenberg Science and Public Health (ASAPH) panel, respectively. See the topline for details.

The Constitution Day Civics survey team comprises Matt Levendusky, director of APPC’s Institutions of Democracy division; research analyst Shawn Patterson Jr.; APPC’s managing director of survey research, Ken Winneg; R. Lance Holbert, director of the Leonore Annenberg Institute for Civics; and APPC director emerita Kathleen Hall Jamieson.

The Annenberg Public Policy Center was established in 1993 to educate the public and policy makers about communication’s role in advancing public understanding of political, science, and health issues at the local, state, and federal levels.