Friday, May 13, 2022

Afghanistan Media: A Tragic End to the Golden Era

You can access the full report in pdf here.

 

Press freedom and an ever-increasing number of private media outlets were among the most significant gains of post-2001 Afghanistan. It marked the “golden era” for media, with hundreds of audio, visual, and print media outlets operating in Kabul and the provinces. In a short time, these outlets entered the homes of millions of Afghans and found their audiences among every layer of the population. It played a critical role in informing the public, fighting corruption, advocating for good governance, the rule of law, reform, and holding government institutions and officials accountable.

Afghanistan’s private media outlets reached unprecedented quality, maturity, and independence in two short decades compared to much of the regional media in that period. Due to its effectiveness and influence, the Afghan media embodied the standing of the fourth pillar of the state. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) indicated that 543 media outlets were present in Afghanistan before the collapse. And according to the previous government’s Ministry of Communication and Information Technology, about ten million Afghans had access to the internet and social networks, making information more accessible.

Remarkably, the industry played a prominent role in all aspects of public life and issues for the Afghan people. It served as an important public forum for social and political discussions. Having the necessary legal backing and the support of people, civil society, and international institutions, the media gave people a sense of control and power. With time, journalists’ and media outlets’ coverage of all issues including social, political, and security became more professional and critical for foreign outlets and audiences as the source of information. Radio and the numerous TV channels offered many entertainment programs, keeping their audiences entertained and informed. For many Afghans, TV, and radio provided much-needed entertainment.

Similarly, the thriving industry was also a crucial platform for the many young Afghans who reached fame for their important work. Some Afghan journalists received major awards for their work and became world-famous. Some even found themselves in the newsrooms of international media outlets.

However, since the collapse of the former republic on August 15, 2021, much of this progress is coming to a tragic end. In nearly eight months, the Taliban has reinstated many of the repressive policies that defined its extremist rule in the 1990s, dictating the new media landscape.

New estimates by national and international organizations suggest that the number of media outlets has slashed significantly since the Taliban takeover and freedom of the press is at its all-time low. On the World Press Freedom Index of Reporter Without Borders, Afghanistan dropped from 122 in 2021 to 156 in 2022.

Due to the problematic environment created by the Taliban, many journalists have fled the country, creating a massive vacuum in delivering information. Many journalists remain unemployed inside the country, either in hiding, or turning to other occupations to earn an income, including becoming street vendors. Most media organizations that are still active have been forced to adjust their productions and publications according to the directives of the Taliban and asked to disregard the laws and regulations of the past 20 years. Media organizations are either directly being censored by the Taliban or forced to self-censorship for their survival. Although the situation is more visible in Kabul, reportedly, it is more challenging for the media organizations and journalists in the provinces to do their job fairly and independently.[1]

Even before the Taliban military takeover on August 15, Afghan journalists could only enter Taliban-held areas with explicit permission from the Taliban, and that too occasionally. The Taliban commanders threatened, detained, and killed journalists who were critical of the Taliban in their news coverage. That treatment has continued and become more widespread since the group’s takeover.

 

Media Laws Suspended

Under the republic, the Access to Information Law and Mass Media Law was passed and enforced to regulate media activities, ensure free and easy access to information, place limits on freedom of expression, observe journalistic values, and urge constructive engagement between government institutions and the media. This was a joint effort of the government, civil society organizations, media organizations, and advocacy groups to ensure access to information and regulate the industry.

In addition to specific laws governing the functions of mass media, Afghanistan’s 2004 Constitution also emphasized the protection of the right to freedom of expression and provided a solid legal base. The Taliban has suspended the Afghan Constitution since their takeover, practically eliminating people’s right to freedom of expression and press.

Article 34 of the Constitution of Afghanistan states:

“Freedom of expression shall be inviolable. Every Afghan shall have the right to express thoughts through speech, writing, illustrations, and other means by provisions of this constitution. According to law provisions, every Afghan shall have the right to print and publish on subjects without prior submission to state authorities. Directives related to the press, radio and television, publications, and other mass media shall be regulated.”[2]

However, the Taliban has sent multiple erratic messages since returning to power. Their authorities suspended all previous laws, including the Mass Media Law and the Access to Information Law. Without consulting relevant bodies, the de facto authorities issued a new set of restrictions. The Taliban media order[3], issued by the Ministry of Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice in November 2021, consists of eight articles, including banning movies and television dramas that violate “Sharia principals and Afghan traditions,” any Afghan or foreign movies that promote foreign culture and “propagate social immorality”should not be broadcast, banning any depiction of the Prophet Mohammad or other revered figures, satirical and entertainment shows that disrespect individuals are not allowed, television dramas that are in contradiction to Islamic values are not permitted, the showing of unclothed male bodies in videos and movies is not allowed to air, and ordering women news presenters to wear “Islamic hijab.” Lastly, television dramas that portray and depict Islamic religious figures are not allowed.

Christophe Deloire, the secretary-general of the Reporters Without Borders (RSF), stated that “decreed without any consultation with journalists, these new rules are spine chilling because of the coercive use that can be made of them, and they bode ill for the future of journalistic independence and pluralism in Afghanistan.” He called the measures “oppressive” and that they “open the way to tyranny and persecution.”

In another turn, in early February, during a meeting with the Afghan Journalists Safety Committee in Kabul, the Taliban spokesperson, Zabihullah Mujahid, stated that their officials have studied the media law from the previous government and that they found “no flaws” and “shortcoming” in them[4]. In the same meeting, however, Mujahid stated that the “Islamic Emirate urges the media to consider national interests, Islamic values ​​and national unity in their publications.” Taliban officials did not issue a statement confirming Mr. Mujahid’s words about the previous media laws.

These edicts and the arbitrary detentions, beatings, and killing of journalists occur despite the Taliban pledges too. In the Taliban’s first press conference after their military takeover of power, Zabihullah Mujahid, the spokesperson of the group said that private media will “remain independent”, that they would “respect press freedom,” and that they were “committed to letting women work in accordance with the principles of Islam. [5]” The group never explained what they mean by the “principles of Islam” in the context of media, human rights, and Afghan values and culture. In their first days, the Taliban spokesperson also stated that “no threat or reprisal will be carried out against journalists” under the Taliban. Months later, the Taliban did not follow through with that rhetoric.

 

Taliban Crackdown on Journalists

The Taliban has continuously harassed, detained, and tortured dozens of journalists during the past few months, and the crackdown on media organizations has become a daily threat to the survival of a once-thriving media industry. In their February 4, 2022 report, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) stated that more than 50 journalists had been arrested and tortured in Afghanistan within the past few months. More recently, other reports put the number of tortured and detained reporters at 85.

Over the past month, three TOLOnews presenters and a senior editor were arrested in Kabul. Earlier, the Taliban militias had detained and tortured several Etilaat-e-Roz reporters in Kabul, which has now shut down their print activities in the country.

Furthermore, a Radio Nowruz reporter in Herat and local radio reporters in Kandahar were detained and interrogated. Muhib Jalili, a 1TV news presenter, said that he was tortured and was asked to present himself at Kabul’s Police headquarters for further investigations. In a recent Twitter Spaces conversation, he has also claimed that the Taliban has threatened his life and said that they hold the media responsible for their negative image among the population. Reporters of Ariana News, Pajhwok News Agency, and several freelance journalists have also been detained and beaten. Similarly, reporters in the provinces are facing an even harsher reality. The local Taliban officials call them “spies of the west,” and are being interrogated for even simple messages.

The Taliban continues to engage in silencing dissenting and even constructive critical voices in the media. After Professor Faizullah Jalal, a well-known political commentator and political analyst, Sayed Baqer Mohseni and several others who protested the Taliban’s actions were jailed and reportedly forced to pledge that they would remain silent in the future. Jalal and Mohsini did not speak again to the media after their release months ago.

Fazel Sancharaki, former deputy minister of information and culture for publication, says that by imposing such measures, the Taliban are gradually returning the country and media to their first period of ruling in the 1990s when there was no freedom of speech and media.

 

The Financial Crisis

Most media organizations in Afghanistan face acute financial challenges as most depended on the international community’s aid. Many journalists have lost their jobs, and many have been forced to take up difficult jobs. Numerous examples of this have been widely shared on social media. On November 6, 2021, Muhammad Haroon Boromand, a private TV station employee, committed suicide due to poverty and unemployment. Some have become street vendors, and those who were forced to flee for their lives, are now jobless in other countries. Hamid Farhadi, an Afghan journalist who fled to Iran, says he has to work 13 hours every day for “small pay that is hard to survive on.” Hamid Farhadi, a graduate of the Herat University’s Faculty of Journalism, who for years worked with various Afghan media outlets, said he had no option but to leave for his safety.

A report jointly issued by Afghanistan Journalists Center (AFJC) and the Afghan Independent Journalists Association (AIJA) underlined that hundreds of male and female journalists have left the country since August last year and over 40% of media outlets (224 media outlets including TV channels, radio stations, news websites, and print publications) have shut down their operations due to funding shortage and imposed limitations. An additional 30% of media outlets stand on the brink of collapse, with limited daily or weekly operations.

In another report, The AFJC stated that local radio stations in Afghanistan are shutting down one after another due to the financial crisis. In the past few weeks alone, Maimana and Paktia Ghag radio stations closed their offices. Prior to this, Turkistan and Swash radio stations and RTA Faryab had been shut down. Local sources said that RTA’s equipment was looted during the violent takeover of the country in Faryab.

Media advocacy groups say the situation has rapidly deteriorated following the fall of the republic. With much of the aid being suspended, limited operations, and slashed revenues from commercials, the salaries of those who are working have been reduced significantly. Some have not been paid for several months. The high electricity bills, challenges during the renewal of licenses, and tax penalties are among other pressing issues that have exacerbated the current crisis for media outlets. The continuation of the current situation, coupled with increasing violence and restrictions on journalists and the media, would result in a much smaller and state-controlled media community in the country, resulting in a greater vacuum of accurate information and leaving people with only limited and skewed sources.

 

Censorship

 Recent developments have profoundly affected the media sector and freedom of expression. Afghanistan is now experiencing an authoritarian media system characterized by censorship, repression, and violence against journalists. The Taliban government’s Ministry of the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (MPVPV) ordered the media to stop broadcasting any foreign TV drama shows and movies on the Afghan TV channels.

In the past two decades, the broadcast of Turkish and Indian TV dramas was part of the daily schedule of TV channels. The Taliban say that the Indian and Turkish movies and TV dramas popular in Afghanistan are against “Islamic sharia law and the traditions of Afghan society.”

Furthermore, the managing director of Tamadon TV, a Shiite community-affiliated TV station, said that the Taliban’s General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) had also banned the broadcasting of foreign Television dramas with Islamic and Shiite content. Since the Taliban’s ban, no TV station has broadcasted their foreign shows. The ban has left the media outlets searching for new content to fill their daily schedules and the Afghan public deprived of the only entertainment they had.

A journalist currently working in Kabul who spoke with the Heart of Asia Society on the condition of anonymity said that the Taliban even interfere in the news content of the media outlets. They “dictate the content that should or should not be published.”

In another restricting move, even the online activities of journalists and social media users have been watched and if not to the taste of the Taliban, journalists are being detained and interrogated. They cannot publish facts critical of the Taliban, fearing worse consequences. Hundreds of active, critical, and influential social media users, including writers, journalists, and civil society activists, have deleted their social media accounts or censored themselves to avoid persecution. The Taliban’s intelligence agency (GDI) monitors the media, journalists, and even social media users.

The Taliban does not allow the media to cover security incidents and does not allow journalists and people to film or take photographs of a crime scene or any other actions of the Taliban deemed critical. In a recent case, on April 19, two schools in western Kabul were bombed, killing and injuring dozens of students. The Taliban put the death toll at six, but locals claim that 126 people were killed in the two attacks. The Taliban did not allow reporters who had gone to the scene to cover the attacks. The Taliban also did not allow school teachers to film or photograph the aftermath of this terrorist attack. In addition to bans and restrictions on traditional media, the Taliban recently banned Tiktok and Pubg applications.

 

Imposing Restrictions on Women Journalists

 As a consequence of the Taliban taking over Afghanistan, women journalists have been among those who have suffered the most. Rahimullah Samandar, President of the Afghanistan Independent Journalists Association (AIJA), said that more than 95%[6] of women journalists have lost their jobs or resigned during the early days of the Taliban’s return to power. Women disappearing from the media is getting worse by the day. He added that just a handful of women journalists have continued to show up to work. Those who wished to continue working were forced to quit by their employers.

A TOLOnews reporter in Kabul said that the Taliban has imposed severe restrictions on the women staff at this media organization, including segregating male and female workers’ offices and a ban on male and female colleagues traveling in the same vehicle. Women are also asked to dress up more conservatively and in “accordance with Sharia.” The dining hall of the organization has been segregated too. However, Saad Mohseni, CEO of the Moby Media Group that owns TOLOnews, has told Bloomberg that TOLOnews’female employees have increased after the fall of Afghanistan.

According to the Afghan Journalists Safety Committee (AJSC) report, published on March 8, out of the 1300 women working in the media, only 300 are still employed. The rest have either fled the country or lost their jobs.

For example, in a directive shared with media organizations, the Taliban’s local administration in Helmand province in southern Afghanistan banned women journalists, effectively banning their voices and appearance on TV. Despite the directive, some have continued to go to work.

Kulthum (not her real name), a private media outlet’s presenter in Kabul, said that despite the Taliban’s harsh restrictions, she appears on the screen and presents the news. However, she adds that she can only do this by adhering to the imposed conditions, including wearing a particular type of hijab, acceptable to the Taliban.

 

Major Reduction in the Number of Media Workers

 The environment for media companies has become highly repressive, which can only be seen in autocratic regimes. An Afghan reporter from a prominent media outlet in Kabul, who spoke with the Heart of Asia Society on the condition of anonymity, said that before the fall of the republic, this media company had close to 3000 employees, which has now been reduced to only 600. Many of them are new hires, lacking experience. A majority of the organization’s former staff were evacuated last year.

Fahim Rasa, an Afghan journalist, shared his frustration that the mass exodus of journalists has created a massive vacuum in reporting facts. “It is impossible to obtain first-hand information for journalists working from exile,” he says. This problem has been more acute inside Afghanistan. Media outlets do not enjoy access to information anymore. The media outlets which used to fact-check and publish authentic stories and facts have now fallen prey to fake news, rumors, and Facebook misinformation.

The Taliban guard their inner workings and government affairs as confidential information and aren’t providing necessary information to the media and the public. To record, interview, film, or cover events, the media outlets must obtain official permission from Zabihullah Mujahid, the IEA spokesperson.

The Taliban is more cautious with foreign journalists, giving them access to information and privileges that local journalists cannot have. This strategy of the Taliban is only aimed at appeasing foreign journalists to portray a better picture of the Taliban rule in Afghanistan.

 

Broadcast Ban on International Media

 The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) confirms that the Taliban recently informed local Afghan media networks to stop broadcasting foreign news media programs, including news bulletins. As a result, four news bulletins produced by international media have been blocked.

These include the BBC’s news bulletins in Pashto, Persian, Uzbek, Voice of America programs, and DW’s programs. In collaboration, these channels could broadcast their news through national outlets to their audiences.

The ban on the broadcast of international media programs has further exacerbated the financial crisis of the local media companies. Global media had informal contracts with Tolo, Ariana, Shamshad, and 1TV, which agreed to provide financial support to the local media to broadcast their programs. With the ban in place, that support is cut off too.

A managing director of one of the major television channels in Kabul conveyed to the Heart of Asia Society that they are currently weighing their options if they can continue to operate under such circumstances.

 

Investigative Reports

 During the past 20 years, investigative reporting had become a critical part of the media work in Afghanistan. Some of the many critical issues that investigative reporters covered were exposing corruption and drug trafficking, uncovering Taliban violence and land grabbers, holding authorities accountable, and human rights and women’s rights violations.

With the Taliban’s return to power, Afghan investigative reporters have no access to information and do not dare to publish reports on issues that are critical of the Taliban. With the current vacuum created by the Taliban’s control and crackdown, and as the natural resources are being mined and plundered, the investigative journalists neither have the resources to investigate nor dare to publish their work.

The Taliban is less likely to give interviews and information to local media outlets, and if they uncover the Taliban involvement, the reporter is at risk of detention or death. As a result, much remains unreported under the Taliban.

 

State media outlets as an alternative to private media

 Under the republic, state-owned media competed with the private media. Often, state-owned media outlets did not have an audience, but after the Taliban returned to power, the public does not have much to choose from. State-owned media has become relevant for many reasons, including its announcement of the new rulings of the Taliban.

Bakhtar News Agency, National Radio and Television of Afghanistan (RTA), nunn.asia, etc., are popular Taliban-affiliated media outlets. The private news agencies receive the Taliban-related news from RTA and Bakhtar News Agency and publish what the government-affiliated outlets share. As an example, Bakhtar News Agency had 3000 followers on Twitter before August. That number has now increased to nearly 90,000 followers. An employee of this news agency told the Heart of Asia Society that the agency’s audience is growing and their colleagues are busier than ever.

 

The fate of the Afghan newspapers

 Popular Afghan newspapers, such as Hasht-e Subh, Etilaatroz, Mandegar, etc., have closed their offices in Kabul and no longer produce print editions. They have transitioned to only online publications. A majority of the employees of these newspapers fled the country and are working from abroad.

The editor-in-chief of one of the newspapers said that “over the past seven months, we have been engaging with the Taliban to secure some guarantees, but those efforts were futile. That’s why we decided to close our office and focus on our online output.”

On the other hand, popular state-owned daily newspapers have become weekly, including Anis, Hewad, and Islah. The number of employees of these three historical newspapers has also been reduced.

 

Conclusion

 The Taliban is tightening its grip on private media and are introducing strict directives for media operations. They send precise and direct instructions on the types of news, programs, and content allowed to be aired or published. Journalists and their organizations are reportedly under constant surveillance, effectively controlling messaging and information to the people and not allowing the world to know about their actions. More importantly, journalists continue to be detained, interrogated, and beaten. Hundreds of media organizations have been closed down and much of the Taliban activities, including arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killing, remain unreported. Media organizations still operating must appease and contend with Taliban officials trying to control and close independent media organizations inside the country. However, the Taliban is also desperate to project a positive message by allowing the private media to continue their activities. While this strategy seems to have worked over the past few months, it is unlikely to succeed in the long term.

Given the Taliban’s repressive measures so far, the survival of a free and independent media built with Afghans’hard work and international allies is at stake. Experienced reporters have either fled the country or currently live in hiding, and many still hope to leave Afghanistan. The regional, western, and Taliban-affiliated media outlets have replaced the local media outlets, losing independence and providing skewed information to the public. To escape the consequences of critical reporting, local media is forced to soften their messaging and news coverage, losing their credibility and peoples’ trust. Subsequently, by closing the space to a fair and independent press, countries like China[7] have been eager to help the Taliban expand the state media operation into influencing further and manipulating the public.

Should the censorship of the media and humiliation and torture of media workers continue at its current speed, coupled with severe financial and economic crises, it will result in the tragic end of the golden age of freedom of expression and media. With the continued surveillance of the Taliban, it would not be surprising if most Afghan media outlets shut down in the near future, returning Afghanistan to the 1990s – when the Taliban banned all media operations.

During their first time in power, only “Shariat Radio” station, broadcasting the regime’s religious programs and official edicts was allowed. Today, in interviews with employees of some major news organizations, the most emphatic and influential media outlets are preparing to leave. They are waiting to either be asked by the Taliban to close or are waiting to secure funding to open operations outside the country. In either case, media organizations are closing due to the problematic environment created by the Taliban. With such predictable and dramatic closures of media organizations, the golden age of freedom of expression and media in Afghanistan is tragically ending

You can access the full report in pdf here.

Endnotes

[1] Human Rights Watch, March 7, 2022. https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/03/07/afghanistan-taliban-threatening-provincial-media

[2] Afghanistan Constitution, Constitute Project.  https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Afghanistan_2004.pdf?lang=en

[3] DW, November 21, 2021. https://www.dw.com/en/afghanistan-taliban-issue-guidelines-against-women-actors/a-59895874

[4] Salam Watandar, February 2, 2022. https://swn.af/en/2022/02/02/8211/

[5] Reporters Without Borders, August 17, 2021. https://rsf.org/en/news/taliban-tell-rsf-they-will-respect-press-freedom-how-can-we-believe-them

[6] Saami, Ijazulhaq. 8AM newspaper, Nov. 2021. https://8am.af/95-of-female-journalists-in-afghanistan-are-unemployed/

[7] Rafi Sheikh, Salman. Asia Times, April 7, 2022. https://asiatimes.com/2022/04/china-lends-taliban-a-slow-but-sure-helping-hand/

 

UPDATED
Israeli police beat pallbearers at journalist's funeral
ZIONISTS KILL JOURNALIST THEN ATTACK HER FUNERAL


JERUSALEM (AP) — Israeli riot police on Friday pushed and beat pallbearers at the funeral for slain Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, causing them to briefly drop the casket in a shocking start to a procession that turned into perhaps the largest display of Palestinian nationalism in Jerusalem in a generation.


The scenes of violence were likely to add to the sense of grief and outrage across the Arab world that has followed the death of Abu Akleh, who witnesses say was killed by Israeli troops Wednesday during a raid in the occupied West Bank. They also illustrated the deep sensitivities over east Jerusalem -- which is claimed by both Israel and the Palestinians and has sparked repeated rounds of violence.

Abu Akleh, 51, was a household name across the Arab world, synonymous with Al Jazeera’s coverage of life under Israeli rule, which is well into its sixth decade with no end in sight. A 25-year veteran of the satellite channel, she was revered by Palestinians as a local hero.

Thousands of people, many waving Palestinian flags and chanting “Palestine! Palestine!” attended the funeral. It was believed to be the largest Palestinian funeral in Jerusalem since Faisal Husseini, a Palestinian leader and scion of a prominent family, died in 2001.

Ahead of the burial, a large crowd gathered to escort her casket from an east Jerusalem hospital to a Catholic church in the nearby Old City. Many of the mourners held Palestinian flags, and the crowd began shouting, “We sacrifice our soul and blood for you, Shireen.”


Shortly after, Israel police moved in, pushing and clubbing mourners. As the helmeted riot police approached, they hit pallbearers, causing one man to lose control of the casket as it dropped toward the ground. Police ripped Palestinian flags out of people's hands and fired stun grenades to disperse the crowd.


Abu Akleh's brother, Tony, said the scenes “prove that Shireen's reports and honest words ... had a powerful impact.”

The statement – a rare case of Security Council unity on an issue

UN Security Council unanimously condemns killing of Palestinian-American journalist

The UN Security Council on Friday night strongly condemned the killing of Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh and called for “an immediate, thorough, transparent, and fair and impartial investigation.” The unanimous condemnation came hours after Israeli police charged and beat mourners at her funeral in Jerusalem's Old City.


Al Jazeera correspondent Givara Budeiri said the police crackdown was like killing Abu Akleh again. “It seems her voice isn't silent,” she said during a report by the broadcaster.

East Jerusalem, home to the city’s most important Jewish, Muslim and Christian holy sites, was captured by Israel in the 1967 Mideast war. It claims all of the city as its eternal capital and has annexed the eastern sector in a move that is not internationally recognized.

The Palestinians claim east Jerusalem as the capital of a future independent state. Israel routinely clamps down on any displays of support for Palestinian statehood. The conflicting claims to east Jerusalem often spill over into violence, helping fuel an 11-day war between Israel and Gaza militants last year and more recently sparking weeks of unrest at the city’s most sensitive holy site.

Outside of prayers at the Al Aqsa Mosque, Israel rarely allows large Palestinian gatherings in east Jerusalem and routinely clamps down on any displays of support for Palestinian statehood.


Police said the crowd at the hospital was chanting “nationalist incitement,” ignored calls to stop and threw stones at them. “The policemen were forced to act,” police said. They issued a video in which a commander outside the hospital warns the crowd that police will come in if they don’t stop their incitement and “nationalist songs.”

An Israeli official said the details of the funeral had been coordinated with the family ahead of time to ensure it would run smoothly, but that “masses began gathering around the hearse of Shireen Abu Akleh and chaos ensued,” preventing the procession from going along its intended route. The official spoke on condition of anonymity in line with regulations.

Earlier this week, Abu Akleh’s brother said the original arrangement was to move the casket in a hearse from the hospital to the church, and that after the service, it would be carried through the streets to the cemetery. It was not immediately clear why those plans had changed and pallbearers emerged from the hospital carrying the casket.

Al Jazeera said in a statement that the police action “violates all international norms and rights."

"Israeli occupation forces attacked those mourning the late Shireen Abu Akhleh after storming the French hospital in Jerusalem, where they severely beat the pallbearers,” it said. The network added that it remains committed to covering the news and will not be deterred.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki called the images "deeply disturbing.”

The focus should be “marking the memory of a remarkable journalist who lost her life,” Psaki said. “We regret the intrusion into what should have been a peaceful procession.”

Israeli police later escorted the casket in a black van, ripping Palestinian flags off the vehicle as it made its way to the church.

“We die for Palestine to live!” crowds chanted. “Our beloved home!”

Later, they sang the Palestinian national anthem and chanted “Palestine, Palestine!” before her body was buried in a cemetery outside the Old City.

Her grave was decorated with a Palestinian flag and flowers. The Palestinian ambassador to the U.K., Husam Zomlot, and Al Jazeera's bureau chief, Walid Al-Omari, placed flowers on the grave.

Salah Zuheika, a 70-year-old Palestinian, called Abu Akleh “the daughter of Jerusalem,” and said the huge crowds were a “reward” for her love of the city.

“We already miss her, but what had happened today in the city will not be forgotten,” he said.

Abu Akleh was a member of the small Palestinian Christian community in the Holy Land. Palestinian Christians and Muslims marched alongside one another Friday in a show of unity.

She was shot in the head during an Israeli military raid in the West Bank town of Jenin. But the circumstances of the shooting remain in dispute.

The Palestinians say army fire killed her, while the Israeli military said Friday that she was killed during an exchange with fire with Palestinian militants. It said it could not determine who was responsible for her death without a ballistic analysis.

“The conclusion of the interim investigation is that it is not possible to determine the source of the fire that hit and killed the reporter,” the military said.



Israel has called for a joint investigation with the Palestinian Authority and for it to hand over the bullet for forensic analysis to determine who fired the fatal round. The PA has refused, saying it will conduct its own investigation and send the results to the International Criminal Court, which is already investigating possible Israeli war crimes.

Reporters who were with Abu Akleh, including one who was shot and wounded, said there were no clashes or militants in the immediate area. All of them were wearing protective equipment that clearly identified them as reporters.

The PA and Al Jazeera, which has long had a strained relationship with Israel, have accused Israel of deliberately killing Abu Akleh. Israel denies the accusations.

Rights groups say Israel rarely follows through on investigations into the killing of Palestinians by its security forces and hands down lenient punishments on the rare occasions when it does. This case, however, drew heavy scrutiny because Abu Akleh was well-known and also a U.S. citizen.

Palestinians from in and around Jenin have carried out deadly attacks in Israel in recent weeks, and Israel has launched near daily arrest raids in the area, often igniting gunbattles with militants.

Israeli troops pushed into Jenin again early Friday, sparking renewed fighting.

The Palestinian Health Ministry said 13 Palestinians were wounded. The Israeli military said that Palestinians opened fire when its forces went in to arrest suspected militants. Police said a 47-year-old member of a special Israeli commando unit was killed.___

Associated Press reporters Majdi Mohammed in Jenin, West Bank, Fares Akram in Hamilton, Ontario, and Aya Batrawy in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed.

Josef Federman , The Associated Press

Canada's longest total lunar eclipse since 2007 will soon shine in the sky
Scott Sutherland - 
The Weather Network


Look up on Sunday night for a chance to see the Earth, Moon, and Sun line up to produce a total lunar eclipse.

The Full Flower Moon will rise on the night of May 15. This will be a special one, too — for the second year in a row, we are seeing a Blood Flower Moon, where the Moon turns red as it passes straight through Earth's shadow.The path of the Full Flower Moon as it passes through Earth's shadow on the night of May 15-16, 2022. Credit: NASA/Fred Espenak/Scott Sutherland

The total lunar eclipse begins at around 9:32 p.m. ET on Sunday night. However, it will be difficult to notice right away, as the outer portion of Earth's shadow — the penumbra — only causes the Moon to dim slightly.

The best time to begin watching is about an hour after the eclipse starts. That's when the Moon starts its transit across the darker umbra, and over roughly the next hour, bit by bit the bright face of the Full Moon will vanish until it turns a dusky red.

The total eclipse begins at 11:29 p.m. ET and reaches maximum at around 12:11 a.m. ET. The Moon then begins to exit the umbra at around 12:54 a.m. ET. Altogether, the total eclipse lasts for one hour and 25 minutes.

The above times all reference Eastern Daylight Time (EDT). Since the event happens simultaneously for everyone, though, viewers in other time zones will need to adjust accordingly (see the table below).


© Provided by The Weather Network
Canada's longest total lunar eclipse in since 2007 will soon shine in the sky


NOT SUPER, BUT STILL GREAT

Total lunar eclipses tend to appear very similar to each other. The Full Moon first dims, then turns a dusky red. Then it leaves the red colour behind and grows brighter until the eclipse ends. However, each eclipse that occurs is slightly different from the last.

For one, the Moon's distance from Earth varies from eclipse to eclipse. Thus the Full Moon appears smaller or larger depending on how far away it is at the time. So, for example, last year's May lunar eclipse was close enough to be considered a supermoon, and thus we had the Super Blood Flower Moon. The May 15 Full Flower Moon is a bit farther away, though. Therefore, it doesn't qualify as a supermoon.

In addition, the exact positions of the Earth, Moon, and Sun differ during each eclipse. This results in what are known as Saros series — a series of lunar eclipses, each occurring around 18 years apart, where the Full Moon crosses Earth's shadow at the exact same angle. However, the difference between these is how close the Moon's path is to the middle of the shadow.


© Provided by The Weather NetworkCanada's longest total lunar eclipse in since 2007 will soon shine in the skySix total lunar eclipses from Saros Series 131 are shown here, demonstrating how the Moon's path starts low in Earth's shadow and then, eclipse-by-eclipse, gets higher and higher. Credit: NASA

Note that although the angle of each of the eclipses shown in the image above appears to change with each panel, they are all at precisely the same angle with respect to the Earth's orbit around the Sun (the ecliptic, shown by the dotted line).

LONGEST FOR CANADA IN NEARLY 22 YEARS

According to NASA, the total eclipse will last nearly an hour and 25 minutes. While there have been longer ones in more recent years, this will be the longest total lunar eclipse seen from Canada since August 2007. The next total lunar eclipse that will be longer occurs just over 7 years from now, in June of 2029.

Weather permitting, on the night of May 15, viewers in Atlantic Canada, Quebec, and most of Ontario will be able to see the entire eclipse from start to finish. However, the farther west you are, the farther along the eclipse will be in its timeline by the time the Moon rises.


© Provided by The Weather Network
This spring, Canadians will see their longest total lunar eclipse in 15 years

For skywatchers in the western half of Canada, pay close attention to the timing of when the Moon rises in your area. The best part of the eclipse doesn't start until the Moon enters the umbra, so most of the country will have an excellent view of the total eclipse. Only those in far northwestern British Columbia, western Northwest Territories, and the Yukon will miss out on the event, as the total eclipse ends before the Moon rises there.

If you can't see this one for yourself, either due to the timing or because the weather does not cooperate in providing you with clear skies, the event is sure to be live-streamed from various locations across Canada and the United States. Watch for updates.

If you miss it entirely, don't worry. There's another chance — which is especially good for western Canada — coming up in early November.
SASKATCHEWAN
Mandryk: We should be worried about Bill 70 hampering right to protest



© Provided by Leader Post
Independent MLA Nadine Wilson welcomed by anti-COVID-19 restriction protestors on Throne Speech Day.

The irony about all the fuss over the alleged need for stricter Legislative Building security is there’s been no noisy, rambunctious protesters at the legislature since the beginning of the spring session.

They are already missed.

Now, don’t get me wrong. No one likes to see our politicians harangued daily for no discernible purpose by an unkept, disrespectful mob. But enough about me and my colleagues in the press gallery scrums.

What we’re talking about is the fundamental democratic right of people to — within the confines of law and reason — go to the seat of power and feel free to demand change as loudly as they please.

This part of democracy has never been pleasant or pretty … although, occasionally, it’s been funny.

Back in the late 1990s/early 2000s, it seemed there were daily rallies of angry farmers in front the legislature raising alarm about the lack of agricultural income support.

Yet they were always embraced by politicians and political staff who would wade in the crowds to hear their concerns first hand.

(One Liberal party strategist newly arrived from Ontario even went so far as buy new clothes to better fit into the crowd. Unfortunately, his only reference point as to how a rural person dressed appeared to come from Elmer Fudd in Bugs Bunny cartoons.)

One such demonstration in 2000 even saw farm protesters move inside the legislature for overnight sit-ins in the cafeteria. And even that only ended after security staff found one rather portly farmer wandering around the building in his (as we say in Saskatchewan) gitch.

One gets we now live in a different world, but shouldn’t we still abide by the notion that any step that moves the legislature grounds away from a place that’s open to public discourse is likely a step in the wrong direction?

Here’s today’s problem: It’s quite possible Bill 70 is nothing more than the byproduct of the Saskatchewan Party government’s annoyance with loud, anti-mask/anti-vaccine mandate protesters spoiling their throne speech day photo ops.

If so, it’s a ridiculous reason to fundamentally change not just how building security works, but also the century-old fundamental ability to protest at the Saskatchewan legislature.

Public Safety Minister Christine Tell told the aforementioned press gallery rabble Wednesday “what happened out front” on throne speech day resulted in “people that were at risk” being “escorted through another door of this building.”

It sounds rather ominous. Was Lt.-Gov. Russell Mirasty being menaced? Well, Tell wasn’t actually saying that, saying she couldn’t confirm that “even if it were true.”

Moreover, the minister has consistently said the need for Bill 70 is also about other things, which is Tell being rather telling.

We have long known the Sask. Party government was peeved that the Regina Police Service would not remove teepee protesters, including Justice for Our Stolen Children and Tristen Durocher’s protest who government took to court.

It’s also common knowledge this government has been frustrated that the sergeant-at-arms wouldn’t throw his weight around.

So it appears throne speech day was the last straw, giving rise to Bill 70 that wasn’t even mentioned in the 25-page throne speech Mirasty read that day.

Governing politicians shouldn’t have the right to protest who should be able to protest and who shouldn’t, but the Sask. Party, evidently, thinks otherwise.

Moe in January offered his support to the freedom convoy and the protesters in downtown Ottawa and even the rights of border protests in Coutts, Alta., and at the Windsor Ambassador Bridge.

He even condemned the federal government for using the Emergencies Act to stop actual illegal protests blocking international trade. If Bill 70 is some sort of profound declaration on the modern-day need to deal with protests threatening our democracy, shouldn’t the Sask. Party government call out all such protests?

More likely, Bill 70 was about protesters yelling “we want Moe” on throne speech day and spoiling the fun and the government wanting greater control so it can’t happen again.

It’s an unwelcome change if it results in governments getting greater say on who gets to protest.

Mandryk is the political columnist for the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix.

THESE COMPANIES OPERATE IN ALBERTA
Major meat companies lied about impending shortages to keep workers on site at the height of the pandemic, a House committee says

gdean@insider.com (Grace Dean) - 



© Provided by Business Insider
A JBS meat packing plant in Colorado. Matthew Stockman/Getty Images

A report by a bipartisan House committee details meat-processing giants' response to the pandemic.

One hospital doc
tor told JBS that all its COVID-19 patients were linked to a JBS plant in Texas.
The companies exaggerated meat shortages to keep workers on site, according to the report.

Major US meat companies were aware that their sites were hotbeds for coronavirus transmission but exaggerated impending product shortages so they could keep workers on site at the height of the pandemic, according to an investigation by a House committee.


They also lobbied the White House and the US Department of Agriculture to minimize coronavirus safety measures on the industry, according to the report, which was released on Thursday by the bipartisan House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis.

Meat processing sites were a major source of coronavirus outbreaks, triggering a wave of lawsuits. This was largely down to their lack of safety procedures like social distancing and staff's inability to work from home.

The report focused on five of the US' largest meatpacking companies — Tyson Foods, JBS, Smithfield Foods, Cargill, and the National Beef Packing Company. During the first year of the pandemic, more than 59,000 workers at these companies were infected with the coronavirus and at least 269 died, the committee said.


The report details how meatpacking executives were allegedly aware of the high risks of coronavirus transmission inside their plants.

For example, a doctor at a hospital close to JBS' processing plant in Cactus, Texas, sent an email to a JBS executive on April 18, 2020, saying that "100% of all COVID-19 patients we have in the hospital are either direct employees or family member[s] of your employees."

"I am not sure this situation is being treated with the urgency it deserves," the doctor continued. "Your employees will get sick and may die if this factory continues to be open."
Claims of meat shortages were 'intentionally scaring people'

Despite awareness of outbreaks at some sites, meatpacking companies continued to push for their workers to stay on site. In the report, the committee dismissed claims that there would be meat shortages if sites closed as "flimsy if not outright false. It also said they were "an attempt to justify operating meatpacking plants under dangerous conditions."

Smithfield CEO Ken Sullivan said in April 2020 that the closure of meatpacking facilities "is pushing our country perilously close to the edge in terms of our meat supply. It is impossible to keep our grocery stores stocked if our plants are not running."

But an executive at trade body North American Meat Institute said in an email published in the committee's report that Sullivan was "intentionally scaring people." The email also said that three days after his statement, Smithfield had asked the Meat Institute to "issue a statement that there was plenty of meat," including enough for export.

"Smithfield has whipped everyone into a frenzy," the executive added.

Meatpacking companies' reports of impending shortages appeared to come as the companies bulked up their exports. The US exported around 640 million pounds of pork in April 2020 – a 22% increase on April 2019, per data from the Department of Agriculture. Pork exports to China more than quadrupled over that time period, the data shows.

"The meat production system is a modern wonder, but it is not one that can be re-directed at the flip of a switch," a Smithfield spokesperson told Insider. "That is the challenge we faced as restaurants closed, consumption patterns changed, and hogs backed-up on farms with nowhere to go. The concerns we expressed were very real and we are thankful that a food crisis was averted and that we are starting to return to normal."

The report also outlined how the meatpacking industry "worked actively to cultivate its very close relationship with USDA" at the start of the pandemic in an attempt to minimize coronavirus safety measures on the industry. This included the USDA under secretary for food safety being in regular communication with industry representatives and lobbyists, using both her personal and government phone and email, per the report.

The USDA and meatpacking companies also jointly lobbied the White House to dissuade workers from staying home or quitting during the pandemic.

"Meatpacking companies engaged in a concerted effort with Trump Administration political officials to insulate themselves from coronavirus-related oversight, to force workers to continue working in dangerous conditions, and to shield themselves from legal liability for any resulting worker illness or death," the committee wrote.

The Smithfield spokesperson told Insider that the company had "exceeded CDC and OSHA guidelines" and had paid workers to stay at home during the pandemic.

"The content of the report was deeply disturbing and many of the decisions made by the previous administration are not in line with our values," a USDA spokesperson told Insider. "This administration is committed to food safety, the viability of the meat and poultry sector, and working with our partners across the government to protect workers and ensure their health and safety is given the priority it deserves."
BLUE H2 IS MADE FROM NAT GAS
Alberta is banking on hydrogen to lead its green transition


As countries around the world transition to clean energy, Alberta is banking big on hydrogen to help facilitate the province's green transition.

In November 2021, Alberta released its Hydrogen Road Map to prepare for a lower-emission future, which outlined how Alberta is well positioned to become a global supplier of clean, low-cost hydrogen.

Amit Kumar, professor at the University of Alberta and Alberta Innovates associate industrial research chair in energy and environmental systems engineering, said the province is well positioned with cheap natural gas, a trained workforce, the Alberta Carbon Trunk Line, and a leading jurisdiction in carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS)

“There are a few things which align well with hydrogen, especially for Alberta. We have been doing it for decades, so we have a lot of expertise in producing hydrogen,” Kumar said.

Hydrogen is a gas that is predominantly produced from natural gas through a method called steam methane reforming (SMR) and most of the hydrogen produced in the province right now is created through that method, Kumar said.

Hydrogen is used to produce synthetic crude oil in the oil and gas industry, said Kumar, and is also used to produce fertilizers and ammonia.

Most of the hydrogen in the province is produced from natural gas and the process emits C02, which is currently released into the atmosphere, Kumar said, noting the hydrogen produced through this process is known as grey hydrogen.

But what the province is trying to do is capture the C02 emitted from the process, to drastically reduce emissions, thereby creating blue hydrogen.

There are other ways to make hydrogen, said Kumar, such as through renewable energy (green hydrogen), nuclear energy (pink hydrogen), or coal (brown hydrogen), but the province primarily makes hydrogen through natural gas.

Currently, very little CCUS is being used in the province, and most hydrogen created is done through the grey hydrogen creation process, which emits a lot of C02, Kumar said, but once the carbon capture systems are set up, the hydrogen produced will have extremely low emissions.

Through the SMR process to create hydrogen, the industry can capture anywhere from 52 per cent of the C02 up to 90 to 95 per cent of the emissions, including those created from the process to capture and store the carbon.

Once the hydrogen is created, it can be used as an alternative energy source in many industries, Kumar said, and when it is used as a fuel it only emits water.

The province hopes to use hydrogen in vehicles, and to generate electricity power and heat.

But the biggest opportunity for hydrogen in the future will be to ship it to other countries that are trying to use green energy and are interested in using hydrogen as an alternative energy source.

“We are a net energy exporting jurisdiction,” Kumar said. “If you think about other jurisdictions, they are talking about hydrogen and they want to transition their economy to hydrogen, a much ... cleaner economy.”

But even through the province wants to export hydrogen in the future, there is very little hydrogen currently being used globally as power, Kumar said. Although not much is being exported right now, the province aims to be exporting a million tonnes of hydrogen by 2030.

To use hydrogen to heat homes, it must be blended at 20 per cent with natural gas, and if any more hydrogen is added, the appliances in a home would have to be replaced to be able to use the hydrogen.

“We're talking about the industrial sector, where they use it to process heat and other purposes where natural gas is used."

To use the hydrogen to fuel cars, new cars must be developed and sold, and fuelling stations must be built across the province, Kumar said.

The expert said he believes the province has good support to build a hydrogen economy and is in a much stronger position than other provinces.

“I think the province is trying to grow this economy and is a leader in this.”

Jennifer Henderson, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, St. Albert Gazette