Friday, April 29, 2022

 

JAMES RETHERFORD: BOOKS | Judy Gumbo’s ‘Yippie Girl’

Combating authoritarian repression with absurdist political theatre.

By James Retherford | The Rag Blog |April 29, 2022


Listen to Thorne Dreyer‘s interview with ‘Yippie Girl’ Judy Gumbo on Rag Radio, here.


As Kris Kristofferson sorta said, “[S]he’s a walkin’ contradiction, partly truth and partly fiction.” Such is noted Sixties troublemaker Judy Gumbo’s part myth/part romance/part BildungsromanYippie Girl: Exploits in Protest and Defeating the FBI, where “Yippie is a state of mind.”

As all good Marxists know, to call something a contradiction is not a criticism but a description of historical process, and free-form myth-making was a central feature of the Yippie creative strategy for combating authoritarian repression in the mid-Sixties/early Seventies. The Yippies can trace their taste for absurdist political theatre at least back to the Zurich dadaists of 1916. Our Marxism comes with an abundant measure of Grouchoism.

I am at least partly responsible for injecting myth into the cannons of Yippie literature. My 1970 work-for-hire bio-fable, Do It!: Scenarios of the Revolution, portrayed Jerry Rubin as the parabolic “child of America.” The opening line, “The New Left sprang, a predestined pissed-off child, from Elvis’ gyrating pelvis,” even alludes to the birth of the original Olympian wild child of myth and ritual … Dionysus, the patron saint of the Yippies.

So I am not surprised when Judy seeks to air out the musky closets of male-dominated myth-making with a fresh female look at the old tropes. In fact, I would expect nothing less from a woman of her fearlessness, intelligence, and character.


Judy Clavir was born June 25, 1943, in Toronto, the oldest daughter of immigrant Eastern European Jews. Her parents, Leo and Harriet, were dedicated, but secret, members of the Canadian Communist Party, and her father, who distributed Russian films throughout North America, frequently visited the Soviet Union. Her mother, Judy writes, lost her dedication to Stalinism and replaced it with booze, cigarettes, and anger.

Along with Anita and Abbie Hoffman, Nancy Kurshan and Jerry Rubin, Paul Krassner, Phil Ochs, Ed Sanders, Robin Morgan, Jonah Raskin, Stew Albert, and more, Judy was an original member of the Yippies, aka the Youth International Party.

Gumbo arrived in Berkeley in the fall of 1967 and shortly thereafter met a “blue-eyed blonde with curly hair” named Stew Albert, who would soon become her on-again, off-again, but mainly on-again co-conspirator, partner, and husband until his death in 2006.

Stew was also besties with Black Panther Party minister of information Eldridge Cleaver and Jerry Rubin, which gave Judy an intimate opportunity to watch the history of the Black Power movement and cultural revolution unfold. It also gave her the up-close and personal opportunity to learn how women, even movement women, are disregarded and marginalized into roles no different than that of the dominant white male-dominated capitalist society.

Judy received her Yippie surname from Cleaver, who liked to call Judy “Mrs. Stew.” When Judy objected, Eldridge said, “Alright then, I’ll call you Gumbo,” because to Cleaver, born in Arkansas, “Gumbo was a spicy Stew.”

Gumbo navigated the ebbs and flows of Bay Area activism—as a trusted Black Panther ally, underground journalist, and later People’s Park insurgent—and then moved on, with Stew, to New York City, where she became part of the two-ring circus called Yippie!

And then, of course, Yippie! went to Czechago in August 1968, nominated a pig to run for president of the United States, was attacked and beaten by Mayor Richard Daly’s bigger and meaner pigs, and then put on trial for conspiracy to cross state lines to desecrate the nation’s political hog wallow.


During this time, our shameless lifestyles and anti-social ideas were the subject of perverse interest to federal authorities operating under the relaxed surveillance directives of J. Edgar Hoover’s COINTELPRO. Headed by FBI deputy director Mark Felt—later to be revealed as Watergate informant Deep Throat—the feds engaged in a long dirty laundry list of extralegal and outright illegal actions against people believed to have contact with the Weather Underground, who recently had successfully detonated explosive devices in the U.S. Capitol and the NYC police commissioner’s office, or to be working on the 1971 Mayday demonstrations in Washington, D.C.

The FBI moved my neighbor out of his roach-infested apartment into a nice hotel in order to station agents and listen through the wall as I painted my fireplace with acrylics, wrote bad poetry, and had absolutely no sex.

Even as I watched through my front-door peephole as men wearing London Fog overcoats came and went from the grungy sixth-floor walkup … Even as I returned home to find papers on my work space in disarray … Even as I summoned the nerve to creep out on the fire escape and peek through the next-door apartment window where glowing LED lights illuminated banks of reel-to-reel recording machines in the semi-darkness …

Even then I had trouble believing that I was being spied on by the United States government. Such was the nature of movement paranoia in those days.

About the same time, the feds had been caught red-handed placing a tracking device on Judy’s car. Not once but twice! Her home was broken into, and a listening device was installed there. Gumbo described the mind-dulling, evidence-denying effects of fear and paranoia with such clarity that I revisited those times and rediscovered that paranoia vanishes when light is shined into the dank holes where repressive plots are planned and waged by ruthless autocrats. One on the sources of that light was the underground press.

Quotes from Gumbo’s FBI files are sprinkled throughout Yippie Girl like an off-key Greek chorus. Their voices often lend an element of farce to the narrative, kind of like the phone call to the Keystone Kops that triggers all of the frolicking slapstick. I was reminded that while the government operative’s power to intimidate and repress was extensive, their stupidity and incompetence were indeed epic.

The result of this prolonged government farce was the nationwide Guy Goodwin grand juries of 1971, beginning after the FBI “kidnapped” Leslie Bacon from her bed at the Washington Mayday organizing collective, secretly transported her by auto across country to Seattle, and put her in front of a grand jury without legal counsel.

In NYC five movement activists were subpoenaed—myself, Sandra Wardwell (a Santa Barbara activist previously arrested after the burning of a Bank of America branch), veteran New York anti-Vietnam War organizer Walter Teague, and Judy and Stew. (A sixth individual, Chicago-born heiress Ellen Ruth Stone, was also subpoenaed, but after her billionaire father intervened, Stone’s subpoena was quietly quashed.)


Judy Gumbo.

Myth-making is successful when the myth is far more compelling than the real story. What actually transpired in and around the federal courthouse at Foley Square on June 8, 1971, as the five subpoenaees arrived to face Guy Goodwin’s grand jury was the stuff of collective Yippie legend.

What I participated in, under the towering granite and marble foyer outside the grand jury chambers, was a quintessentially Yippie counteroffensive against the Nixon administration’s war on dissent. It was two-thumbs-up Theatre of the Absurd.

The subpoenaed witnesses came to the courthouse dressed up in crazy-ass costumes and dared Goodwin to call us before his geriatric grand jurors. We oozed ridicule for the whole rotten system.

To call attention to the government’s witch-hunt, Judy and Sandy were dressed as witches in black cloaks and black pointed hats. I came dressed in a head-to-toe gorilla costume wearing a t-shirt that said “King Cong,” because the feds were looking for urban gorillas . (I rode a subway from the Upper West Side in the attire.) Walter was vintage Teague—your everyday working-class commie in blue work shirt festooned with National Liberation Front support buttons. Stew stole the show, showing up, as I wrote in a 2006 Counterpunch tribute, “as a cross-dressing female terrorist bombshell, glamming to the nines in an utterly f-a-b-u-u-u-u-l-o-u-s rainbow-striped minidress with the name ‘Bernardine’ stitched in sequins across the bodice.” (Note: Gumbo quoted my description in Yippie Girl, but attributed my words to a nameless “journalist friend.”)

Sadly Judy’s version of the story completely missed the joyful message of collaboration and resistance. She eschewed the story of shooting our collective finger in the face of government intimidation in order to frame a story celebrating her own heroic smackdown of authority. In doing so, she embraced the male model of shameless self-promotion that she rails against throughout the book.

According to Yippie Girl mythos, Judy says she was the only one of us five to called into the hearing chamber and tells a very anti-climactic (and untrue) story of the experience. As I recollect, Walter, the only one of us who didn’t look like he just stepped out of a cartoon or the funny farm, was the only person summoned to the jury. (A federal marshal informed me that I would have to remove my gorilla suit when I was called. “Okay,“ I said, adding that it was a very hot day and “I wasn’t wearing anything underneath.”)

We all had been well-prepared by our crack legal team headed by Bill Schaap and Lennie Weinglass, and Walter’s appearance lasted less than five minutes. Guy Goodwin opted not to call in the rest of the crazies—it seems a lot of at-risk old people with weak hearts volunteer for grand juries, and he didn’t want to risk an EMS call.

Thus the New York grand jury inquisition came to a fizzling climax, and we Yippies and fellow travelers provided a template for our sisters and brothers facing the same government overreach in other jurisdictions across the country. Authoritarian repression was lampooned to death on its own doorstep.

Judy missed the opportunity to mythologize to our collaborative victory, and this, I think, is the low point of the book.


Judy Gumbo on the cover of the Berkeley Tribe

Before I go further, I cannot ignore the fact that I was born with standard male genitalia and use male pronouns and now am attempting to critique—some of you may say, mansplain—a woman’s story about her struggle to be heard above the din of male voices. I will do my best.

Starting at home in Toronto, Gumbo witnessed the effects of patriarchy as her father confidently promoted public relations for the Soviet regime and her mother angrily disappeared into a bottle. Judy didn’t suspect marital infidelity by her father, but fucking around quickly became a factor in her own life after she opened her bedroom door and found her first husband with another woman.

As she became acquainted with the female half of some of the Sixties most prominent “movement power couples,” Kathleen and Eldridge Cleaver, Anita and Abbie Hoffman, Nancy Kurshan and Jerry Rubin—and herself became half of one such power pairing with Stew Albert—she began to discover how poisonous gender inequality can cause distrust among women and cause them to doubt their own minds.

On getting a cold shoulder in her first meeting with Anita Hoffman, Judy writes that she later “understood that Anita’s unfriendliness was not about me—Anita was suspicious of any stranger who happened to be a woman… She faced the traditional, patriarchal bind of a woman married to a charismatic man.”

“Only after the rise of the women’s movement,” Gumbo adds, “did Anita and I become friends.”


To borrow Greek mythology again, Tiresias was the ancient Theban seer who spent seven years as a woman so they could settle an argument between Zeus and Hera about whether men or women enjoyed sex more.

I am no Tiresias, and I am a much older and more testosterone-challenged human than when I waged dada-inspired mindfuck warfare alongside Judy and Stew and the entire Yippie gang in NYC. Call my next remarks mansplaining for men if you will, but I now am gonna tell the brothers why Yippie Girl, in spite of its blemishes, is an important book to read.

If I have learned one thing during a lifetime struggle to both cause change and then embrace it, even when it becomes a little uncomfortable, it is that avoidance of the conversation only breeds hostility and is anathema to change.

For men to become mindful partners in the struggle for social and economic justice, we must open our minds and begin to understand that male privilege, like white privilege and class privilege, is the ravager of egalitarian society.

While Judy Gumbo presents her quest for gender equality as a work in progress, relatively free of what many men misperceive as feminism’s automatic guilty verdict against manhood, she aims to steer her story away from negativity and reproach—except for the drunken Revolutionary Union (RU) cretin [my description] who tried to rape her in Berkeley. She also calls herself out when needed.

Judy’s journey is one of searching for her own better self amidst the detritus of patriarchal leadership norms, and when she succeeds and when she falls short—and I suggest instances of both in my remarks above—her successes and failures have much to offer as men—and women—grapple with the corpulent burden of culture. Men are afflicted with always being right, even when we’re wrong. Women struggle to create a narrative of inclusivity but are sometimes unwittingly lured into easy answers about right and wrong. We as a species are a work in progress.

As the archetypal Yippie Girl, Judy Gumbo still grapples up toward the mountaintop where the boy gods meet and make the rules.


[James Retherford is an Austin-based writer, graphic designer, and political activist, and an occasional contributor to The Rag Blog. Jim, who was active in SDS, the Yippies, and political guerrilla theater, was a founder and editor of underground newspaper The Spectator in Bloomington, Indiana, in 1966, and was the ghost writer for Jerry Rubin’s iconic book, Do It!]

Elliott Associates Go Activist On Suncor, It's About Time

Apr. 28, 2022 4:15 PM ET

Summary

  • Elliott Associates took a 3.4% stake in Suncor and will be seeking 5 board seats.
  • Suncor is the classic example of a company with great assets but a bad management team.
  • If the activists are successful in replacing the management team, then we see SU as a long-term holding.
  • Looking for a helping hand in the market? Members of HFI Research get exclusive ideas and guidance to navigate any climate. Learn More »

dan_prat/iStock Unreleased via Getty Images

Suncor Energy Inc. (NYSE:SU), our 4th largest holding, is getting a nice pop today on the announcement that Elliott Associates, a famous and large ($50+ billion) hedge fund, just took a 3.4% stake and will be seeking 5 board seats.

For starters, activism in Canada is a mixed bag. Pershing Square, Bill Ackman's fund, went activist in Canadian Pacific Railway (CP) and had great success. And then there were activists like Orange Capital which went activist on Bellatrix Exploration (OTC:BXEFF) and failed hard.

For Suncor, this has been a long time coming. Following SU's 2021 year-end results, we wrote this article. In it, we said the following:

If instead, the management team hears from shareholders about demanding a higher capital allocation plan, then a dividend increase is the only way.

And since we are shareholders, we are going to be voicing our concerns on this matter to the Suncor board. We will be making phone calls over the coming weeks to rally shareholder support for higher dividends by May's earnings release (for Q1).

With this much free cash flow leftover, we think the management will have no choice but to make the right move. Let's see, but we are going to be taking action.

We did make calls following the write-up. There was growing frustration amongst the SU investors base on the lack of urgency to increase capital return to shareholders. We suspect the opportunity presented itself to Elliott's team given the obviousness of the situation. An integrated oil major with a dominant market position unwilling to pay out a large amount of free cash flow back to shareholders is just screaming activism through and through.

Since we started investing in SU, our key hesitancy was always the management team. Mark Little and the SU board are not competent capital allocators. It shows via the underperformance of SU vs. Canadian National Resources (CNQ). And we are very happy to see Elliott point that out in the slide deck:

Previous premium valuation now a discount

Elliott

And it really is not surprising to see Suncor perform so horribly since Mark Little became the CEO in 2018.

So much cash...

At $105/bbl WTI, Suncor is generating C$12+ billion in free cash flow. Despite this ridiculous figure, the SU board is still using $35/bbl for a sustainable dividend.

Breakeven sensitivities and cost management

Suncor

As Cenovus Energy (CVE) demonstrated yesterday in its Q1 release, it's time to adopt a more flexible strategy. Dividend policies from producers should not be anchored to a fixed amount. Oil is a volatile commodity, and investors buy producers for the embedded upside potential of oil. As a result, adopting a variable dividend with excess free cash flow is the only way to reward shareholders for withstanding the volatility of owning oil producers.

This is clearly the way forward.

If management is gone, Suncor is a core position for the long run

If Elliott is successful in changing the management (hard to say at this moment), then SU is going to be a stock you want to own for the long run.

If Elliott is not successful, then SU will likely respond with a massive dividend increase, and the shares will react appropriately. We may look to exit if the activists aren't successful later on.

The investment thesis in SU is really simple. It is one of the best businesses in Canada (every producer in Canada wishes it had the assets of SU), and the integrated structure allows it to be insulated from crazy price volatility. But the management team is horrendous, so it was a valuation play, plain and simple.

If the management team is replaced, then this is no longer a valuation play, but a long-term hold as the new management team could compound capital.

Everything will be dependent on whether Elliott is successful or not. We think they will.

HFI Research, #1 Energy Service

For energy investors, the 2014-2020 bear market has been incredibly brutal. But as the old adage goes, "Low commodity prices cure low commodity prices." Our deep understanding of US shale and other oil market fundamentals leads us to believe that we are finally entering a multi-year bull market. Investors should take advantage of the incoming trend and be positioned in real assets like precious metals and energy stocks. If you are interested, we can help! Come and see for yourself!

Disclosure: I/we have a beneficial long position in the shares of SU, CVE, CNQ either through stock ownership, options, or other derivatives. I wrote this article myself, and it expresses my own opinions. I am not receiving compensation for it (other than from Seeking Alpha). I have no business relationship with any company whose stock is mentioned in this article.

Journey of Buddhism, from Tibet to India



Lhasa [Tibet], April 29 (ANI): The Students for a Free Tibet-India (SFT) celebrated the 33rd birthday of the 11th Panchen Lama in the north Indian hill town of Dharamshala which reflects India and Tibet’s friendly relationship. But their relationship has not flourished overnight.

Both the countries share the relationship way back in 7th Century when Buddhism was introduced to Tibet. In order to preserve and propagate the Buddhism Dharma, Tibet sent many of its people to India to study Buddhism and simultaneously invited many Indian Buddhist masters to Tibet.

According to “Tibet: A Political History” book, Buddhism came to Tibet in 7th Century from Nepal and India but the actual propagation began in the 8th Century with the arrival of Guru Padmasambhava and Acharya Shantarakshita. Although the book states that Buddhism was introduced in 7th Century, but according to Tibet’s History records, it arrived in the country in 3rd century at the time of 28th Tibetan Royal line Lha Tho Thori Nyentsen, Tibet press reported.

During his reign, he received a book of Buddhist scriptures written in Sanskrit and even an early Tibetan Historian Nel-pa Pandita mentions that the book was received from a certain Pandita Losemtso of India. Thus, here it can be said that the seed of Buddhism in Tibet was planted in the 3rd century but was able to proliferate only after the 7th century.

In the early phase of propagation, three kings namely king Songtsen Gampo, Trisong Detsen and king Tri Ralpachen with the assistance of Indian Buddhist Pandita’s played a significant role. Due to their immense contribution, these kings are referred to as the three Dharma Rajas in the history of Tibet.

The first of the three Dharma Rajas was Songtsen Gampo, the 33rd King. With an intention to introduce Buddhism and Tibetan script in his country, King sent one of his ministers Thonmi Sambota with other sixteen companions to learn the Sanskrit language and Buddhist literature in India. During his stay in India, Thonmi Sambota learnt Sanskrit from his tutor Lipikara and Devavidyasimha and returned back to Tibet. Later, he devised the Tibetan script taking the model of Brahmi and Gupta script and is known as the father of Tibetan language and literature.

The second Dharma Raja was king Trisong Detsen, the 38th royal line. When he asserted the throne, many ministers, who are devoted to Bon religion, opposed the King and to eradicate all these hurdles coming in the way of the development of Buddhism, King sent his minister Ba Salnang to Nepal to invite Shantarakshita (Indian Buddhist Master) to teach the basic doctrine of Buddhism. Later, Guru Padmasambhava, the great Indian tantric master of Tibet was also invited to the country, reported Tibet Press.

With his arrival, Padmasambhava through the means of his powerful tantric tactics was able to subdue the Bon spirits and also made them to take an oath to defend the new religion i.e., Buddha Dharma.
In fact, Tibetan history records that many of these spirits were later taken into the Buddhist pantheon as a Dharma protectors. Their contribution to Tibetan history cannot be measured. They are also known as the Khanlob Chosum: The Acharya (Shantarakshita), the abbot (Padmasambhava) and the Dharmaraja (Trisong Detsen).

Besides, the second Dharma Raja during his reign sent the young Tibetans to India for training and study Indian Buddhism. Under the guidance of Shantarakshita, the king also introduced the system of monkhood in Tibet.

Third Dharma Raja, Tri Ralpachen has invested a huge amount of money in the construction of temples and monasteries and also supported Indian scholars like Upadhaya Jyanamitra, Ratnarakshita to retranslate the scriptures and commentaries which was not translated according to the standard terminology during the reign of the earlier kings, as reported by Tibet Press.

But unfortunately, the Era of Tibet’s Religious Kings came to an end with the assassination of king Ralpachan by the supporters of his elder brother Lang-Darma. His older brother opposed the Buddhist religion and did every bit to destroy the teachings of Buddhism in Tibet. Under his reign, Buddhism suffered a terrible setback, the monks were forced to either strip off their robes or marry or to declare themselves to be the followers of Bon religion. Many monasteries and scriptures were destroyed and burnt to the ashes. This era was often regarded as the “Dark Age of Tibetan Buddhism.”

Gradually, his atrocities became so intense that a pro Buddhist monk named Lalung Palgye Dorje assassinated Lang-darma in 842. Thus, with this the long lineage of royalty came to an end that ultimately led to the collapse of the great Tibetan Kingdom.

Lang Darma tried everything to destroy Buddhism but still he couldn’t remove it from its roots. Therefore, the spark for second phase of Buddhism arose from the western Tibet where the King of Guge, Tsenpo Khore gave his throne in the hand of his younger brother Songe and himself became a monk and ordained as Lha Lama Yeshe Od. Their forefathers can be traced back to the lineage of King Lang-darma, according to Tibet Press.

Hence, with Indian Buddhist masters and Tibet’s Buddha Dharma king help, the Buddhism not only remained in the country but also disseminated to other countries like Mongolia, Nepal and Bhutan.

 (ANI)
COMMENT: Ukraine sparks discussions of Russia’s modern empire
Russia was an empire for most of its history but is now going through a "postponed collapse", say some, and murmurs of certain regions going their separate ways are now in the mainstream commentary.

By James C Pearce
bne intelligencer
 April 24, 2022

Most ethnic Russians are descended from peasants and serfs and don’t view themselves as brutal colonisers or chauvinist imperialists. But Russia was an empire from the time of Ivan III and is still going through a post-imperial readjustment. Much like Britain or France, Russia has yet to come to terms with the collapse of its empire, in part because all three still have empires.

When nations go through trying times and turbulence, discussions of national disintegration are commonplace, particularly global powers, past and present.

Some scholars like Alexander Etkind, Sergey Medvedev and Peter Eltsov have all argued in the past decade that the Russian Empire is still collapsing. Others have referred to it as a ‘postponed collapse’. With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, murmurs of certain regions going their separate ways are now in the mainstream commentary.

The reasoning is not only due to the socio-economic damage the harshest sanctions ever introduced will do to the Russian Federation. It’s also a question of whether the Russian state in its current form can survive post-Putin with a handpicked successor. Its image is now badly damaged at a time when popular protests aren’t exactly uncommon or unheard of.

Calling for secession or the break-up of the Russian Federation is a criminal offence punishable by prison. Few are actually calling for it and realistically speaking, it’s very unlikely to happen anytime soon. But the invasion of Ukraine does offer lessons for the Kremlin inside its borders and shows us what could happen to Russia in the next few decades.

Colonised colonisers

Some of the great Russian thinkers have called Russia ‘a nation that colonised itself’. After the regathering of Russian lands under its first tsar, Russia’s European state, isolated under Mongol rule, created an Asian empire whilst forming a buffer zone in the west. Russia’s borders were expanded through war and conquest in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, across the Middle East, Central Asia and into the Far East. Russification sought to bring the diverse population inhabiting this space in line through conversion to Russian Orthodoxy, promoting the language and by forcing loyalty to the tsar.

Besides the Orthodox Church, the military filled the gap between the centralised state and very diverse population. Many cities were founded not just as outposts for the empire to manage day-today administration and exercise control locally, but for the state to retreat eastwards in the event of an onslaught in the ‘western corridor’.

Some nations incorporated into the Russian Empire gained independence after the October Revolution 1917, namely Finland and Poland. Others, like Ukraine and Georgia, enjoyed a rocky and brief independence until the end of Russia’s Civil War. Moldova and the Baltic States were then illegally reincorporated into the USSR during the Second World War as it gained new territories East and West.

In 1991, the republics compromising the USSR all went their separate ways, keeping their present borders. Those borders were, in large part, due to Stalin’s ‘divide and conquer’ tactics. It caused the displacement and forced deportation of millions. Many ethnic Russians were also sent to work in certain professions and generally run those areas.

Many of these nations have large minority groups. Some regions have attempted secession, like Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan, Chechnya in Russia and Transnistria in Moldova. All have involved violence.

The Russian Federation, the largest of the Soviet republics that also emerged as the USSR’s successor state, consists of well over 100 different ethnic groups with about as many languages, although Russians are by far the largest.

The Russian language reflects its makeup utilising three different variants of the ‘Russian’ demonym. Russkiy refers to ethnic Russians, whereas Rossiyanin is a passport holder – a non-ethnic Russian citizen of the Russian Federation. The word Rossisskiy falls somewhere in between. Rossisskiy is something of Russia or belonging to the nation, like the state – its official Russian name is Rossisskaya Federatsiya. It’s both inclusive and exclusive.

The leftover empire


The Russian Federation has six types of regional governments with differing levels of status and power. All reflect its immense diversity and geographical challenges. These are:

- Oblasts (counties/regions). Most were historically part of ‘greater Russia’, though not all, and are purely administrative;

- Republics, where another ethnic group make up the majority and which have more independent histories;

- Krais, literally frontier territories that were at the edges of the Russian Empire;

- Autonomous Okrugs (areas), created in the USSR and that (theoretically) gave autonomy to the indigenous peoples of the far north;

- Federal Cities, Moscow, St. Petersburg and Sevastopol;

- One autonomous oblast – the Jewish Autonomous Region in Russia’s Far East.

The nine krais and four okrugs are generally lesser populated and continue to experience depopulation. Krais have a similar legal status to oblasts but the difference is purely traditional, like the ‘Commonwealth’ of Virginia and ‘State’ of Wisconsin. Okrugs have more autonomy than oblasts and krais, their own anthems and larger non-Russian populations, but they still function as administrative divisions.

The 22 republics have their own governments, constitutions, anthems and courts which sit alongside their languages, culture, symbols, legends and music. In Southern Russia are Chechens, Dagestanis, Ingush and Ossetians to name just a few. Straddling Central Asia are the Chuvash, Tatar and Bashkir peoples, the latter two with histories of statehood. Further north are the Finno-Ugric peoples of the Komi Republic and Karelia. Throughout Siberia and beyond are Altai, Yakutia (or Sakha), Khakassia, Buryatia (Russia’s Buddhist republic) and Tuva.

Many have a history of resistance to Moscow; hence these are where much of any disintegration would occur. Although nationalist and pro-independence movements barely register or make headlines, there have been some anti-Moscow and nationalistic rumblings in recent years.

A Kazan-based blogger Ayzamov was jailed for criticising a statue of Ivan IV (or the Terrible). For the Kremlin, the latter is a figure of Russian statehood who helped liberate Russia during the eight-day siege of Kazan, commemorated by the colourful domes of St. Basil’s Cathedral on Red Square. For Tatar nationalists, like the People’s Liberation, Ivan IV is a symbol of Russian aggression and colonial rule, as is the figure of Ataman Yermak – a Cossack military leader who led Russia’s Siberian conquests.

Connected to this is the state’s underlying fear of Islamic radicalisation inside Russia’s borders. The Muslim majority republics, especially in the Caucasus, are kept tightly under the thumb or watchful eye of the state. This is in part due to the brutal Chechen Wars and terrorist attacks carried out in Dagestan, St. Petersburg and Volgograd, but many Russian Muslims also left to join ISIS – mostly young men from the Caucasus.

The Ingush people also suffered immensely under Stalin, meaning glorifying his legacy to promote national unity hasn’t gone over entirely well.

Khabarovskiy Krai in the Far East also has a high population of ethnic Ukrainians and two years ago saw widespread protests after the arrest of popular governor Sergey Furgal. Anti-Moscow sentiment is not exactly uncommon nowadays.

The Komi Republic, which has a long and interesting history, has the descendants of many forcibly deported Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians and Ukrainians living among its own people. They took on rebellious anti-Moscow sentiments and passed them on to the next generation.

To be clear, none look like breaking away anytime soon and there are practically no calls for this. But every okrug, republic or krai shows a polarised population with very different lived experiences. Ruling over large territories and diverse populations has never been easy and Russia is not an exception to the rule.

History lessons


Since becoming president, Vladimir Putin has been keen to promote a cohesive national identity based upon a ‘shared history’ – one based on cherry-picked achievements from the Russian Empire and USSR, where all the regions can rally behind the state and its aims.

The invasion of Ukraine fits Russia’s civilisationalist policies of recent years. The Kremlin wants Russia to remain attractive in its former colonies not just to maintain a buffer zone, but to strengthen the state modernisation process. The erosion of the state and decline of its power and influence is feared because it could mean the potential loss of Russia’s territory.

There are three historical precedents for this: The Time of Troubles, the revolutions of 1917 and collapse of the USSR. Putin is keen to avoid repeating these scenarios. In fact, for Putin each period offers the same lesson: when the state loosens its grip on society, chaos and destruction will follow. Russia lost territory in each case and some within the Russian government blame democracy as much as anything else.

But the real lessons of Ukraine are clear: attraction can’t be forced or assumed; chaos often is. Should certain regions go their separate ways one day, some will westernise and liberalise. Some will fall under Chinese influence. Some may see more ethnic conflicts and human rights abuses. The extent to which these regions would want to stay close to Russia is uncertain, however.

Tens of thousands have left Russia since February 24 because democratic countries with stronger economies not at war with their neighbours look more attractive than those without democracy looking inwards. Russia might become increasingly more isolated as the war drags on and atrocities continue. When Putin goes, democracy will be difficult to re-establish, since most Russians have no experience of living in democratic systems. Holding the nation together will be difficult, however.

James C Pearce is a British historian based in Russia.
WAR IS RAPE
Czech Archbishop Duka defends Russian soldiers over rape of Ukrainian women
Archbishop Dominik Duka: Russian soldiers are often victims of "the strongest emotions and passions, when the terror of battle, fear and hatred really bring them to the level of a kind of amok”.

By bne IntelliNews
 April 29, 2022


The Czech Republic's conservative Catholic Archbishop Dominik Duka has appealed to the Czech public not to condemn Russian soldiers for atrocities they commit on Ukrainian women. 

The head of the Czech Catholic Church said in his blog that soldiers who rape women are not excused for their war crimes, however, they are acting under the pressure of emotions and passions in a state of frenzy.
(THEY GET BATTLEFIELD ERECTIONS)
According to him, these soldiers are often victims of "the strongest emotions and passions, when the terror of battle, fear and hatred really bring them to the level of a kind of amok”.  


His comments were immediately widely criticized by fellow Christians, politicians and women's rights organisations.

"No violence, especially violence as agonizing and brutal as rape, can be excused in any way. But the opposite, such acts must be unequivocally condemned. Russian soldiers have no business in Ukraine and should not be committing such atrocities there. Christians are to help and stand on the side of the victim,” iDNES.cz.

The cardinal has been regularly criticized for his opinion on the gay and lesbian communities, who Duka considers to be a threat to the Catholic Church, and for his comments that refugees should find the courage to return to their countries of origin.

The head of the Catholic Church has also for some time been criticised for his politicisation of the church, in particular his close ties to rightwing former President Vaclav Klaus and the current pro-Russian populist President Milos Zeman. In 2008 he allegedly advised Christian Democrat MP Jiri Hanus who to vote for in the presidential election.

On many issues Duka and Zeman hold the same positions, including sharing a sympathy for Russia. Duka has been reproached for serving the mass to the non-believing Zeman in November 2015 in Lany, which was perceived as a symbolic political gesture.

"His Eminence Dominic Cardinal Duka is an exceptionally respected representative of the Catholic Church in the Czech Republic and it is also largely to his credit that we are gradually removing the barriers that have existed for many years between the church and the state in our country," Zeman wrote in a letter published in 2018 defending Duka when part of the Czech faithful asked the Pope not to extend his mandate as archbishop.

Men’s Unexpected Erections are a ... - Duck of Minerva

https://www.duckofminerva.com/2015/12/mens-unexpected-erections-are-a...

2015-12-15 · The article is literally talking about just getting a boner while on the battlefield, not male sexuality in general. Getting a boner while on the battlefield 



PHILLIP JOSE FARMER: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Feast_Unknown


Russia on fire: Is Ukraine giving Moscow a taste of its own medicine?
An ammunition depot in Belgorod caught fire on April 27.

By Dominic Culverwell in Berlin, Theo Normanton in Moscow
April 29, 2022

A decade-long secret war is reaching its boiling point as mysterious explosions ripple throughout the Russian Federation.

A series of fires this week have caused speculation that pro-Ukrainian saboteurs are operating in Russia. In extraordinary circumstances, an ammunition depot in Belgorod caught fire on April 27, days after a massive explosion at an oil facility and armoury in Bryansk and an airbase in Ussuriysk, Russia’s Far East, on April 25. With no one claiming responsibility, fingers point in all directions and the cause of the fires continues to remain undetermined.

Hours after the Bryansk fire, Russian forces announced they had shot down Ukrainian drones in the neighbouring Kursk region, which was enough proof for some that Kyiv had orchestrated a drone strike on the Bryansk depots. Reports from Belgorod also mentioned Russian air defence systems being active, suggesting they had failed to hit a Ukrainian drone or missile. Others claimed it was a false flag operation due to warnings from Ukrainian journalists days before that Russia was collecting downed Ukrainian drones in those regions to stage an attack.

However, the fire in Ussuriysk thousands of kilometres from Ukraine's border and the discovery of a mine by a railway track in Bryansk the following day have added credibility to the theory that there are saboteurs carrying out attacks on the ground in Russia. The mine was identified as an inert Soviet SZ-6 demolition charge by the Twitter account “Ukraine Weapons Tracker”. Although inactive, the account believes it was placed there “as a warning” from pro-Ukrainian saboteurs.


Taken from Ukraine Weapons Tracker Twitter

As such, Ukraine may be giving Moscow a taste of its own medicine. Russian saboteurs and secret agents have carried out similar actions in the shadows of Central and Eastern Europe for over a decade, resulting in the destruction of numerous storage facilities across the continent.

Europe’s exploding depots

The 2008 Russian invasion of Georgia and the 2014 War in Donbas brought armed conflict closer to the European Union and with it a new underground war orchestrated by Russia.

Between 2011 and 2020, Bulgaria suffered a series of four peculiar explosions at ammunition depots. The stored weapons were destined for Ukraine and Georgia and belonged to Bulgarian arms dealer Emilian Gebrev, who had miraculously survived a poisoning attempt in 2015. Sofia refrained from accusations for years. However, that changed on April 28, 2021 amidst worsening EU relations with the Kremlin after several successful and unsuccessful assassination attempts on EU soil. Siyka Mileva, the spokesperson for Bulgaria’s prosecution, noted that six Russian suspects had been present in Bulgaria at each of the four explosions and accused them of destroying the armouries, according to the independent news site Meduza.

“It was established during the investigation that six Russian citizens spent time on the Republic of Bulgaria’s territory around the dates of the explosions,” said Mileva. “The evidence gathered leads to the highly reliable conclusion that the aim of the actions of the Russian citizens was to stop the delivery [of munitions to Georgia and Ukraine].”

According to Bulgarian officials, the six suspects were likely members of the secretive Unit 29155 of the Russian military intelligence agency GRU and connected them to the attempted murder of Emilian Gebrev in 2015. This was further corroborated by the investigative platform Bellingcat, which also linked the unit to the infamous poisoning of Sergey and Yulia Skripal in 2018.

Moreover, a separate investigation determined that Unit 29155 was also the cause of several explosions at arms depots in Czechia in 2014 which killed two people. The warehouses also held weapons belonging to Emilian Gebrev destined for Ukraine. After claiming there was “irrefutable evidence” that the unit was involved, Czech Prime Minister Andrej BabiÅ¡ expelled 18 diplomats from Prague on April 17, 2021 and called for the arrest of two suspected GRU agents who were revealed to be the same two men involved in the Skripal assassination attempt.

Extensive evidence was collected over several years in Bulgaria and Czechia before Russia was accused of any wrongdoing. In the meantime, Ukraine continued to suffer as the War in Donbas was protracted. By 2017, the intensity of the conflict had simmered down and the regions outside of Donbas and the occupied Crimea looked to be void of any conflict.

However, over a short period, intense explosions erupted at multiple ammunition storage facilities across the country. One particular inferno at a munitions depot in Kalynivka, central Ukraine, blew up $800mn worth of artillery and forced 30,000 people to evacuate on April 26, 2017. Some blamed the fire on the improper storage of weapons, but the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) quickly claimed “subversive activity” was responsible for the incident, a thinly veiled accusation at Russia.

Moreover, the sheer number of fires at ammunition depots suggested that foul play was at work. Kyiv did not specifically blame any one agency, but instead strongly alluded to the incidents being carried out by Russian saboteurs, which Moscow denied. Several months before the explosion in Kalynivka, Ukraine's military prosecutor Anatoly Matios blamed saboteurs for another fire at an arsenal in Balakleya containing 138,000 tonnes of ammunition.

"According to preliminary data ... as a result of sabotage…fire and explosions caused the detonation of ammunition at several sites storing rockets and artillery weapons," Matios wrote on Facebook.


Balakleya fire

Russian Response

So far, there is no conclusive evidence to prove the recent fires in Russia were an act of sabotage, but Russian opposition politician Leonid Volkov certainly thinks it is a plausible explanation.

“Russia is bombing fuel depots in Ukraine in order to cut off the supply lines to Ukrainian soldiers and to limit the provision of fuel and other supplies to parts of Ukraine,” Volkov said after the Bryansk explosion. “It is reasonable and logical that Ukraine should do the same thing”.

The general consensus on social media also leans towards Ukrainian saboteurs. Yet this is in stark contrast to Russian officials, who called the fires in Bryansk, Belgorod and Ussuriysk accidents or refrained from mentioning the cause at all. Volkov believes that the Russian authorities have to do this in order to quash speculation that the war is not going to plan. The lack of insight into the fires could signify that Moscow is apprehensive about losing control over its narrative. Therefore Russian state media focused on apparent domestic victories from those dates instead.

On the same day as the Belgorod explosion, Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) announced the arrest of two “Russian sympathisers of Ukrainian Nazism” who had allegedly been collecting data about Russian troops.

"The FSB unit in Belgorod has detained two Russian sympathisers of Ukrainian Nazism for plotting a public transport attack in the region," the FSB’s Public Relations Centre told Russian state media TASS on April 27.

Similarly, the FSB also declared they had foiled an attempt to assassinate Russian TV propagandist Vladimir Solovyov hours after the fire in Bryansk. The FSB published several photos allegedly showing Nazi paraphernalia belonging to the six detained men, but quickly received backlash after accusations they had staged the photograph. One bizarre photo showed the computer game “Sims 3” amongst the contraband, with analysts speculating that FSB officers had misunderstood the order and meant to place three mobile phone SIM cards instead.


Taken from Igor Sushko Twitter

As such, claims of pro-Ukrainian saboteurs operating in Russia still remain unverified. However, known saboteur groups working in Belarus against Moscow and Minsk's military actions, such as the Belarusian Cyber-Partisans and the “Community of Belarusian Railway Workers”, have caused concern for President Lukashenko, Putin’s closest ally. Therefore the Russian leader may be watching these incidents with a cautious eye.

Although recent polls indicate that a large number of Russians are in favour of the invasion, the thousands arrested for protesting certainly show that there is strong Ukrainian support as well. As the war drags on longer than expected and the number of Russian bodies piles up, the apparent acts of sabotage may indicate that opposition forces are banding together. If that is the case, we can expect more acts of resistance and the formation of saboteur groups akin to the ones in Belarus.
AUSTRALIA
Bottlenose dolphins being caught and killed in WA trawl nets at ‘unsustainable’ levels

Between 11 and 17 dolphins killed each year, government says, though independent observers put rate as high as 50 a year

Bottlenose dolphins in Western Australia are being killed at unsustainable levels after being caught in trawl nets, a new study says. Photograph: Andy Schofield/RSPB/PA

Australian Associated Press
Fri 29 Apr 2022 

Bottlenose dolphins are being caught and killed in trawl nets in Western Australia’s north at unsustainable levels, a study warns.

The finding is based on analysis of the Pilbara trawl which supplies fish to the Perth market, targeting emperor, snapper, trevally, cod and grouper.

A report last year by the federal environment department indicated between 11 and 17 bottlenose dolphins were killed every year in the trawl’s bycatch.

Independent observers have previously put the rate as high as 50 a year in peer-reviewed research.

In a new international study published in the Conservation Biology journal, researchers used a modelling tool incorporating chance events to assess population declines among bottlenose dolphins in the Pilbara.


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Dr Simon Allen, an adjunct research fellow at the University of Western Australia, said the study found capture rates remained unsustainable even with mitigation efforts.

“Bycatch reduction devices were placed in the trawl nets in 2006 and there has been some monitoring since, but no quantitative assessment of the impact of fishery-related dolphin mortality was ever carried out,” Allen said.

“We set out to model different levels of dolphin capture, including those reported in fishers’ logbooks and those reported by independent observers.

“Unfortunately, our results show clearly that even the lowest reported annual dolphin capture rates are not sustainable.”

Previous models had focused simply on the maximum number of marine animals that could be killed without affecting the sustainability of the population.

The new study takes into account environmental and demographic factors, including the dependency of offspring on their mothers and chance events such as heatwaves.

It found the “acceptable” number of bottlenose dolphin bycatch deaths was between two and eight a year, compared to 16 under the less-sophisticated model.

“These results suggest that reported bycatch rates are unsustainable in the long term, unless reproductive rates are consistently higher than average,” the authors found.

WA’s primary industries department is required to publish an ecological risk assessment of the Pilbara trawl by December this year.

In a report last year, the federal environment department said there were only two vessels operating in the fishery and the risk to sustainability was generally considered to be low.

But the report said there were still “relatively large” numbers of dolphins and critically endangered green sawfish being killed every year.

“The vulnerable nature of such species suggests that any interactions are potentially significant,” it said.

“Efforts to lower the number of TEPS (threatened, endangered and protected species) interactions and mortalities should continue.”

Research has indicated the bottlenose dolphin population in the Pilbara may be distinct from other populations, leaving it particularly vulnerable to fishing-related deaths.