Sunday, September 25, 2022

Queen Elizabeth II and the Weight of History

 
 SEPTEMBER 23, 2022
Facebook

Photograph Source: Cecil Beaton – Public Domain

It took nearly one hundred years after the passing of King Leopold of Belgium for the atrocities committed by the Belgian King to come to the mainstream of European history.  The book, King Leopold’s Ghost a story of GreedTerror and Heroism in Colonial Africa documented the brutal killing of more than 10 million Congolese and the crimes of the Belgian monarch and the Belgian state. Yet, the Belgians were novices as managers of the historical narrative compared to the British. The British with their feudal monarchy as the anchor for power, exploitation and violence had practiced the arts of pillage, kidnapping, slavery, genocide and colonialism much longer and more efficiently than the Belgians or the Portuguese. It was British historians who honed the propaganda machinery to spread jingoism among the British workers, utilizing the monarchy as the foil for stability and continuity.

In the last chapter of the Book, the author Adam Hochschild wrote of the ‘Great Forgetting,’ the campaign undertaken by state historians to promote the view that monarchs such as King Leopold led the selfless mission to spread democracy and civilization. In the case of King Leopold, a very large museum was built to commemorate the civilizing work of Belgium and how the Congo was transformed into a becoming a ‘model colony.’  The current historical evidence of the state of the Congo is the best testament to that falsehood about the civilizing mission. Queen Victoria and 19th century liberal historians had already perfected the story of spreading Christianity, civilization, and commerce.

It was significant that Adam Hochschild was not an academic historian, because the mainstream historians continued to produce books that showed how colonialism with royal patronage was progressive for the Global South. This scholarship on the ‘high moral purpose’  of the civilizing mission of Europe was especially robust in the analysis of the relationship between Britain and Africa. The Royal Africa Company from 1672 to 1752 had the monopoly over the slave trade. The RAC shipped more enslaved Africans to the Americas than any other company in the history of the Atlantic slave trade and was owned entirely by the British Crown.  It is this history that ensured that the history of the British monarchy in the past 400 years cannot be separated from the Atlantic slave trade and the impact on humanity.

On the cover of the book Britain’s Black Debt: Reparations for Caribbean Slavery and Native Genocide by Sir Hilary Beckles, there is the picture of the Queen Elizabeth II touring a plantation in Barbados that was in her family for more than one hundred years until the second half of the twentieth century. Queen Elizabeth walked around with jewels plundered from South Asia, Africa and the Americas.  The more than a billion dollars estate bequeathed to King Charles III encompass the legacies of stolen wealth.

The Global Reparations movement has brought a new urgency to the study of history by exposing the criminal past and present of racial capitalism. Walter Rodney, Priya Satia, Caroline Elkins, Hilary Beckles  and Gerald Horne are among the historians who have exposed the criminal linkages of the British monarchy. It is from this corpus of historians that the weight of history is coming down on the legacy of Elizabeth Windsor. The overwhelming accounts from all sectors of the world pointed to the reality that no institution obscured the crimes of empire and buttressed class rule and white supremacy as effectively as the British monarchy. The movements for reparative justice all over the world have made it more difficult for the left historians to relegate reparative history to the column of ‘identity’ politics.

Where the Belgians failed to stifle the weight of history, Britain had been far more successful in sugar coating the colonial crimes with jingoism, propaganda and patriotism. With its developed university and media infrastructure and schools of history associated with Oxbridge traditions, Britain had been able to represent colonialism and imperial building as emanating from a ‘high moral purpose’  where Britain carried out “progressive constitutional freedoms and the rule of law, along with free trade and free labor, among the less fortunate barbarians.”

No individual personified this high moral purpose of British imperialism more than Queen Elizabeth II. In the 70 years when she served as the monarch of Britain, the media remained in effusive praise of her quiet dignity and grace.  However, the media barrage about her compassion and astuteness could not survive the pent-up flow of information on the Legacies of Violence of British imperialism and the role of the monarchy in reinventing and inventing itself to conceal the crimes of empire. The weight of the historical evidence of the crimes associated with the House of Windsor could not be hidden with ritual, archaic pomp and ceremony so even before the burial of Queen Elizabeth II, the outpouring of calls for reparative historical rendering had unleashed the call for a full reckoning of British imperialism and the end of the imperial monarchy. As one commentator noted, ‘those who heralded a second Elizabethan age hoped Elizabeth II would sustain British greatness; instead, it was the era of the empire’s implosion.’

Death of a Queen and crowning a new King

Elizabeth Windsor had ascended the British throne in 1952 and was formally crowned with pomp and pageantry in 1953. She was the monarch for Britain for 70 years until she departed this earthly life on September 8, 2022 at the age of 96. Her first son ascended as King Charles III of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth on September 10, 2022. She was buried at Windsor Castle on September 19 after a choreographed period of national and international mourning that mobilized all the media resources of western imperialism.

The death of Elizabeth has ignited a substantial conversation about the British imperial past, the role of the British monarchy providing the cultural cover for genocide, enslavement, colonialism, imperialism, war and fascist ideas on the planet earth. For 70 years, Elizabeth had been one of the principal props for the culture of capital. Her service for empire coincided with the explosion of film and television so the world could follow very closely the newsreels and films about her life, palaces, jewels, travels, her horses, and her dogs. The same media and film industry blurred, distorted, and not infrequently falsified criminal acts that were being committed in the name of the monarchy.

Anti-communism after the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 and the overthrow of her cousin Czar Nicholas the II rendered the Queen as an enormous supporter of anti-communism and other degenerate monarchs in Europe and all over the world. The British monarchy was descended from House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha in Germany but after World War I started, King Edward VII discarded the German ancestry and focused on the British heritage to call the British royal family the House of Windsor. The House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha in Germany and the last of the Romanovs were related through many ties, especially Queen Victoria who had been deemed the Queen of Europe. Hence, after the Bolshevik Revolution and the war of the White Russians to return the monarchy in Russia, the British monarch was at the center of the fund raising and mobilizing of sympathy for the anticommunist forces in Europe.  Elizabeth II became the Monarchs monarch, and titular leader of White Anglo Saxon Protestants (WASPS) especially after the decolonization processes after the second imperialist war.

Elizabeth matured in Britain when the anticommunists and the aristo -fascists supported Oswald Mosley of the British Union of Fascists (BUF). The mainstream media had diminished the overt racist orientation of the uncle of Queen Elizabeth, King Edward VIII, who had been a Nazi sympathizer. His abdication in 1936 paved the way for the father of Elizabeth to become King, being crowned as George VI. King George VI was the King of the United Kingdom and the Dominions of the British Commonwealth from 11 December 1936 until his death in 1952. He was concurrently the last Emperor of India until August 1947, when the British Raj was dissolved. The Indian people robbed Queen Elizabeth of being the Emperor of India by fighting for their independence.

Queen Elizabeth had, however, ensured the continuity of white nationalist ideas in Buckingham Palace by marrying the Greek prince, Phillip who was a known fascist sympathizer. The racist statements made by Prince Phillip in the 99 years that he lived offered a clear window into the racism of the royal family. For more than 40 years prior, his racist, sexist, or degrading statements were brushed off as “gaffes.” Elizabeth worked hard throughout her life to ensure that this link of the family to racism and xenophobia ideas did not discredit the monarchy. Within the Anglo-American world, the racism of the Anglo-Saxon media treated Phillip and Elizabeth as celebrities supporting the hagiographic stories about the House of Windsor that came from British tabloids. The British media was outraged when Prince Harry, the grandson of the queen, Prince Harry married a nonwhite woman, Meghan Markle. Both Prince Harry and Meghan Markle stated clearly that they were driven from the royal family because of racism. The racial politics of Queen Elizabeth’s family, and their relation to public life had been cleverly covered up by the media and historians but the robust Black Lives Matter movement brought anti racism to the forefront of the international agenda. This social movement debunked the mythology of royal blood and lineage.

Queen Elizabeth and the British working peoples

Phillip and Elizabeth were conscious of their place in Britain and the responsibility of the monarchy in preserving social and political stability, especially at times of heightened crisis for British imperialism.  Elizabeth was born in the year of the largest industrial dispute in Britain’s history; the general strike of the British miners in 1926. The Trades Union Congress (TUC) had called the general strike to prevent wage reduction and worsening conditions for coal miners. It took place over nine days, from 4 May until 12 May 1926. Elizabeth grew up overseeing successive governments unleashing all the power of the British state to weaken the workers until the era of Margaret Thatcher when the neo liberal turn demanded the crippling of the autonomy of the British working class.

Sixty years after the great General Strike when Elizabeth II was in her prime and taking tea with the Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, the British Trade Union movement was being squeezed. Using the legal façade of the constitutional monarchy, Thatcherites orchestrated the laws to restrict the right of picketing, prevented unions bringing their members out in support of other unions and introduced fines and asset seizures for unions that struck without a ballot. One of the cardinal principles of liberal democracy in Britain was the right of the worker to assemble and make decisions about collective bargaining. This had been one of the major victories of the British working peoples after three major reform bills of the 19th century had sought to weaken the monarchy and the hereditary House of Lords. Under reign of Elizabeth II, Thatcher and the scavenger capitalists joined hands together to lull the workers into celebrating a monarch who actively worked for their oppression. Liberalism had been refined in the 19th century by historians and legal experts with virtuous-sounding ideals like freedom, right to strike, reformism, and the rule of law. The Anglo-American academy bought into this liberalism as justifications for wreaking devastation while seeking to bind the white working classes in Europe and North America to the ideas of right-wing neo-fascist populism and nativism. These ideas of global apartheid did bring some material comforts to workers in the metropoles, but the national liberation struggles, and the anti-imperialist struggles smashed the gilded cage of the monarch and their servile Prime Ministers.

Historians such as E. P. Thompson had sought to intervene to provide an alternate view of empire and the place of the monarch in relation to the British worker. The weight of the official and sanctioned historians drowned out the contributions of historians critical of the monarchy and empire. Queen Elizabeth and Britain were represented by historians and by the media as symbols of modern Western civilization the defender of democracy. When the anti-racist and anti-colonial historians emerged out of the former colonial societies, there were historians who asserted that the monarch and colonialism was ‘on balance’ good for humanity. From the era of the imperialist partitioning of the world and the imperial wars in Africa, British historians had weighed in on the humanitarian goals of Britain and the monarch. Ronald Robinson and John Andrew Gallagher now stand out in the long tradition as the historians who established this practice of rendering British imperialism as being guided by strategic considerations and high moral ideals in the book, Africa and the Victorians. A generation later, those who mechanically understood Marx to mean that capitalism represented a progressive period of human history argued that despite the “crimes” colonialism was good for the Global South. Some Marxists like Bill Warren of the United Kingdom argued, on what were purportedly Leninist grounds, that capitalist imperialism, even in the form of direct colonial rule, performed a historically highly progressive role in non-European societies, economically, culturally, and politically: through capital exports it laid the foundation for a development of the productive forces and of a vibrant, indigenously rooted capitalism. In the 21st century, some Marxist formations still claim that an anti-racism program is based on ’identity politics’ and that pursuit of an anti-racist agenda divides the working class in Europe and North America. This left is prostrate as the forces of white supremacy gain political ground in all parts of the white world.

Queen Elizabeth and the royal family played to the songs that British imperial expansion and slavery had been good for humans. All over the empire all subjects were brought up singing, “Rule Britannia, Rule Britannia, Britannia rule the waves, We Britons will never be slaves.”

 The British worker in turn consumed the writings of the media barons such as Lord Beaverbrook who also doubled as a historian. Lord Beaverbrook and Winston Churchill were two favorite historians of British imperialism. The media drubbed the ideas of Beaverbrook and Churchill down the noses of the British workers mobilizing them to be accessories to the crimes of imperialism. As a young person in Jamaica, I remember being wheeled out as a primary school toddler to wave to the queen as she travelled to the Fairfield property of Beaverbrook in Montego Bay. Winston Churchill was a regular visitor to that property.

Winston Churchill was Prime Minister when Elizabeth ascended the throne in 1952. He had been the most vibrant of imperialists fighting in the Sudan and South Africa for British colonial interests. At the height of the struggles for the independence of India in 1942, Churchill had stated clearly that “I have not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire.”

The liquidation of the empire had been a long, brutal and painful exercise. From the first Elizabethan era, the British empire as one of the cradles of racial capitalism had spread across the entire globe. By the start of the twentieth century British imperialism dominated and exploited humans in 57 colonies, dominions, territories or protectorates from Australia, Canada and India to Ghana, Nigeria, Jamaica,  Fiji, Western Samoa and Tonga. From London, the British extracted wealth from approximately 20 percent of world’s population and governed nearly 25 percent of the world’s land mass. The British East India company had presided over the destruction of Indian industry while the British imposed opium on the Chinese people purely to extract drug revenues. One of the first acts of Queen Elizabeth II in 1953 was to personally shore up the spine of the Shah of Iran so that the British /US coup d’ etat against the Mossadegh government could proceed. The declassification of the role of the “Queen and the Coup” in Iran is one of those areas of historical research that is to be undertaken.

 It was in Africa, however where the ideas of eugenics, white supremacy and the necessity for British charity had been refined. From the Boys scouts, Girl Guides, Salvation Army, the British monarch was always the supporter formilitary-structured, organized youth of Britain. Queen Elizabeth II was only one of the monarchs who hid the wealth of the royal family behind garden parties and ceremonies as the patron of hundreds of charities.  The modern humanitarian/military lobby depended on Queen Elizabeth to be the patron of their enterprises. This humanitarian industry is one of the principal branches of imperial capital with international non-governmental agencies being the foot soldiers of modern imperialism.

Queen Elizabeth’s assent was needed to enact the laws that restricted the right of picketing, prevented unions bringing their members out in support of other unions and introduced fines and asset seizures for unions that struck without a ballot. Racism, chauvinism and the support of racists from Enoch Powell to Liz Truss were needed to divide the British working people. Even the main voice of the US bourgeoisie, the New York Times commented on the continuities of racism in Britain, two days before the announcement of the death of the queen, that “The British Empire may have all but ended 60 years ago, but the country’s next prime minister is still in thrall to its legacy.”

One day after the Queen Elizabeth asked Liz Truss to form a government, as her 15th Prime Minister since Winston Churchill, she expired.

The Queen as a celebrity in the tradition of Hollywood

The American Revolution of 1776 had attempted to make a decisive break with the dynastic rule of the British monarch. After the war of independence and the war of 1812, the US dropped its nomenclature as that of a British diaspora. However, after the economic crises of 1870 and 1913, when the British pound crashed, the alliance between Wall Street and the City of London rehabilitated the British monarchy in the eyes of US republican citizens. Hollywood and the Anglo-American media gave a new lease of life to the monarchy and one of the primary beneficiaries of this media alliance was Elizabeth who ascended the throne in 1952 after the debacle of the second world war. This City of London/ Wall Street alliance supported the exorbitant privilege of the dollar so that the US could pursue the military management of the international system. The British military with the costume dressed military guards of the Royalty was a useful prop for US and British militarism in the era of ‘the special relation.’ Scholars who have studied this special relationship spelt out five areas of cooperation between Britain and the USA, (a) currency, (b) nuclear cooperation especially Trident and Polaris) (c) joint signals intelligence (SIGINT) and communications intelligence (COMINT) manifest in global surveillance programs jointly operated by the US National Security Agency (NSA) and the UK’s Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ, (d)joint military aggression as manifest in Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan and (5) collaboration in media propaganda and disinformation. The Queen of England was a central prop for this media and propaganda alliance for over 70 years. One columnist Karen Attiah of the Washington Post condemned the “propaganda, fantasy, and ignorance” that have portrayed the Queen as a “symbol of decorum and stability” during her reign. “

That section of the US ruling circles whose roots go back to Ireland had opposed the propaganda and disinformation that was inscribed in the special relationship. By 2011, Elizabeth journeyed to the Irish Republic to conciliate the very strong Irish lobby within the US political circles. The struggles for National liberation in Ireland had been long, brutal and bloody so that by 1949 the Irish Republic did not want to be associated with the British, hence Ireland is one of the only ex-colonies of Britain which is not a member of the Commonwealth. While Britain and the US identified freedom fighters from Africa and Asia as terrorists, the British were never able to make the label of terrorist stick to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). The Irish were needed to be bound with global white supremacy in the era of anti-imperialism and anti-racism. Irish historians and playwrights were being wooed by Queen Elizabeth to erase the crimes of empire and encourage the Irish to integrate into global whiteness.  This was part of a long effort to make the Irish white.

Queen Elizabeth and the independence movements around the world

From the moment of her accession, Elizabeth was faced with the realities of the national liberation struggles.. The mainstream historical record is replete with the stories of the beneficent queen granting independence to subjects in far flung realms. The reality was very different. From her accession to the end, she had to act as the titular Head of State to conservative and imperial Prime Ministers, from Winston Churchill to Liz Truss.  The relationship between Britain and India is one of fierce contestation as contemporary barons of capital from India seek an alliance with the most racist sections of British capitalism. In the recent competition for the position of Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak represented that section of global Indian capital entwined with British capital that wanted to become the Prime Minister of Britain. But the British conservatives were not ready for a brown person to be their constitutional leader. The last public act of Queen Elizabeth was to hand constitutional power to Liz Truss to be the Head of Government.

The relationship between Britain and India remains too toxic for British historians. Indian historians have been bringing down the weight of historical evidence to chronicle the crimes of Britain on the Indian sub-continent. Every major European country had established what they called East India companies. The Dutch East India Company, the French East India  company, The German East India Company and the British East Indiacompany were all criminal institutions that orchestrated massive crimes in the world. It was the British East India company that stood out over the course of 200 years. The new historians from India have documented that, the British siphoned off an amount of around $45 trillion from India. Utsa Patnaik has documented the historical evidence that the East India Company was formalized back in the early 17th century and endured all the way through the Raj in 1857 and endured until 1947.

Elizabeth had been vacationing in Kenya in 1952 when the Land and Freedom Army was fighting for independence from Britain. Most of the Obituaries of Elizabeth sympathetically recounted when she went from the Kenyan safari to becoming Queen of Great Britain and the Empire. But the realities were very different. Before the anti-apartheid movement punctured the myth of white supremacy in South Africa, Queen Elizabeth had been the darling of the Cape Town set.  Britain remained the primary international supporter of apartheid – in terms of investments, trade and military relations- of the apartheid governments from 1948 to 1994.

Queen Elizabeth and Africa

Looting Africa and the kidnapping of Africans had been central to the wealth and power of the British monarchy. In the present period of Reparative history, economic historians of the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) in the USA have written long papers on whether British industrialization profited more from Slave trading or from slave holding. Eric Williams, Oliver Cox, C.L. R James, W.E.B Dubois, Ed Baptist, Gerald Horne and Joseph E. Inikori are among the historians who have chronicled the foundations of racial capitalism and the reality that capitalism could not have triumphed without racism that underpinned it through viciously enforced labour by the whip, in order to produce cotton, sugar and tobacco that spawned other industrial enterprises throughout Europe.  European historians in the main, from the right and the left remain uncomfortable with the proposition that it was not solely the ingenuity of British inventors that precipitated the industrial revolution and the capitalist mode of production.

Colonial historians from the London School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) had covered up the intricate connections between slavery, capitalism and the monarchy. Walter Rodney’s book, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa was a landmark text to implicate the imperial states in destruction, genocide and xenophobia. Hilary Beckles, Britain’s Black Debt and his most recent book, How Britain Underdeveloped the Caribbean have documented the role of the crown and the British capitalist class in enslavement, colonialism and racism. That body of scholarship surged beyond the controlled output from mainstream historians.

Over the past several years, a series of books have reshaped how historians view the connection between the monarchy, empire, colonialism slavery and capitalism. These texts have informed a younger generation of the crimes of the British and the complicity of the monarchy. While officialdom from, Ghana, Kenya and Nigeria to South Africa and Uganda, Queen Elizabeth’s death met with an outpouring of official condolences, mourning and recalling memories of her frequent visits to Africa during her seven decades on the throne, there was an opposite response from the mass of the population. It was from social media that one had to get a sense of the overwhelming sentiment that was echoed by the Economic Freedom Fighters of South Africa. When she died, the EFF issued a statement declaring that Queen Elizabeth had been the “head of an institution built up, sustained and living off a brutal legacy of dehumanization of millions of people across the world.” The EFF noted that the death of Elizabeth was “a reminder of a very tragic period in this country and Africa’s history.”

This new history is now most vividly represented in the recent book by Caroline Elkins, Legacy of Violence: A History of the British Empire. In this book there is documentation of the legacy of empire that left tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands dead,” and untold numbers of lives ruined by forced labour, starvation, torture and rape. In reprising the same depth of depravity that was revealed in King Leopold’s Ghost, Caroline Elkins documented how the use of violence was central to the spread and maintenance of the British Empire. Her earlier work, Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain’s Gulag in Kenya, documented the manner in which the national liberation struggles  had been suppressed with mass internment and many executions. This exposure of British neo-fascism in Kenya comes after 70 years of British historical writing that represented Kenya as one of the beneficiaries of the rule of law and economic prosperity.

British historians working through Commissions and through foundations unleashed reams of texts and reports documenting the role of Britain in expanding the rule of law in Africa. Now , after the death of the queen, hundreds of younger Africans from the Rhodes must fall generation draw attention the regalia of the queen and the linkages to the plunder of African minerals. Most of the youths across the planet would agree with the observation of Chris Hedges that the,

“Monarchy obscures the crimes of empire and wraps them in nostalgia. It exalts white supremacy and racial hierarchy. It justifies class rule. It buttresses an economic and social system that callously discards and often consigns to death those considered the lesser breeds, most of whom are people of color.”

Supporters of the Queen remarked in the period of the choreographed mourning that the queen did not know about the crimes committed in her name. The media moguls wanted to have it both ways, representing the queen as being astute and following details of the budgets and plans of successive prime ministers, but not being fully aware of the British crimes under her reign.

King Charles III and the burden of historical crimes

At the passing of Queen Elizabeth II, the international tune noted that it was the end of an era. But the question needs to be posed, “the end of what kind of era?” Over the seventy years of the reign of Elizabeth II, British capital limped as the national liberation and decolonization forces limited the power and reach of the Crown. Chauvinism, white nationalism and xenophobia surged in Britain with a United Independence Party emerging in the society. That formation could  not thrive because the monarchy represented the same values that UKIP were championing. The conservative political leadership mobilized the British workers into a frenzy of nationalism to the point of leaving the European Union  (BREXIT) and being the special partner of the United States in warfare.

With the duplicity of the British conservative forces, the elements that surged to the surface under Boris Johnson promoted the idea of Global Britain. According to the Tories, “Global Britain is about reinvesting in our relationships, championing the rules-based international order and demonstrating that the UK is open, outward-looking and confident on the world stage.” The management of ‘Operation London Bride is down’ was supposed to be one other moment to showcase Global Britain. However, the planners of the period of mourning and rituals of burial did not reckon with a mobilized anti racist youth internationally. The Queen’s Global appeal and her longevity were presented by the media as the depiction of Global Britain. Global Britain replaced the concept of Great Britain. It is now clear the Britain is neither global, nor great and as Stuart Hall had noted, “the very notion of Great Britain’s ‘greatness’ is bound up with empire.”

Scholars such as Caroline Elkins and Hilary Beckles are in the vanguard of a new reparative history. Britain is a multi-ethnic, multi racial, multi religious and diverse society.  It is not clear whether King Charles III and the monarchy will survive this new era of reparative healing and social justice. The survival of the 315-year-old United Kingdom itself is not necessarily assured. In the period of Covid, inflation, energy crisis, warfare, and the cuddling of billionaires, it could be said that the presence of Queen Elizabeth II had spared Britain the possibility of the emergence of a right-wing politician such as Donald Trump in the US or Victor Orban in Hungary. King Charles III has acceded to the throne at a moment of the deepest collapse of living standards for the British working peoples since the Great Depression. It is not clear that King Charles III as a member of the billionaire class can reinvent the role in preserving social and political stability, especially in this time of decline of British capital. The important lesson from Belgium and King Leopold was that the absence of reparative history sent the society down the road of right-wing nationalism and irreconcilable divisions between the Flemish and French speaking section of the population.

When he was Prince Charles of Wales, he stated at the Commonwealth conference in Kigali in June 2022 that

The roots of our contemporary association run deep into the most painful period of our history.

‘I cannot describe the depths of my personal sorrow at the suffering of so many as I continue to deepen my own understanding of slavery’s enduring impact.

If we are to forge a common future that benefits all our citizens, we too must find ways, new ways, to acknowledge our own past. Quite simply, this is a conversation whose time has come.

Was this a speech written for him or did he mean what he said in Barbados and Kigali about the deep personal sorrow? As King, Charles is now the head of the House of Windsor, he can go beyond ‘personal sorrow.’. The presentation in Kigali suggests that he has recognized the poisoned legacy of the British Royal family, of which his mother, Queen Elizabeth II was the most determined and astute defender.

King Charles III must come clean and offer genuine apology: to all those that suffered under British slavers, colonizers and economic criminal exploiters. This apology will be an important step in the direction of reparative justice, demilitarization and racial healing.

Horace Campbell is Professor of African American Studies and Political Science, Syracuse University. He is the author of Global NATO and the Catastrophic Failure in Libya, Monthly Review Press, 2013.  Notes.

UN experts criticise UK PM's potential plan to move British embassy to Jerusalem

Special rapporteurs focused on Palestine say moving British embassy to Jerusalem would break with international law and UN resolutions which UK has long supported


UK Prime Minister Liz Truss told Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid
 this week that she is considering moving the British embassy to Jerusalem (AFP)

By Dania Akkad
Published date: 23 September 2022 14:08 UTC | Last update: 1 day 23 hours ago

Three UN experts have strongly criticised UK Prime Minister Liz Truss's repeated suggestion that she may relocate the British embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

On the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York on Wednesday, Truss told her Israeli counterpart Yair Lapid that she is reviewing the embassy's current location.

During the Conservative party leadership contest, Truss, then foreign secretary, told the Conservative Friends of Israel group that she was inclined to move the embassy to the contested city.

Such a move would reverse decades of British policy. The UK has long maintained its embassy in Tel Aviv - even after Israel declared Jerusalem as its capital - as part of a longstanding policy that the city's final status should be decided following negotiations.

In 1967, Israel occupied and annexed the eastern part of the city of Jerusalem, which the Palestinians claim as the capital of a future state, in a move that has never been recognised by the international community.

'Two (or more) wrongs do not make a right'

- UN special rapporteur Francesca Albanese


Now, both the current and most recent former UN special rapporteurs focused on human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, along with a third United Nations expert, have condemned Truss's suggestion that this should change.

"Two (or more) wrongs do not make a right. Acts altering character, status, demography of Jerusalem have no legal effect, are null & void & must be rescinded," tweeted Francesca Albanese, the current UN special rapporteur, on Thursday.

"Sheltering Israel's [sic] from accountability or condoning its illegal actions tarnishes the credibility of the [international] community."

'There is nothing to review'


Separately, Michael Lynk, who served in the same role as Albanese until May, and Ardi Imseis, who worked for 12 years at the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA), voiced their concerns in a three-page footnoted letter sent to UK Foreign Secretary James Cleverly on Tuesday.

"No doubt Prime Minister Liz Truss will ask you to take charge of the view she promised to the Conservative Friends of Israel," they write in the letter seen by Middle East Eye.

'The British Embassy should stay in Tel Aviv unless and until there is a comprehensive peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians' 
- Former UN experts Michael Lynk and Ardi Imseis

"We write, as friends of the United Kindom to say that there is nothing to review: the British Embassy should stay in Tel Aviv unless and until there is a comprehensive peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians with Jerusalem as the shared capital of the two states."

The United Kingdom, they write, has long supported international law and UN Security Council resolutions which have established that Israel is prohibited from asserting claims of sovereignty over any part of the Palestinian territories it occupies.

Elsewhere in the world, they note that the UK has endorsed the principle that states cannot annex conquered territory, including in relation to Russia's illegal invasion and occupation of Crimea and Ukraine.

The UK also rejected the relocation of the US embassy to Jerusalem under Donald Trump in 2017, a move which the Biden administration has maintained.

"We see no valid reason why a similar move by the United Kingdom now needs to be 'reviewed'. Doing so would not be consistent with the United Kingdom's public assertion that it stands firm on respect for international law," they write.

Last month, 10 former UK diplomats signed at letter in The Times saying the British embassy should "stay put" until a Palestinian state is realised.

 CULTURE

Review: The Ancient Woods of South-East Wales by Oliver Rackham

25 Sep 2022 THE NATION CYMRU WALES

Morgan Owen

In Wales’ cultural imagination, the south-east is most often associated with industry and urban expansion, and while industry left a literally deep impression upon the land here, this is in fact ‘the more wooded end of Wales’.

This book brings together and completes Oliver Rackham’s study of south-east Wales’ ancient woodlands, begun in the 1980s and sadly unfinished at the time of his death.

Many will no doubt be surprised by the extent of these valuable habitats and ecosystems in post-industrial and marginal landscapes, and the unexpected ways in which woodlands record and reveal our history.

Patchwork

A study of woodland is a study of culture, because there are no woodlands in Wales that are not shaped by human activity, however remote they might be.

The woods of south-east Wales, and indeed Wales more generally, have their own special features. As the author states, ‘the Welsh attitude to woods seems different from other nations’.

In particular, there exists ‘a curious patchwork of fields and woods, without any sharp division between them… I shall call these “field-woods”, echoing the common Welsh place-name coedcae’.

Fringes

This is certainly borne out by experience of wandering south-east Wales, and the preponderance of places containing the term coedcae.

In the same way that the Welsh word ffridd is used in English to describe another typically Welsh habitat, the indeterminate fringes between open moorland and managed fields, might this not be an opportunity establish the word coedcae to describe this unique mosaic of field and wood in Wales, often ‘a transitional zone between the enclosed lowlands and the uplands’?

One would, however, have to separate ffridd and coedcae more consistently, as they sometime merge into each other, both literally in the landscape and in language.

One of the many joys of this book is a sensitive attentiveness to language, and the literal reading of the land.

As we explore the unique features of south-east Wales’ woods, we also find subtle connections.

These are far from uniform habitats, and altitude, slope, soil profile and proximity to water, among other factors, all influence their nature. In this corner of Wales, for example, oakwoods, beechwoods, birchwoods and limewoods are commonplace, with groves of hazel, ash, hornbeam, holly, alder, willow, aspen, maple and others scattered throughout.

[mid-content-banner}

Desolate

I was not aware until reading this book that south-east Wales is the western natural limit of the beech tree in the British Isles, and it ‘reaches its altitudinal limit here, and is the only British example of native beech as a mountain tree’.

In the coalfield ‘it is much more akin to the mountain beeches of the Apennines and the Balkans than those of England or France’.

I doubt that many would be aware that above the Ebbw Fawr you can find these rare and majestic mountain beeches, ‘the nearest approach in the British Isles to a beech forming a natural tree-line, as it does in parts of the Alps’.

This is an extraordinary habitat in an area usually regarded as desolate. Passages such as the above are enriched by a sensitive attention to relevant Welsh place names, such as those containing the element ffawydd [beech] in this case.

Wild

A valuable account is given of the history of the woods before industrialisation, which necessarily involves a kind of de-Romanticisation.

The woods of south-east Wales were never truly wild in certain senses, and we are reminded that they have been managed in some form or another for as long as there have been people here.

While the south-east was always heavily wooded, the emergence of industry did not change the extent of woodland very much, at least not to begin with, even if it did nibble at them and pollute the environment.

Destruction

Legends of destruction such as that of Coed Glyn Cynon, a wood between Merthyr, Aberdare and Llanfabon supposedly cut down in the late 1700s, as recounted in the well-known anonymous poem, don’t tend to correspond to the available evidence.

Managing woodland for charcoal was commonplace, but rarely led to its destruction, and may in fact have kept some woods from encroachment by agriculture.

Due to the intense competition over resources, however, the bard of Coed Glyn Cynon ‘regretted the lack of timber for building and wood and twigs for fuel, as well as the disturbance of the romantic aspects of the wood, such as the deer, badgers, foxes etc. which he thought would disappear’.

In this way, the woods tend to record social concerns and relations, and old charcoal pits, leats, railways and even lost farms can still be found in the woods of south-east Wales, which all converge inside them like a living palimpsest.

Conifers

There certainly was destruction, however, but it came later, and quite recently in many instances.

We are reminded that in mid-nineteenth century, ‘the coalfield valleys… were among the most wooded parts of Britain’, but ‘in nowhere else in Britain was there such a prodigious destruction of woodland between 1850 and 1950’.

The majority was lost to conifer plantations – those dense, regimented woods which crowd out light and ruin the soil – and by the expansion of farmland and moorland, in addition to general neglect.

Those ancient woods which remain are fragments of what once was, and revealingly they tend to occupy locations not easily reached by people or livestock.

Threat

It is fitting therefore that the book ends with an overview of the threats faced by ancient woodlands in south-east Wales today.

The principal threat, apart from development (two ancient woods had a near-miss during the recent widening of the Heads of the Valleys Road, for example) is lack of awareness.

What is not known cannot be adequately protected, for it is out of sight and mind, but these woods are inestimably valuable. This book is a valuable contribution to that awareness, and a call to action.

The Ancient Woods of South East Wales by Oliver Rackham is published by Little Toller. You can buy a copy here.

Analysis

The climate movement was built for a world before climate change — it’s time for a new approach

We need a mass movement that can deal with climate disasters. That means training people to both protect and mobilize their communities.

Cam Fenton September 22, 2022

We are past the point where “stopping” climate change is really possible. With global temperature rise already above 1 degree Celsius and the window on keeping warming below 1.5 degrees rapidly closing, the consequences of decades of political inaction and corporate malfeasance are already making themselves known. Every month it seems like another part of the world is being hammered by one catastrophic climate impact or another, from flooding in Puerto Rico and Pakistan to the extreme heat that melted asphalt in Europe this past summer to the wildfires raging across western North America.

In the face of this new reality, climate organizing needs to evolve. For me, this reality really struck home last summer when extreme heat and wildfires ravaged the part of Canada that I call home. Watching devastation in my own backyard in real time, I realized that spending most of adult life as climate organizer had done little to prepare me to support my community in actually dealing with the impacts of climate change. Sure, we could organize around these impacts to demand more from the government, but that didn’t feel like enough. I spent a lot of sleepless nights thinking about this and, eventually, it led me to head back to school to become a paramedic.
 
Meet the volunteer brigades and artists fighting forest fires and deforestation in Brazil

Through my schooling, and now working as a first responder, I came to another realization: If we want to build the kind of mass movement that can tackle this crisis, we need to think about equipping communities with the skills and tools to deal with climate impacts. What’s more, we’ll need to do this in a way that empowers local solutions and forces governments to do what’s necessary to meet the climate emergency. There’s no single silver bullet to make this happen, but one place to start is by training people to respond to the disasters on the ground and leveraging these response networks to build lasting power.

The idea is pretty simple. When climate impacts happen, they tend to quickly overwhelm emergency services. Floods and fires can shut down roads, cutting communities off from emergency medical and rescue services. Like COVID-19 did, extreme climate events create more patients than emergency services can handle. The result is loss of life and livelihoods, some of which could be protected if community level responders were prepared to step in.

Volunteer responders save lives

Take, for example, last fall’s severe flooding in the Fraser Valley region of British Columbia, Canada. In November 2022, an extended period of heavy precipitation, called an atmospheric river, delivered unprecedented rainfall all over the Pacific Northwest. Major highways were washed away, towns and farmland were submerged and people were stranded on patches of pavement caught between rockslides and new raging torrents. But despite this massive climate disaster, there was minimal loss of life. One explanation is that the region’s paid emergency services did a monumental job of responding. That is without doubt. However, that’s only part of the story.

The major cities in southwestern BC are surrounded by a lot of wilderness. The mountains, rivers and forests of this part of the world are renowned for their potential for outdoor adventure, and every year tens of thousands of people venture into them. That leads to hundreds of mountain rescues, and thanks to that, this part of BC has one of the most robust networks of volunteer Search and Rescue teams anywhere on earth.

In almost every community that was impacted by this flood there were dozens of well-trained volunteers who could provide emergency medical, rescue and evacuation services to their communities. These volunteers — deployed by boat, helicopter and everything in between — worked around the clock, playing a critical role in minimizing loss of life and supporting people and families forced from their homes.

In the end, fewer than 10 lives were lost during this disaster. That’s extremely low when compared to flooding of this scale in other parts of the world, where death tolls can be in the dozens or even hundreds.

With the threat of climate disasters on the rise, as the result of our governments’ inaction, BC’s model of volunteer first response is worth studying and replicating. It has the potential to both save lives and build the kind of community networks that the climate movement desperately needs to scale up its power.

What could it look like?

Every single community is going to be exposed to its own unique risks when it comes to climate impacts. In some places fires and smoke may be the main risk, in others it could be rising seas and super storms or floods and water-borne illness or extreme heat and droughts. In some parts of the world, the risk may even be extreme cold events, such as in places where the temperature has rarely ever dipped below freezing.

Given this reality, efforts to prepare for climate impacts will need to be strongly informed by the local context. Nevertheless, despite the range of risks, there is a common denominator. Every one of these disasters either cut people off from, or overwhelm, emergency medical services — and when that happens, preventable losses of life occur.

During the 2021 heat dome in BC, hundreds of people died preventable deaths. Many experienced heat illnesses, where the body’s core temperature rises so high that it interferes with proper bodily functions. The immediate life-saving intervention for heat illness is actually pretty simple: aggressively cooling the person down. But, that wasn’t widely known during BC’s heat emergency. Had it been — and had organized and trained first aid responders been acting as an auxiliary to emergency medical services — a lot of lives might have been saved.

Think about it like this: In the same neighborhoods in Vancouver, BC, where a lot of deaths occurred during the heat dome, there is a toxic drug crisis. Opioid overdoses, which can lead to respiratory arrest and death, are a regular occurrence. While too many people still die due to the toxic drug supply, there are a lot fewer deaths than there used to be because of a simple intervention. Community members have been trained to administer Naloxone, a life-saving drug that reverses an opioid overdose.

Now instead of only relying solely on first responders and an underfunded, overstretched medical system, bystanders can save a life immediately and buy time for the medical system to catch up. Community efforts to train individuals and groups in Naloxone administration and establish a reliable supply in these communities has saved hundreds of lives. Training cadres of “climate first responders” to provide immediate life-saving and stabilizing first aid in climate disasters could do something similar.

The good news is that much of the training already exists. We already have a litany of curriculum to train the public to perform bystander first aid in situations where responders have limited resources and where additional help may be hours or days away. These are the exact same situations that communities find themselves in during a climate disaster. Though we don’t have data on how much loss of life could be prevented with trained first aid responders in a climate disaster, things like the heat dome and flooding in BC do at least give us the basis for the hypothesis that training communities in remote first aid could save lives.

This same hypothesis could also extend to other skill sets in rescue and disaster preparedness and prevention. Many communities already have and train volunteer fire departments in skills like fire and flood response, and no doubt some of those skills could be trained up in communities facing increasing risks due to climate change.

Occupy Sandy, from relief to resistance

This isn’t an entirely new idea. In the Pacific Islands, climate organizers have pioneered a project to create and distribute small solar power packs that can keep communities powered during extreme storms. In Turkey, community members figured out how to build effective volunteer community auxiliary units to support responders dealing with extreme wildfires. In the U.S., Occupy Sandy emerged and provided necessary relief to communities in the wake of Hurricane Sandy.

From emergency response to political power

As climate impacts become more common, the number of people concerned about the climate crisis is rising. But, that rise in awareness is coming alongside a rise in climate anxiety. While in the past we may have struggled to get people to care about climate politics because of dozens of other concerns and distractions, we now struggle to get people to care about climate politics because of the urgent threats that climate change is posing to their lives, livelihoods and homes. It’s hard to get people to sign petitions or show up to rallies when they’re stacking sandbags or packing go bags to flee a wildfire.

Simply building up the capacity of communities to respond to climate impacts won’t be enough. Without more action from our governments, these crises are just going to get worse. Governments need to do more to stop global temperature rise and to prepare for the climate impacts we’ve already baked in. This means aggressive legislation to end fossil fuel use and a just transition for communities and workers. It also means expanding emergency services to deal with climate disasters and upgrading and rebuilding infrastructure to weather the storms to come. And, lastly, it means rethinking our approaches to migration — both within and across borders, as climate impacts forcibly relocate millions of people.

As we’ve seen, none of this seems to be what our governments actually want to do. The limited wins we’ve seen on climate change have come from people organizing to force them to happen, and the next phase of wins won’t be any different.

That means we need to build a bridge between responding to ongoing climate impacts, preparing for future impacts and organizing to stop them from getting worse. In other words, we need to build movements that have the tangible, hands-on skills to protect their communities in the case of climate disasters, but can also turn around and mobilize those same communities to force the government to act.


Support Us
Waging Nonviolence depends on reader support.

This bridge could be built on three pillars:

1. Preparation. Climate organizers need to find ways to provide the support and training communities need to feel prepared to respond to climate impacts. This might mean providing it themselves, or finding local partners and allies who can do so. This would build resilience, connection and empower both individuals and communities to feel equipped to protect themselves in the case of climate disasters, providing tangible tools for overcoming climate anxiety.

2. Local power. Organizers need to find ways to support communities to campaign for local climate solutions that truly serve their needs. As we just saw when Hurricane Fiona hit Puerto Rico, community solar projects provided power when the rest of the grid started to fail. This kind of community solution takes the empowerment and connection from the first pillar and turns it into localized, systemic community power and resilience.

3. A bigger, louder movement. Weaving these local fights together into regional, national and international movements that can demand the highest levels of action from the highest levels of government is critical. These wins take local resilience and spread it as wide as possible by forcing governments with the greatest amount of power and resources to deploy it at the scale a climate emergency demands.

Put another way, organizers need to be training people to treat their community for burns and smoke inhalation during a wildfire. Those same people need to be supported to organize their community to demand more funding and resources for fire prevention in their community. And, that community needs to be part of a national movement that is connecting the dots between worsening wildfires and governments continuing to finance and allow fossil fuel expansion. In a lot ways, this would be borrowing from the model that migrant justice organizers have worked off of for years, responding to direct threats to their communities and building that into the long-term power needed to win systemic changes to immigration policy.

We are long past living in a world where trying to stop the climate crisis altogether is possible. The climate has changed, and we need to change our organizing and movements to deal with this new reality. That’s a frightening reality, especially when each day the news seems to bring a fresh story of climate disasters happening somewhere around the globe. Yet, it can also be empowering.

In a disaster, communities pull together like never before. The power that exists in those moments has the potential to be transformative. What’s more, at a time where the climate movement feels a little bit like treading water, that might be precisely the kind of energy that’s necessary to gain some new momentum. We can harness that power by acknowledging that, if we’re in a climate emergency, maybe we need some climate first responders.


Cam Fenton

Cam Fenton is a climate organizer, paramedic and first aid instructor. He works for 350.org and a local ambulance service. He lives in Squamish, BC.



PETRO POLITICS
The Hill: Joe Biden's administration is on verge of significant breakthrough in Middle East

24.09.2022


Joe Biden's administration is on the verge of a significant breakthrough in the Middle East, quietly pushing for an agreement between Israel and Lebanon on territorial maritime boundaries, The Hill writes.

The negotiations appear to be nearing the finish line amid intense contacts between U.S., Israeli and Lebanese officials this week on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly in New York.

The administration has gone to great lengths to downplay the potential agreement, fearing that anything that looks like a normalization of relations between Israel and Lebanon will trigger a disastrous Hizbullah response.

But if the agreement between Lebanon and Israel succeeds - with Beirut implicitly recognizing Israel's legitimacy while both sides are at war - it would be a huge victory for the Biden administration using diplomacy to foster stability in the Middle East.

Amos Hochstein, the president's special coordinator for international energy, is leading the negotiations. He began mediating between Israel and Lebanon in mid-October, following talks that began during the former Trump administration in 2020.

The talks have attracted little attention, in part because of major world crises. But it also reflects the administration's desire to remain in the shadows.

The agreement is expected to establish a border between Israel and Lebanon in the eastern Mediterranean Sea. This will clarify how the two countries can benefit from the exploration of the Karish natural gas field.

Lebanese officials are signaling significant progress toward an agreement. Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati said in a speech to the General Assembly that "we have made tangible progress, which we hope will soon achieve the desired results.

Part of the progress is a consensus between Israel and Lebanon on the benefits of settling the maritime border. Israel wants to avoid conflict with Lebanon and generally advance its relations in the region, while Lebanon is in dire need of any economic benefit to be gained from gas exploration in this part of the Mediterranean Sea.
Real Living Wage rises by record 10.1% in UK


SOPHIE SMITH
22 SEPTEMBER 2022

The Real Living Wage has increased 10.1% in the UK amid the cost-of-living crisis, with over 390,000 workers set for a pay boost at over 11,000 Living Wage employers.

The new Living Wage rates have risen by £1 to £10.90 per hour across the UK and by 90p to £11.95 per hour in London.

The rates are now worth £2,730 more per year in the UK than the minimum wage, and £4,777.50 more in London.


The real Living Wage rates remain the only wage rates independently calculated based on what people need to live on. This year the rate increased by 10.1% in the UK, more than ever in the Living Wage Foundation’s 11-year history reflecting sharp increases in living costs.

It is higher than the Government-set National Living Wage, which is currently £9.50 per hour for those over 23.

The number of Real Living Wage-accredited employers has doubled to 11,000 in the past two years and includes companies such as Burberry, Mulberry, Lush, Elemis and L'Occitane.

Katherine Chapman, Living Wage Foundation Director, said: “With living costs rising so rapidly, millions are facing an awful “heat or eat” choice this winter- that’s why a Real Living Wage is more vital than ever. Today’s new rates will provide hundreds of thousands of workers and their families with greater security and stability during these incredibly difficult times.


“We are facing unprecedented challenges with the cost-of-living crisis, but businesses continue to step up and support workers by signing up to the Living Wage in record numbers. We know that the Living Wage is good for employers as well as workers, that’s why the real Living Wage must continue to be at the heart of solutions to tackle the cost-of-living crisis.”
Labour conference starts with focus on ‘immoral’ tax cuts
today


Labour party leader Keir Starmer, right, leads tributes to Queen Elizabeth II as the national anthem is sung during the Labour Party Conference in Liverpool, Sunday Sept. 25, 2022. Britain’s opposition Labour Party opened its annual conference Sunday, with leaders attacking the “immoral” tax-cutting of the new Conservative government. (Stefan Rousseau/PA via AP)

LONDON (AP) — Britain’s opposition Labour Party opened its annual conference Sunday, with leaders attacking the “immoral” tax-cutting of the new Conservative government.

The event, this year taking place in the northern city of Liverpool, kicked off two days after the U.K government, under new Prime Minister Liz Truss, said it would scrap a 45% tax rate for Britain’s highest earners and forge ahead with plans to boost growth.

The Labour Party has seized on the tax cut as a crux issue for hard-at-heel Britons who are struggling through the worst cost of living rise in decades. Labour leader Keir Starmer told supporters the conservative party had “shown its true colors” in providing tax relief for higher earners. They “make the rich richer and do nothing for working people,” he said as he arrived at the conference.

Andy Burnham, the mayor of Manchester, one of the U.K’s largest cities said the policy was “immoral”.

Labour suffered a crushing defeat in the last general election in 2019 under previous leader Jeremy Corbyn and is using this conference as a way of repositioning itself as a credible government in waiting.

At the opening of the conference, Labour members held a minute’s silence in memory of Queen Elizabeth II and sang the national anthem — the first time it has been sung at the conference of the party that has many members who would like to see the monarchy abolished.

Starmer said there was now “belief in a Labour government” among an electorate that is coping with soaring energy bills that have helped push inflation up to 9.9% while workers get only modest wage increases.

He pledged to reverse the income tax cut for the richest Britons and hit energy producers for a windfall tax on bumper profits. He also said his government would invest in green energy to speed the transition from fossil fuels.

Headlining the main speakers on the first day of the conference, Labour’s deputy leader, Angela Rayner, accused the government of “lining the pockets of oil and gas executives, enriching bankers while families are starving.”

Truss’s government has rejected a windfall tax, while subsidizing energy bills for consumers and businesses. The subsidies are expected to cost taxpayers more than 150 billion pounds ($166 billion).
PATHETIC JINGOISM

Watch SIR Keir Starmer lead Labour conference singing God Save the King for first time

Fears that protesters could disrupt the moment appeared not to materialise, as the conference hall sang the national anthem following a tribute to the UK's "greatest monarch" Elizabeth II



Dan Bloom
 Daily Mirror
Online Political Editor
25 Sep 2022


Keir Starmer today led Labour’s conference in singing God Save The King for the first time after a tribute to “greatest monarch” Elizabeth II.

The Labour leader opened the gathering by tribute to the late Queen, held a minute’s silence in her memory and sang the National Anthem, backed by the shadow cabinet.

He appeared to have a tear in his eye at the end of the one-verse rendition.

Some Labour figures' fears that objectors could disrupt the event appeared not to materialise, as a witness in the hall in Liverpool said there was “not a murmur” of dissent.

Shadow Cabinet ministers were at the front to sing God Save The King
 (Image: Ian Vogler / Daily Mirror)

The scene in the conference hall 
(Image: Ian Vogler / Daily Mirror)

Jeremy Corbyn, who has lost the Labour whip in Parliament, had described the decision to sing the national anthem for the first time as “very odd”.

The former Labour leader told the BBC : “They've never done it before, there's never been any demand to do it.

“We don't as a country routinely go around singing the national anthem at every single event we go to.

“We don't sing in schools, we don't have the raising of the flag as they do in the USA and other places.

“We are not that sort of, what I would call, excessively nationalist.”

But his successor wanted to pay tribute to the Queen just days after her funeral, and draw a line under Tory claims that Labour is unpatriotic.

Keir Starmer sang alongside Angela Rayner
 (Image: Daily Mirror/Andy Stenning

A source close to Keir Starmer said: “If you want proof the Labour Party has changed, that tribute to the Queen was it. What a moment.”

In a tribute to the late Queen, he said she was “this great country’s greatest monarch”


BROUGHT A TEAR TO HIS EYE
SIR Keir Starmer appears emotional as national anthem sang at Labour Party Conference

The national anthem was sang at the conference, despite previous criticism



Aaliyah Rugg
 Sky News
25 SEP 202

Labour Leader Sir Keir Starmer appeared to be emotional during the National Anthem at the annual Labour Party Conference.

The Labour leader opened his party's conference in Liverpool with a tribute to the Queen, who died aged 96 following a 70-year reign. It was followed by a minute's silence and the national anthem God Save the King.

Many in the hall were seen singing the anthem and applause was heard once it concluded. During the applause, Sir Keir could be seen emotional as the national anthem came to an end, appearing to be blinking away tears.

READ MORE: Labour Leader Sir Keir Starmer's promise to give hope to struggling families

It comes following concerns expressed by some about the decision to sing the anthem. Jeremy Corbyn was said to have criticised the decision as he told the BBC: "They've never done it before, there's never been any demand to do it. We don't as a country routinely go around singing the national anthem at every single event we go to."

Sir Keir, in his tribute, said: "The late Queen Elizabeth II was this great country's greatest monarch. She created a special, personal relationship with all of us. A relationship based on service and devotion to our country. Even now, after the mourning period has passed, it still feels impossible to imagine a Britain without her."

The annual Labour Party conference is being held in Liverpool from today, September 25 until Wednesday, September 28 at the city's Arena and Convention Centre. Kickstarting the event is a speech by Deputy Leader Angela Rayner, followed by a meeting to discuss party reports, before a discussion on 'winning the General Election' takes place from 1.30pm.


Voices: Keir Starmer is standing by Labour’s authentic and popular monarchism

John Rentoul - 10 Sept

One of the more unfair charges against Jeremy Corbyn was that he disrespected the Queen because he wouldn’t sing the national anthem. He is presumably a republican in theory, but doesn’t seem to mind the monarchy in practice. He is heir to the Marxist tradition in the labour movement, epitomised by John Wheatley’s comment that he “saw no point in substituting a bourgeois president for a bourgeois king”.


GettyImages-1243093130.jpg© POOL/AFP via Getty Images

Wheatley’s view was quoted by Clement Attlee in an essay he wrote in 1959. Attlee had ceased to be prime minister, having lost the 1951 election, and Elizabeth had become Queen. Attlee modestly declared that he had “taken part in bringing about a number of changes in British society”, but “there is one feature of it which I have never felt any urge to abolish, and that is the monarchy”.

He was a proud monarchist, with a strong pragmatic argument for his view. “A president, however popular, is bound to have been chosen as representative of some political trend, and as such is open to attack from those of a different view,” he wrote. “A monarch is a kind of referee, although the occasions when he or she has to blow the whistle are nowadays very few.”

In fact, his traditionalism went deeper than that, as he showed when he accepted a hereditary earldom when he retired three years later. No other Labour leader was quite so royalist, although Tony Blair tried. Blair said he was “from the Disraeli school”, as he copied Disraeli’s flattery of Victoria by describing Elizabeth as “the best of British”. But Blair could never quite conceal his anti-establishment cast of mind, and the royal family could never quite forgive him for having saved it from the popular backlash after the death of Diana.

Watch in full: Sir Keir Starmer reacts to death of Queen Elizabeth II Duration 2:52 View on Watch


Keir Starmer’s tribute to the Queen in the Commons on Friday was just as striking for its traditionalism. He quoted Philip Larkin’s lines on the silver jubilee: “In times when nothing stood / But worsened, or grew strange, / There was one constant good: / She did not change.” That is a stark statement of explicit conservatism – not only that, but a statement by an avowed Conservative.

Never mind that Larkin was writing of a time when, under a Labour government, the country seemed to him to be going to the dogs, and that he regarded the Queen as one of the few fortifications against anarchy. Starmer may have wanted to suggest that there are echoes of the Seventies economic crisis today, and that the tables have turned between the parties.

In any case, he went on to use the Queen’s legacy to make his own statement of deep conservatism: “The country she came to symbolise is bigger than any one individual or any one institution. It is the sum total of all our history and all our endeavours, and it will endure.”

It is a sentiment that fits with Starmer’s patriotic theme, set out consistently since he took over from Corbyn. Corbyn was personally polite about the Queen, and his tribute to her was touchingly genuine. “I enjoyed discussing our families, gardens and jam-making with her,” he said. “May she rest in peace.”

One of his best moments in the 2017 election campaign was when Jeremy Paxman pointed out that there was nothing in Labour’s manifesto about getting rid of the monarchy. “Look, there’s nothing in there as we’re not going to do it,” Corbyn said. When he was pressed, he said: “It’s certainly not on my agenda and, do you know what, I had a very nice chat with the Queen.”

But Corbyn’s politics had become, by the time of the 2019 election, a problem with voters who regard themselves as patriotic, and particularly with the kind of working-class voters with whom Attlee instinctively associated. Those voters could no longer be deflected by chats about jam from Corbyn’s hostility to the establishment, including its conventional views on national security.

Hence the flags in Starmer’s videos and his photo opportunities with soldiers. Some of Starmer’s poses have been crude, but this week allowed him to seal his reputation as a monarchist in the Attlee tradition. He is fortunate in his new opponent, too. Whereas before this week, the Conservatives might have been tempted to attack him for that video in which he slyly boasts about being made a Queen’s Counsel, “which is odd since I often used to propose the abolition of the monarchy”, they can’t now.

Not because Starmer is now a KC, a King’s Counsel, but because Liz Truss, too, was an abolitionist in her youth. That balances the two main parties in a way that Attlee would have appreciated. He felt that there should be no difference between the parties on the rules of the game. He was right – if the monarchy evolves, that should happen without being driven by party politics. By returning Labour to its monarchist tradition, Starmer has ensured that politics can be fought on a level playing field