Monday, March 06, 2023

ALREADY JOINED AT THE HIP
US House letter urges more military, security cooperation with Israel

Brooke Anderson
Washington, D.C.
05 March, 2023

Israel's Iron Dome is an example of its use of advanced technology for military use. [Getty]

Nearly 50 members of the House Armed Services Committee have signed a letter to the US Defense Department urging for increased security cooperation with Israel.

The bipartisan letter, addressed to US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin and signed by 47 members of the Armed Services Committee, said threats to Israel could be met with better technological cooperation.

The letter notes areas of advanced technology that are already being used by Israel against its adversaries, and suggests ways it can build upon these systems.

"Cooperative missile defense programs such as the Iron Dome, David’s Sling and Arrow are critical to ensuring Israel can meet the growing threats posed by adversaries such as Iran and its proxies, including Hezbollah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad," reads the letter, which was issued on Monday. It emphasised threats to the region by Iran and by extension Russia.

"Given the increasing sophistication of threats to Israel, we are concerned that we may be underestimating the quantity of weapons Israel will require to defend itself," it continues.

"We believe that by working together with our allies in Israel we can secure critical American achievements in emerging technology sectors such as artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, directed energy, automation, and space."

The letter concludes by requesting an assessment on the three key areas: Israel’s short- and long-term security threats; Israeli capabilities to meet and defend against these threats, as well as any shortfalls; and an assessment of the potential for increased US-Israel defense collaboration."

U.S. Army carries out 48 operations in Iraq, Syria within a month


U.S. forces in Syria. Photo: Al-Arabiya News

Baghdad (IraqiNews.com) – The United States Central Command announced it carried out 48 operations, with other partners, against ISIS terrorists in Iraq and Syria last month.

The Central Command elaborated in a statement that 22 terrorists were killed, and 25 others were arrested in these operations.

The statement indicated that these operations are important to prevent ISIS terrorists from regaining their ability to plan attacks in the region and against American allies and interests.

The statement also noted that if operations to combat terrorism are not continued, the terrorists will restore their ability to recruit new members and plan attacks.

“We focus on ensuring a permanent defeat of ISIS and we continue to work with our partners to defeat the terrorist group in Iraq and Syria,” the commander of the U.S. Central Command, Michael Corella, said.

Corella praised the efficiency and professionalism of the Iraqi security forces and the partners in the Syrian Democratic Forces, noting that the fight against ISIS is continuing.

Washington is leading an international coalition to fight ISIS, and is carrying out raids targeting ISIS terrorists and leaders in Syria and Iraq.

After ISIS terrorists lost their last stronghold in 2019 in favor of the Kurdish forces with the support of the coalition, ISIS terrorists in Syria retreated to hideouts in the desert in eastern Syria.  

CRIMINAL CRYPTO CAPITALI$M
FTX Collapse: Bankman-Fried's Golden House Arrest About to Get Worse

2023/03/05


By Luc Olinga

Federal prosecutors demand that the former crypto king be limited to using a flip phone and only access a restricted list of websites.

Sam Bankman-Fried, 30, had it coming.

The founder of bankrupt cryptocurrency exchange FTX and its sister company Alameda Research could see his pre-trial living conditions further constrained.

He, who until now enjoyed great freedom, could see his life being very restricted. In fact, federal prosecutors asked the court in charge of his case on Mar. 3 to approve restrictions on his use of communication services and tools. These requests are part of a number of modifications to the conditions of his bail.

Federal prosecutors accuse him of securities fraud, wire fraud, and multiple conspiracy counts, related to FTX customers and Alameda's lenders. Additional charges include illegal campaign contributions, money laundering, operating an unlicensed money-transmitting business and bank fraud.

The former crypto king has pleaded not guilty. But three of his lieutenants pleaded guilty to fraud and agreed to cooperate with investigators.
A Flip Phone

The former trader was released on bond on Dec. 22, after being extradited from the Bahamas, where he lived and where FTX was headquartered. His release had been secured after his parents signed a $250 million recognizance bond, pledging their California home as collateral.

The trial of the former trader is scheduled for October.

If Judge Lewis A. Kaplan sides with the federal prosecutors, Bankman-Fried will only be able to use a flip phone, or a non-smartphone, and will only be able to access a limited list of websites.

"The parties propose that the defendant be limited to the use of the following devices, and that he otherwise be prohibited from using any other cellphones, tablets, computers, video games (including video game platforms and hardware) that permit chat and voice communication, or smart devices with internet capability," wrote Damian Williams, U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, in a court document unsealed on Mar. 3.

The former crypto king will be allowed to use a flip phone or other non-smartphone with no internet capabilities. The communication function on the phone will be limited to text messages (SMS) and voice calls and all other message applications will be prohibited, Williams detailed.

Bankman-Fried will also receive a new laptop but the device's serial number, MAC address, and IP address will be provided to the court and to the government. His connection to the internet will be via a previously authorized VPN.

"The parties propose that the defendant’s new laptop be configured so that he is only able to log on to the internet through the use of specified VPNs, and that the VPNs only permit the defendant to access websites that have been whitelisted through the VPNs," Williams wrote.
Risk of Witness Tampering

This tightening of his bail conditions comes after Judge Kaplan said he could "conceivably” revoke Bankman-Fried’s bail, after he found that there was a "threat” of witness tampering.

A few days after his release under bail, Bankman-Fried contacted the former general counsel of FTX and used a virtual private network, or VPN, days after the judge said he wanted to restrict the use of encrypted devices.

A strict list of apps to which the former trader will have access via his laptop has been established. It is Zoom -- only to be used with defense counsel -- Microsoft Office, Adobe Acrobat, Screenshot tool, Notepad and Notepad++, 1password, Python (to read the FTX codebase), SQL tool (for running queries on the FTX read-only database), and a Web browser "used to access the internet consistent with the provisions set" by the parties.

For his personal use, a list of websites and apps, including websites of news media and tech groups, has also been determined: Nytimes.com, Nypost.com, Ft.com, Bloomberg, Forbes, WSJ, Businessinsider, Opensecrets.org, Prnewswire.com, Puck, Reuters, Coindesk, Cointelegraph, The Block, Decrypt, Beincrypto.com, Netflix.com, Spotify, Doordash.com, Uber eats, Amazon, MLB.com and NFL.com.

The prosecutors are also asking that his parents, with whom he currently lives, agree not to let him use their tech devices.

"The defendant’s mother and father will submit sworn affidavits listing their respective devices with serial numbers and MAC addresses (each has an iPhone, each has an Apple laptop, and they share a desktop iMac), and representing that they will not bring additional devices into the home nor permit the defendant to access their devices, which will be password protected," Williams said.
A decade of fighting: Worker waiting for benefits 10 years after suffering lung damage

Randall Ralphs, 70, talks to a reporter at the Las Vegas Review-Journal offices Wednesday, March 1, 2023. Ralphs has been going through the workers' compensation system since 2013 after he inhaled harmful chemicals at work and developed reactive airway disease. (K.M. Cannon/Las Vegas Review-Journal) @KMCannonPhoto

Randall Ralphs, 70, at the Las Vegas Review-Journal offices Wednesday, March 1, 2023. Ralphs has been going through the workers' compensation system since 2013 after he inhaled harmful chemicals at work and developed reactive airway disease. (K.M. Cannon/Las Vegas Review-Journal) @KMCannonPhoto

Randall Ralphs, 70, talks to a reporter at the Las Vegas Review-Journal offices Wednesday, March 1, 2023. Ralphs has been going through the workers' compensation system since 2013 after he inhaled harmful chemicals at work and developed reactive airway disease. (K.M. Cannon/Las Vegas Review-Journal) @KMCannonPhoto


By Jessica Hill Las Vegas Review-Journal
March 5, 2023 -

When Las Vegas resident Randall “Randy” Ralphs was injured on the job in 2013, he did not expect it would take more than 10 years for his workers’ compensation case to wrap up.

Ralphs is one of hundreds of injured workers in Nevada who are waiting for their cases to get resolved. Since the Review-Journal exposed problems within the department handling appealed workers’ compensation cases in September, he and many other injured workers have come forward to highlight what they say is a broken, unjust system that requires systemic change.


“I’ve seen so many people that were injured employees from all over. Casino workers, city workers … But nobody’s gone through it for 10 years,” Ralphs said.

A judge in 2021 awarded Ralphs a settlement for his injury, and he thought his case would finally be finished. But now he is fighting to ensure he receives all the money he is owed.

The department that handles the appeals of injured worker cases has gone through many changes in recent months. After the Review-Journal reported complaints of staff working infrequent hours, the department announced it would schedule hearings on Friday mornings. Gov. Joe Lombardo directed all state employees to return to their offices and appointed a new director of the Department of Administration, which oversees the hearings and appeals division, the head of which retired in February.

Years fighting

Ralphs, 70, spent 26 years as a maintenance worker for the state parks department, repairing buildings, cleaning carpets and helping manage forest fires in the area. On Jan. 8, 2013, he cleaned a water heater with Comet and muriatic acid, exposure to which can cause severe lung damage. Afterward he began feeling a burning sensation in his chest and had difficulty breathing, according to his medical records provided to the Review-Journal.

He was first diagnosed with chemical inhalation exposure and later with reactive airway disease, which occurs when a person’s bronchial tubes overreact to an irritant causing breathing problems. Doctors had found that he burned all the alveoli in his lungs over a long period of time, Ralphs said. Alveoli are the tiny sacs in the lungs that allow the exchange of inhaled oxygen and exhaled carbon dioxide.

Ralphs, a non-smoker, had difficulty breathing, and any form of exercise would wipe him out. His lung capacity has progressively gotten worse over the years, his medical records show. On good days, his lungs are at 92 percent capacity and on bad days they drop to around 79 percent.


He now has to carry an oxygen tank with him wherever he goes, although most days he stays at home with his grandchildren. Just getting out of his car and walking into a building is a “killer,” he said.

Ralphs had to fight a long battle with his former employer’s third-party insurance company, Cannon Cochran Management Services, Inc., and while his case was pending he had to pay for own medical costs out-of-pocket. One doctor had found Ralphs to be “totally disabled,” a definition that would give him permanent disability benefits. A hearings officer denied the claim, and his insurance company requested another doctor’s opinion. Another doctor, who had not completed all the tests on Ralphs, diagnosed him as being obese and not disabled. And another one found that because of his pulmonary impairment, Ralphs would no longer be able to work.

Winning his case

In 2020 a judge ruled that he was permanently and totally disabled and was entitled to a settlement, but Cannon Cochran put a stay order on the case so that it would not have to pay. In December 2021 — eight years after he was injured — a second judge ruled in favor of Ralphs, ordering that the third party administrator pay him more than $300,000 plus interest in a form of three checks per month: one for the back pay and money that is owed to him since his case began, another for the cost of living increase since his case started, and another for the current time period, Ralphs said.

His first check came in February 2022, but the others came sporadically and at random amounts. Some months he did not receive any checks, he said. Often the cost-of-living checks are missing. Ralphs does not know how the exact amount is determined, and he wishes the system would create an amortization schedule, a complete list that shows how much money he will be paid in principal and in interest, and when that money will be coming.

Ralphs has received about $345,000 so far, but there is still more money that Ralphs says he is owed.

“We’re still looking for the loopholes that they have not paid us for,” he said.

He and his lawyer, who takes 40 percent of everything, have to comb through the Nevada Revised Statutes, see what else he is owed, and request a hearing with the appeals officer to make the insurance company pay him. Due to a stacked calendar in the hearings and appeals division, his next court date will be in more than six months, he said.

“There’s lots of people that just give up because (the insurance companies) have this playbook that they just use,” Ralphs said. “It’s down to the money. It’s not about the injured worker.”

Tani Consiglio, a claims representative for Cannon Cochran Management Services Inc. who handled Ralphs’ case, did not return requests for comment.

Ralphs uses the settlement money to get things fixed or replaced around his house, tasks that he had to put off to pay for his medical expenses during the many years he was going through the workers’ compensation system. He also depleted his savings to cover his medical treatment throughout the years.

Ralphs had to pay for his oxygen tanks for years, although he received a letter this month from his insurance company stating that it will reimburse him for the out-of-pockets for the oxygen. Even if he gets all the money he is owed, Ralphs still is not done with the insurer. Each time he needs oxygen, he must fill out a script for the insurance company to determine whether or not he actually needs it, he said.

“I keep fighting,” Ralphs said.

Contact Jessica Hill at jehill@reviewjournal.com. Follow @jess_hillyeah on Twitter.






COMMENTARY
Historical amnesia in the age of capitalist apocalypse — and how to overcome it
Apocalypse is no longer a dark fantasy — it's the new normal. It's time to reassert human agency and fight back


By HENRY A. GIROUX
SALON
PUBLISHED MARCH 5, 2023 12:00PM (EST
A Proud Boys gestures | Smoke rises from a derailed cargo train in East Palestine, Ohio | California Storm Clouds (Photo illustration by Salon/Getty Images)

No history is mute. No matter how much they own it, break it, and lie about it, human history refuses to shut its mouth. Despite deafness and ignorance, the time that was continues to tick inside the time that is. — Eduardo Galeano

We live at a time in which apocalyptic visions have become normalized. Slow-motion catastrophes unfold as the planet experiences massive floods, storms, droughts, toxic air, poisonous water, wildfires, dust storms and other tragic disasters. The railroad disaster and massive toxic explosion in eastern Ohio is just the latest example. In the political realm, fast-moving crises portend nuclear war, ecological devastation and the rise of fascism across the globe.

Creeping calamities have become routine. They are matched only by a civic culture that is under siege by the apostles of neoliberalism promoting privatization, consumerism, anti-intellectualism and a brutal market ideology purposefully bereft of any sense of social responsibility. Americans now live in an age when historical consciousness no longer functions to inform the present and has become the target of white supremacists and a far-right Republican Party that is silent about the dark past that informs its authoritarian politics. As the violent terrors of the past tear into the present, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and his political allies enact school policies that freeze history in an ideological straitjacket, claiming they are liberating history when in fact they are denying it.

America is becoming a country that can no longer question itself, invest in the public good or imagine a future beyond the dreamscapes of the rich and ruling elite. Apocalyptic fears, uncertainties and anxieties feed a rising tsunami of violence that has become the organizing principle of governance, everyday life and society itself. American society is caught in the daily routines of lies, corruption and manufactured ignorance; one consequence is the withering of individual and social agency along with civic culture and the public imagination. American optimism has turned bleak. In the age of gangster capitalism, people lose their interconnections, community and sense of security. Isolation and anxiety gives way to mass depression and is ripe for expressions of rage and hatred. The guard rails of justice, compassion, the welfare state, politics, democratic values and the institutions that nourish them are under threat of disappearing. Apocalyptic terrors have moved from the realm of fiction into the social fabric of everyday life.

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Violence is the essence of authoritarianism; it is the symbolic, material and visceral breeding ground and expression of militarism, lies, hatred, fear and cruelty. It flourishes in societies marked by scandalous inequality, despair, unchecked precarity, lies, hate and cynicism. This is especially true in a society that is armed and militarized, and that embraces a war culture. One index is the epidemic of gun violence in the U.S. As Marian Wright Edelman, founder of the Children's Defense Fund, observes, it represents America as a death machine immersed in a culture and language of senseless brutality; it also represents the emergence of a fascist politics which provides the discourse of hate, bigotry and fear that feed an apocalyptic embrace of violence. The bodies of Black and brown people are no longer viewed as spaces of agency, but as the location of violence, crime and social pathology. There are no safe spaces in America. Edelman provides an example of the range and scope of such violence early into 2023:

Just a few days into the New Year America's gun violence epidemic is back under a harsh spotlight. The Gun Violence Archive, which documents the number of mass shootings in the U.S. in which four or more people are shot or killed in a single incident, counted 40 mass shootings in the first 25 days of 2023. This was 21 percent higher than in the previous two years and more than any January on record. Seventy-three people were killed and 165 more were injured in those mass shootings alone. Every day on average more than 100 people are killed and more than 200 others are injured by guns in our nation in assaults, suicides and suicide attempts, unintentional shootings, and police intervention. Gun violence is the leading cause of death for children in our nation. This is American exceptionalism at its worst.

Violence, especially regarding the killing of children — such as the mass killing at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas, that left at least 19 students dead, the child shot dead at Ingraham High School in Seattle or the "more than 338,000 students" who have experienced gun violence in their schools since the Columbine mass shooting in 1999 — can't be understood in the immediacy of shock and despair, however deplorable and understandable. Nor can it be reduced to personal narratives about the victims and shooters. The ideological and structural conditions that both nourish and legitimate it must be revealed both in terms of their connections to power and in the systemic unmasking of those who benefit from such death-dealing conditions. The culture of violence and the murdering of children as a national pastime cannot be abstracted from the business of violence.

Among Democrats, the general response to mass violence in the U.S. is to call for more gun regulations and to criticize the NRA, gun lobbies and the weapons industry. This is understandable given that the arms industry floods the United States with all manner of lethal weapons, pays out millions to mostly Republican politicians and, in the case of the NRA, has sponsored an amendment banning "any federal dollars from being used to research gun injuries or deaths in the U.S." Republicans, on the other hand, thrive in the culture of guns, white supremacy, the spirit of the Confederacy and an unchecked defense of the Second Amendment — a culture whose roots are in the long history of racial fascism.

Of course the search for profits at any costs drives the U.S. arms industry, the largest in the world. The cultural politics of violence is a powerful pedagogical force in America and cannot be ignored. Inundating the country with dangerous weapons is not simply a matter of convincing every adult that they should own a gun in order to protect themselves from migrants and people of color, or from Democrats who have been charged by QAnon conspiracy theorists of grooming children to be gay or kidnapping them in order to drink their blood as part of a Satanic ritual. There is also the vast general appeal to personal safety, security and the celebration and pleasure of gun ownership as a matter of identity formation. Consider Wee1Tactical Firearm Company, which markets the JR-15 rifle designed specifically for children. The gun is modeled after the infamous assault-style AR-15, with semiautomatic action firing, but is 20 percent smaller — in other words, a toy-scale replica of the weapon used in many mass shootings. The company's press release says it all:

Our goal was to develop a shooting platform that was not only sized correctly, and safe, but also looks, feels, and operates just like Mom and Dad's gun. ... The WEE-1 and Schmid Tool Team brought their collective experience in the firearms business… to launch the JR-15. We are so excited to start capturing the imagination of the next generation.

This is more than gallows humor covering pedagogical appeals to violence as a governing principle of security and daily life. In fact, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, in the aftermath of the mass murder of 19 children and two teachers on May 24, 2022, in Uvalde, Texas, tweeted: "The kids at Uvalde needed JR-15s to defend themselves…. At least they could have defended themselves since no one else did, while their parents were held back by police." The call to arm children with semiautomatic rifles modeled on the AR-15 is beyond irrational; it is barbaric. Those opposed to a gun culture and mass violence should indeed criticize gun fanatics such as Greene, the gun lobby and the arms industry, but this critique does not go far enough.

In addition to high-profile mass shootings such as the one in Uvalde, there were two other hate-filled mass shootings in line with the racial and antisemitic hatred now blooming in the United States. The 2018 massacre at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh by an antisemite, and the racist slaughter carried out by a youth nourished on white supremacist social media against Black shoppers in a Buffalo supermarket points to more than a culture awash in guns, hate and violence; it also points to a culture in which the drive for profits overrides any threat such greed may promote, even to children.

The pedagogical force of culture is a crucial political element of power in the U.S., an important site where struggles over power and ideas now merge. It has become a sphere where the formerly tacit assumption about the public sphere belonging to white people has now become normalized as a badge of patriotism. Neoliberal capitalism has become apocalyptic and utterly dystopian, and in its fascist phase expands the landscape of violence by trading in hatred, bigotry and violence both as spectacle and as a killing mechanism.

Neoliberal capitalism has become apocalyptic and dystopian; formerly tacit assumptions about the public sphere belonging to white people have become normalized as "patriotism."

Racist violence, in particular, has become visceral, unhinged and ingrained in the institutions that are designed to serve and protect the public. This was evident in the savage beating and death of Tyre Nichols, a 29-year-old FedEx worker, at the hands of five Memphis police officers. His deadly beating is indicative of how deeply embedded the culture of violence is in American police departments. Nichols was stopped for an alleged traffic violation, dragged from his car, punched and tasered. While he was handcuffed, lying helpless on the ground, "one officer kicked him in the head and then did so again." Another officer pulled him up from the ground while another struck him repeatedly with a baton. Videos from the cop's body camera and a street-mounted camera show Nichols asking why he was pulled over, stating that he just wanted to go home and then, in the midst of the attack, calling out for his mother. It was heartbreaking and terrifying, and offers a signpost of the systemic violence being waged against Black people by police forces in the United States.

The racist nature of Nichols' killing is bolstered by numerous reports that make clear that Black people are disproportionately stopped, searched and arrested by police when routinely pulled over for traffic stops. The disparity in how the police treat Black and white people under similar circumstances was highlighted vividly by Washington Post columnist Eugene Robinson in his comparison of how the police treated Nichols versus their arrest of Dylann Roof, the white racist who killed 19 Black churchgoers in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015:

Roof fled all the way to North Carolina and was known to be armed and dangerous. Yet police officers, acting on a tip, apprehended him at a traffic stop without incident and without a scratch. And when Roof complained about being hungry, police in Shelby, N.C., bought him food from a nearby Burger King. Those officers in Memphis — who have been charged with second-degree murder — didn't have to treat Nichols to a Whopper. But they could have listened when he explained that he was going to his mother's house, just a few hundred feet away

The numerous deaths of Black people at the hands of the police are part of the historical DNA of an apocalyptically violent culture of policing in the United States. As Simon Balto observes, the problem of policing needs to focus on the institution and the culture, not the individuals who commit violence. Balto adds that the beating of Nichols was not the work of rogue cops. It has to be understood as part of the "institution" and culture "that trained [them] to be violent, paid [them] to be violent and paid [them} to train others to be violent.… Police are trained … to use coercive force, are trained to use deadly weapons…. Violence, coercive force, the carry and use of deadly weapons — all of these are central to 'proper policing' as the institution of policing in this country currently exists."

Violence is not random in the U.S. It is systemic, pervasive, racist and deeply embedded in a fascist politics. It takes place in schools, supermarkets, gyms, dance studios and parades. Although everyone is a potential target, people of color suffer disproportionately from state violence. This apocalypse of violence is amplified by a modern Republican Party that is utterly wedded to destroying the welfare state, accelerating the range of groups considered disposable and imposing a white Christian nationalist state on America while expanding a bloated military and arms industry. Capitalism is now fully mobilized as a death machine and the Republican Party is committed to turning the United States into a fascist state.

In an age in which indoctrination and propaganda are waging an assault on all forms of education including schools and larger social and media apparatuses, the far right and corporate erasure of knowledge has become a form of intensifying violence. For instance, the notion of systemic racism, violence, oppression and inequality is anathema to the far right. This is clear in Donald Trump's 1776 Commission, which touted "patriotic education," a view of education that rejected any indication of systemic oppression in U.S. history.

The notion that the U.S. has never practiced systemic discrimination is also evident in policies passed by right-wing legislators "prohibiting teachers from talking about patterns of racism" and devoted to removing "from classrooms and school libraries books whose subjects must overcome systemic discrimination." However false and blatantly propagandistic this whitewashing of history is, the power of the far right in cleansing the history of racism and other forms of oppression has a long reach. One example that stands out is the final version of the AP African-American Studies course in which the word "systemic" was eliminated from previous versions of the course. According to Nick Anderson, writing in the Washington Post:

The February 2022 version declared that students should learn how African American communities combat effects of "systemic marginalization." An April update paired "systemic" with discrimination, oppression, inequality, disempowerment and racism. A December version said it was essential to know links between Black Panther activism and "systemic inequality that disproportionately affected African Americans." Then the word vanished. "Systemic," a crucial term for many scholars and civil rights advocates, appears nowhere in the official version released Feb. 1.

The College Board has denied being influenced by right-wing critics of the AP course such as DeSantis, who claimed the course lacked educational value and contributed to a "political agenda." However one wants to parse this issue, it is difficult to believe that the barrage of right-wing complaints about not just the AP course, but the inclusion of any knowledge about race in American history, had no effect on the final version of the AP course.

Violence is not random in America. It is amplified by a Republican Party devoted to destroying the welfare state and imposing a Christian nationalist autocracy.


As Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor has noted, while it is certainly conceivable that the preliminary version of the class would have been revised, it is "unbelievable that right-wing complaints did not influence the final outcome." Of course, the real issue here is not whether the College Board has engaged in a politics of historical erasure, but that it is symptomatic of an "anti-woke" attack on knowledge, critical pedagogy and radical ideas regarding racism that has a lengthy history in the U.S. but has been aggressively pursued in the age of Trumpism. The larger issue here is a right-wing assault on critical thought and the production of an age of stupefaction in which young people are being groomed to embrace conformity and forms of historical and civic illiteracy. The forces that created fascism are with us once again.

Under neoliberalism, democratic life has no vision and no meaningful ideological civic anchors. Neoliberalism strips society of both its collective conscience and democratic communal relations. Violence proliferates in a society when justice is corrupted and when power works to produce mass forms of historical and social amnesia largely aimed at degrading society's critical and moral capacities. Civic culture is under attack by a gangster capitalism that, as Jonathan Crary notes, promotes "the massive erasure and disabling of historical memory, and the parallel corruption and falsification of language and public forms of communication, [both of which] are complicit in the perpetuation of violence on a mass scale."

Neoliberalism can no longer deliver on its promises of social mobility, economic prosperity and a meaningful life for people. Its barbaric celebration of profit over human needs and culture of cruelty has reached its endpoint, which is a fascist politics that blames the breakdown of the social and economic order on Blacks, Muslims, Jews and migrants. It is essential to acknowledge that the turn to fascist politics provides ideological cover and support for a Republican Party that has morphed into an upgraded form of fascism aimed at creating a white Christian nationalist state. The GOP's war on Black people, young people, migrants, women and transgender people now creates a diversion and spectacle that enables the corporate elite and economically powerful to hide in the shadows of mass hatred, dehumanization and bigotry. All that is left is a discourse of dehumanization and the increasingly normalized view that violence is the only tool left to solve social problems while the punishing state becomes the default institution for addressing social problems.

Apocalyptic imaginings no longer address crises that could be avoided. On the contrary, they have morphed into the sphere of the hysterical and unimaginable. As the social sphere is shredded, politics experiences its own destruction, accompanied by the rise of extremist groups and a public drawn to racist and xenophobic rhetoric and actions. In this instance, violence is increasingly aligned with a politics of cultural and racial purification. As violence is disconnected from critical thought and historical contexts, ethical sensibilities are neutralized, making it easier for right-wing extremists to appeal to the alleged exhilaration, experience of pleasure and gratification provided by the abyss of moral nihilism, lawlessness and the operation of power in the service of mass aggression.

Violence thrives on historical and social amnesia. Hence, the current right-wing attacks on public education, dissident journalism, books, African American history and critical ideas represent a fundamental attack on the public imagination and those institutions in which critical thought nourishes critical and actively involved workers, writers, educators, Black power movements and others fighting 

The GOP's war on Black people, young people, migrants, women and LGBTQ people is a spectacular diversion, allowing the corporate elite to remain in the shadows.

In moments like these, it is crucial to remember that justice is partly dependent upon the merging of civic courage, historical understanding, a critical education and robust mass action. There is a recurring history of resistance in America that is under siege and is being erased from schools, books and libraries by right-wing Republican politicians and their followers. This is not only an assault on historical consciousness; it's also an assault on thinking itself, along with the very ability to recognize injustice and the tools needed to oppose it. One consequence is that neoliberal authoritarianism now thrives in an ecosystem of historical amnesia and has become an accelerating agent of violence.

In an age of apocalyptic violence, memory is erased, historical consciousness is banished from schools and critical ideas are labeled as unpatriotic. Fear, manufactured ignorance, engineered panics and a paranoid racist politics draped in the language of white nationalism and bigotry are now imposed on schools in the name of "patriotic education." This is the violence of a formative culture that embraces racial cleansing, a white nationalist notion of citizenship and the undermining of the public and civic imagination. Its endpoint is a rebranded fascism.

As the United States tips over into the abyss of fascism, state violence must be interrogated within the historical conditions that have both legitimated and normalized it over time. It must be viewed with a long durée of neoliberalism and racist violence that has become normalized in almost every aspect of daily life. The militarization of American society is now readily embraced and revealed in its turn toward a fascist politics. As long as we allow neoliberal capitalism to disconnect the fascist past from the present, the violence will continue as a matter of common sense.

The histories of repressed others must be made visible, along with the struggles and resistance they have waged against such repression. In this instance, the apocalypse of violence must be addressed not through limited reforms but through a call for eliminating a capitalist society whose history only leads to mass suffering, staggering inequality, endless injustice and fascism itself. Labor historian Michael Yates is right in stating that "The long rule of capital has created profoundly alienated conditions for nearly all of humanity [and we] cannot afford to settle for incremental changes….The radical upending of the social order is now hard headed realism, the only path forward." The struggle for revolutionary socialism is no longer a utopian longing. It is an urgent necessity.

Read more

from Henry A. Giroux on education and politics:
Resisting fascism and winning the education wars: How we can meet the challenge
Right-wing authoritarianism is winning — but higher education is where we can fight back
Fighting back against the age of manufactured ignorance: Resistance is still possible


By HENRY A. GIROUX is University Professor for Scholarship in the Public Interest and Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario. He is the author of numerous books, including "America at War With Itself," "On Critical Pedagogy" and "American Nightmare: Facing the Challenge of Fascism." His newest book, "Race, Politics, and Pandemic Pedagogy: Education at a Time of Crisis," was recently published by Bloomsbury.
Graduate Student Workers at the University of Southern California Have Won a Union

AN INTERVIEW WITH YONI HIRSHBERG MEGAN CASSINGHAM

The unionization wave in higher ed continues apace, with grad student workers at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles winning a union election in mid-February. Jacobin spoke to USC worker-organizers about their win and their contract demands.

Grad student workers at the University of Southern California after voting yes on a union, February 16, 2023. (GSWOC-UAW USC / Twitter)

 Jacobin 

INTERVIEW BYSARA WEXLER

On February 17, the Graduate Student Worker Organizing Committee–United Auto Workers University of Southern California (GSWOC-UAW USC) announced that it won its National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) union election at USC by a 93 percent margin. USC grad workers join a wave of recent union victories at private universities across the United States, including Yale, Northwestern, and Johns Hopkins. The USC union election also comes on the heels of a massive academic workers’ strike across the public University of California system. Jacobin’s Sara Wexler spoke with two GSWOC-UAW worker-organizers about their effort and what comes next.

SARA WEXLER

Can you tell me why you’ve been fighting for a union at USC?
YONI HIRSHBERG

First and foremost, the reason we’re looking to form a union at USC is to get an equal position at the bargaining table with the university and have a say in our working conditions. Right now our entire working conditions are determined by the university. Our pay, our class sizes, any sort of disciplinary procedures — it’s all decided without our input. With the union, we’ll be able to negotiate for higher wages and more, and have input into our working conditions.
MEGAN CASSINGHAM

From the perspective of the sciences and what we’ve heard from people working in labs, the expectations and workloads are excessive. That’s definitely something we want to fight hard for: decreasing that excessive workload. And also in the sciences, I think harassment from advisers or PIs (principal investigators) tends to be very common; we’ve definitely heard a lot of those stories. That’s something we want to address through a more effective grievance process than Title IX.

SARA WEXLER

Who would be recognized, or who do you hope to be recognized in the union? It is pretty unique, I think, to have master’s students involved.
MEGAN CASSINGHAM

In mid-February, we voted to certify our union. Before that we had conversations between the union, the USC administration, and the NLRB. We ended up agreeing on a unit that consists of anyone who has the job title of research assistant, teaching, or assistant lecturer, as well as internal fellows in STEM. A couple categories were put under challenge, but we were able to include a lot of people in this unit who have often been disenfranchised by other universities and other union drives.
YONI HIRSHBERG

To my knowledge, it’s one of the most expansive units in terms of who’s included.
SARA WEXLER

Can you give me a general timeline of the organizing and how it happened? Was it through mostly in-person conversations?
YONI HIRSHBERG

We started organizing in the fall of 2020; things really kicked off in fall 2021. We built a strong, diverse leadership committee that then expanded to build majority support through a card drive. Once we had supermajority support, we filed for an NLRB election, which we won by a 93 percent margin. Now we’re in the process of bargaining. So we are going to be figuring out our bargaining demands. We’re going be figuring out who will be on the bargaining team, and then we’re going to negotiate with the university and hopefully come to a strong contract.
MEGAN CASSINGHAM

To your question about how we went about organizing, we focused on one-on-one conversation tactics, encouraging people to talk to their lab mates and coworkers, answering questions, and addressing misinformation that USC was spreading. That was the strategy that worked really well for us — relying on a grassroots-style, one-on-one-conversation drive.
SARA WEXLER

Was the union drive sparked by certain conditions?
YONI HIRSHBERG

There were a few things. One was the pandemic, which showed a lot of people that the university doesn’t really care about them. A lot of people were all of a sudden thrown on their own without any support.

The other thing is, Joe Biden became president and Donald Trump’s NLRB became Democratic, which is important in our case because grad students do have the right to unionize, but the Republican NLRB could have potentially made that difficult. So having a Democrat in office meant that the people at the NLRB were now more on our side.
SARA WEXLER

You’ve already touched on this, but I wanted to ask about the fact that the union received a 93 percent yes vote.
MEGAN CASSINGHAM

In addition to getting such a strong yes vote, we also saw that a majority of folks who are eligible voted yes. So we’re proud of the strong mandate that we were able to turn out to vote yes, and we’re hoping that it’ll put us in a great position when we go to bargaining. USC will see that the majority of graduate students voted yes.
SARA WEXLER

What do you hope to win in a contract? What are your demands?
YONI HIRSHBERG

That’s what we’re working to formulate right now. We’re going to put out our initial bargaining demands within the next few weeks. I can tell you now that they will certainly involve things like higher wages (getting us to a living wage), protections from harassment and discrimination, having a real independent grievance procedure, better health care, better benefits (especially for dependents), and protections for international students.
SARA WEXLER

How has the university responded to the union so far?

MEGAN CASSINGHAM

Between when we filed and when the election was held, the university sent out maybe four or five emails with a version of an FAQ. It made it very clear that it did not think that this was a good move for us. It very explicitly said that it doesn’t think graduate students should unionize. When we initially filed, the university didn’t want to have a conversation with us about voluntarily recognizing the union or anything like that.

Given that stance, we might not be the most optimistic about bargaining, but we’re hoping the strong mandate that we were able to get through the election will show the administration that we’re serious about this. Despite it not thinking that this is the best choice for us, we’ll still come to the table and bargain in good faith.
SARA WEXLER

What challenges did you face in organizing?
YONI HIRSHBERG

Things are very siloed at the university. If you’re in English, you’re not really talking to anybody in chemistry, you’re not talking to anybody in engineering. So I think the biggest challenge we had was breaking through those disciplinary silos, to build a union that is strong across the entirety of the university.
MEGAN CASSINGHAM

One of the big challenges organizing in STEM is that folks often are just very busy. It can be difficult for folks in STEM to prioritize this kind of effort over lab work. It’s something that I prioritize very highly during my time in grad school, so I’ve definitely put a lot of time toward it, but I think for some people it can be hard to take time away from the lab. I’m hoping now that our union has been certified and that we’re moving toward bargaining, people will see that this is actually happening, and realize, I need to put time toward this to make sure that my voice is heard.
SARA WEXLER

Have you been in touch with other grad unions? UCLA was just part of the historic University of California strike.
YONI HIRSHBERG

We’ve gotten a tremendous amount of support from UAW locals nearby. [University of California grad worker union, UAW Local] 2865 has been incredibly supportive of what we’ve been doing, and we’ve gotten a lot of help from them. Their strike was very inspiring; they won an amazing contract, and it’s fired people up here. I talk to people, and they tell me that they saw massive raises, and they want to get that here as well. I think having the strike happen so close to our election is partially why we had that big margin.
SARA WEXLER

How do you imagine a union changing grad student life on your campus?
YONI HIRSHBERG

It would really be night and day. The experience of grad school can be very isolating; it can be extremely challenging. People feel like they’re on their own. They’re putting off adulthood in many ways; they’re not being paid enough to have stable housing, to have kids; they live at the whim of their adviser and their department.

With more schools unionized, there’s a path to being able to have a dignified life with protections, with good pay, while you’re in grad school. There’s no reason it shouldn’t be that way.
SARA WEXLER

Will the union make any demands in the contract or bargaining process about USC and its relationship to the Los Angeles community at large — concerning rents, inequality, gentrification?
YONI HIRSHBERG

I think those types of things fall outside of the scope of labor negotiations. So the contract will include things like our wages and working conditions.

In terms of the wider scope, because we’re organized as a union we’re able to do other things. The union isn’t just: every three or four years you have a contract, and that’s it. It’s an institution that can do so much more. I think there’s going to be a lot of interest in our union working with community partners, working with elected officials to not just make USC a better place to work, but to make Los Angeles a better place to live.
MEGAN CASSINGHAM

We’ve already seen organizing and relationships starting to build between our union members and elected officials; we saw a lot of support from elected officials after we announced that we won our election. So I think we’ll be able to build on that — not necessarily through a contract, but just because we’re so organized and there’s so many people who see these needs as urgent and important.
YONI HIRSHBERG

[Democratic Socialists of America–endorsed Los Angeles city councilor] Hugo Soto-Martinez gave us a huge amount of support ahead of the campaign, including a really nice video. UAW has endorsed him, and I’m sure that we’ll work with his office on a whole scope of progressive changes to the city of Los Angeles.

CONTRIBUTORS

Yoni Hirshberg is a teaching assistant and cinema and media studies MA student at the University of Southern California.

Megan Cassingham is a fourth-year chemistry PhD candidate and research assistant at the University of Southern California.

Sara Wexler is a member of UAW Local 2710 and a PhD student at Columbia University.
Syria condemns US general’s visit to Kurdish-held northeast

Foreign ministry condemns surprise visit by Mark Milley, dubbing it ‘illegal,’ according to state media reports.
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley met US troops stationed in areas of Syria under the control of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces [
Olivier Matthys/AP Photo]
Published On 5 Mar 2023

Syria’s foreign ministry has condemned a surprise visit by the United States’ top military officer to an army base in the Kurdish-held northeast, dubbing it “illegal”, state media reported.

In his snap visit on Saturday, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley met US troops stationed in areas of war-torn Syria under the control of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

About 900 US soldiers are deployed in several bases and posts across northeastern Syria as part of the fight against ISIL (ISIS) group remnants.

Official news agency SANA on Sunday quoted a foreign ministry official as saying: “Syria strongly condemns the illegal visit of the American chairman of the chiefs of staff to an illegal American military base in northeast Syria.”

Milley’s visit was “a flagrant violation of the sovereignty and integrity” of Syrian territory, the official added, according to SANA, calling on “the US administration to immediately cease its systematic and continued violation of international law and support for separatist armed groups”.

President Bashar al-Assad’s government views the deployment of US forces in SDF-held territory as “occupation” and accuses US-aligned Kurdish forces of “separatist tendencies”.


Kurdish officials deny any separatist aspirations and say they seek to preserve their self-rule, which Damascus does not recognise.

Milley’s spokesman, Dave Butler, told the AFP news agency the US general “visited northeast Syria on Saturday … to meet with commanders and troops”.

It was Milley’s first trip to Syria since assuming the chairmanship in 2019. He visited the country before as an army chief, the spokesman said.

During the visit, Milley “received updates on the counter-ISIS mission”, Butler added.

The general also “inspected force protection measures and asserted repatriation efforts for the al-Hol refugee camp”, home to more than 50,000 people, including family members of suspected foreign ISIL fighters whose home countries have not taken them back.

The US-led coalition battling ISIL provides support for SDF, spearheaded by the Syrian Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG).

After the ISIL fighters lost their last territory to SDF-led forces in 2019, the SDF has cracked down on remnants of ISIL, whose members still launch deadly attacks in Syria.

US forces have killed or arrested ISIL figures in numerous operations, including the group’s leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in 2019.

On February 19, the US military said troops working with SDF captured an ISIL provincial official.

The raid came a day after four US soldiers were wounded as they conducted another raid to kill a senior ISIL group leader in northeastern Syria, the US military’s Central Command said.

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SOURCE: AFP

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headshot of Francesca Lessa

Francesca Lessa specializes in human rights in Latin America, focusing on accountability for past and present instances of human rights violations and the politics behind these processes, which encompass state, regional, and international actors as well as civil society activists. Francesca has published extensively on these topics and others relating to impunity and memory in Latin America, in top-journals including Human Rights Quarterly, The Journal of Latin American Studies, The International Journal of Transitional Justice, and The Journal of Human Rights Practice. Her first book, Memory and Transitional Justice in Argentina and Uruguay: Against Impunity was published in 2013 and was shortlisted for the Latin American Studies Association “Best Recent History and Memory Book Contest.” Her second book, The Condor Trials: Transnational Repression and Human Rights in South America, won the 2023 Juan E. Méndez Book Award for Human Rights in Latin America.

Francesca has a PhD in International Relations from the London School of Economics and joined the University of Oxford as a Post-Doctoral Researcher in 2011 at the Latin American Centre. Between 2016 and 2020, she was the recipient of the prestigious Marie SkÅ‚odowska-Curie Fellowship of the European Commission, to conduct a project on transnational state repression in 1970s’ South America and contemporary attempts to achieve justice for these cross-border atrocities.


Gargi Mahadeshwar (GM): To start, I would love to hear a little bit more about your background and how you became interested in studying Operation Condor.

Francesca Lessa (FL): I was studying for a PhD in International relations at London School of Economics a few years back. Most of my academic trajectory has been in international relations, and much of the interest I had was always on the ways in which states interact with each other in a number of issues, in particular on the issue of human rights. When I was working on my PhD thesis, I was looking specifically at the ways in which Argentina and Uruguay found different ways after the return of democracy to come to terms with the legacy of the crimes against humanity that had been committed at the time of their respective dictatorships. At the same time, I was reading a few things about Operation Condor, but back then I didn't really have too much time to sort of deepen my research on Condor, because I was already trying to wrap my head around two very complex cases.

But when I finished my PhD and my thesis was published as a book, I was sort of in a kind of transition period looking for my next research project. And exactly at that time, a friend of mine from Uruguay, who is a survivor of Operation Condor and a survivor of the Clandestine Detention Center in Buenos Aires known as Automatores Oreletti, in late 2012, mentioned to me one day that a new criminal trial would be beginning in the courts of Buenos Aires, which would investigate her case alongside that of various other victims for the first time.. . [she was] looking forward to having her case finally being investigated by a criminal court in Argentina, because this took place almost 40 years after the events that she had suffered. So when she mentioned this to me, it sort of reminded me about what I had read on Operation Condor as part of my PhD thesis. And I thought it would be a good opportunity for me to follow the trial in Argentina as a sort of lens to also explore Operation Condor more broadly.

 

In your book you explained that you had conducted around 105 interviews and attended 74 hearings as part of your research. What difficulties did that bring as you were doing your research, and what was the most difficult part of collecting all of these stories?

There were several challenges throughout this project. The first one was specifically about the trial and the experience of sitting in on a large number of hearings. On one hand this was inspiring, because listening to the stories of the victims and also of the relatives who had been extremely brave in denouncing the crimes throughout time was extremely empowering and extremely inspiring, and also showing the resilience that some people have in the face of the most terrific human rights violations. But of course, listening to their stories was also very challenging. I think no matter how many stories you hear, you never get used to it. It is just extremely difficult to even just imagine the level of cruelty that has happened across the world in so many of these dictatorships. So it was difficult to sit in and listen to the stories.

Of course, one big obstacle that I faced was that in 2017, myself and 12 other people received death threats in Uruguay. This had quite a major impact because I had just moved to Uruguay a few months earlier to continue with this project after spending time in Argentina . . . I had to move back to Argentina and try to locate alternative archives and alternative interviewees. But in that sense, I was also quite fortunate that many people helped me and offered access to other archives so I could travel to Brazil and to Chile and to Washington to use other archives to sort of fill out those gaps of the Uruguayan archives that I couldn't use in the end. 

 

Thank you for sharing that. Could you share some moments of hope throughout your journey or maybe a story that brought you hope while you were working on this project?

I think the story that I would like to share is the story of the two siblings that is also the opening of the book. I think the story of these two siblings is quite powerful because it encompasses a number of countries because the whole ordeal that they experienced sort of geographically illustrates the ability by the military regimes to effectively suspend borders so that the crimes could be committed literally beyond any of the borders. What I remember from the interviews is that Anatole, the older brother, shared little anecdotes [of hope]. For example, when they were in the orphanages, he would never let go of his sister. Like literally, he was always near her and very protective of his sister to the point that there had been various families that wanted to adopt them but only wanted to adopt one or the other; they didn't want to adopt both of them. And in the end, the judge allows the adoption to the only family that wanted to adopt both. I think it shows so powerfully how the love that he had for his sister was so clear, and he was only like four and a half years old. But I think everything he had been through made him very protective of his sister and the fact that he said some people were trying to change her name, and that he always insisted on calling her Vicky, because that was her name, Victoria, and is the name that she goes by even today. So, I think it's small things like that, that in the context of the enormity, of the tragedy that lived through, that link back to the humanity of people and the ways in which these two siblings have been able to remain very close. They've become justice seekers who have led the demands for justice and were able to achieve various criminal verdicts in Argentina and in Uruguay at the Inter-American court. So, I think they are very inspirational stories that speak of all of the love and the power of families that some of the military regimes were trying to destroy. 

 

A large part of your work deals with that transitional justice and I was wondering if you could talk a bit about the role of memory in a society and achieving that justice and how that's been playing out since these trials are being held so much later than the actual crimes occurred.

So, I think memory plays an essential role, and there is the sort of famous saying that a society that doesn't remember its past is condemned to repeat it. And I think it is in part a reflection of what we see happening across many countries of the world. Unfortunately, there have been several academic studies carried out that show that many countries that have been through conflicts or human rights atrocities are likely to relapse in a similar pattern within 10 years. So we know that there can be recurrent cycles of violence and human rights violations. And I think this is where transitional justice and memory come in as part of the various processes that should take place.

There have also been studies that have shown that the occurrence of trials is correlated with countries having better scores in human rights and democracy. So there has been evidence by various studies that the work of truth commissions and the work of trials and other mechanisms of this kind help improve the respect of human rights. And of course, memory has a key role in all of this.  

I think making these official acknowledgements that the state was a violator of human rights, and that has since then become a democracy is where memory symbolic reparations play a key role because of course, the victims themselves are directly affected. But in these cases of state terror, the society as a whole is also a victim. So the memory is not only for the direct victims, but the entire society to know what happened, what were the political, social, historical conditions that led to the onset of this type of repressive crime repressive systems, and what changes also need to happen, whether in the legal system or in the judiciary, or in the police or in the military or many other state institutions in order to ensure that these crimes don't happen again. 

 

Continuing on that topic of truth commissions and other mechanisms of achieving justice, what have you noticed is lacking in these mechanisms, and what do you hope will change about them in the future?

This is a very difficult question. All of the questions are difficult, but this is especially difficult in the sense that there is no specific sort of blueprint or model that can be developed. There are some key features that most truth commissions tend to have, for example, policies of reparations and so on. But I think it really depends on the specific case. Depending on the specific communities, there will be different understandings of the type of justice that is needed in the community that was affected by the violence. I think it would be important that these mechanisms try to do as much as possible to make sure that justice and truth have meaning locally. There is no specific way one can do this, and it will depend on where you are, what happened exactly, who the victims were and so on.

But I think trying to make justice more bottom up instead of top down is important, especially with this objective of trying to really set the grounds for guarantees of non-repetition. If justice doesn't feel like justice in the community is affected, then there is always the potential that new grievances can emerge, that can in the long term trigger again the cycle of violence. Some truth commissions have done it more than others, but I think it's an important objective that should be one of the key elements for transitional justice.

 

So throughout your research on this project, I know that because Operation Condor was such a big network that involved so many different states that a lot of your work was in various states. Did you notice any major differences in the way that each state reacted to their own history and their ability to hold themselves accountable?

That's an excellent question. I think we can imagine a sort of continuum from full impunity to full accountability, which are, of course, ideals. And so if we imagine this continuum, I think we can place countries along different bits of this continuum. And it's certainly no secret that countries such as Brazil, Paraguay and Bolivia tend to be close to the full impunity end of the spectrum for a number of reasons including their own histories, the history of the dictatorship, the extent of the human rights violations that were committed in the countries, etc. We have countries such as Argentina and Chile, which are not at the full accountability end, but they're trying to transit towards there. And where there have been hundreds of trials for the crimes of the dictatorship, there have been quite comprehensive policies of reparations. There have been truth commissions, there have been lots of symbolic initiatives of transforming former clandestine prisons into museums of memory, of carrying out activities with students to show them and sort of have these experiences for them to learn about their past by talking with the survivors.

 

I wanted to end by asking you what advice you have for students that are interested in researching human rights in general, and then also in advancing transnational justice.

In terms of advice, I would say that there is a huge need for people wanting to do research on this topic. I feel that I only sort of reached the tip of the iceberg. So there are so many other angles and aspects that will certainly require further research. And for me, the best part of this experience was to be able to spend a long period of time in South America. I was there for about four years, which was life changing, because I think in order to study these topics, you really need to try and understand the countries themselves. I'm not originally from any of those countries, but it seems to me that it's a sort of crucial precondition to even embark on a project like this to really understand the political and social and historical background of the countries and mostly to meet the people who were protagonists in different ways of the stories that one wants to tell. I would also say being open to finding something different than you expected to find or you were hoping to find. If I look back to 10 years ago when I began this project, I think I found some of the things that I was expecting to find, but I found so many others that I was never expecting to find. Allow yourself to be surprised by your research and the whole research process without thinking that that's a failure, because I don't think it's a failure. I think it's part of the whole research process. It's not linear. There's a lot of ups and downs and setbacks and two steps ahead and three back, and then some more ahead. So, I think it's all part of the experience of conducting these types of projects. 

 

Thank you so much! I know everyone at the DHRC is inspired by your work, and so excited to have you at Duke accepting the Juan Méndez Award. So thank you so much again for taking the time out of your day to speak with me. 

Thank you. It's been really great to talk to you and thank you for your thoughtful questions. I really, really appreciate it and I'm really looking forward to the visit next week.

 

Learn more about Dr. Lessa's work on Operation Cóndor at the website Plan Cóndor, a collaborative project between the University of Oxford; Sitios de Memoria - Uruguay, the Observatorio Luz Ibarburu, pozodeagua (Uruguay); Londres 38 (Chile); and independent researchers from Argentina. 

Democratic AGs Condemn DeSantis Administration's Transphobic Request


PHOTOS VIA GETTY IMAGES

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis's administration requested public colleges in the state provide information about students receiving gender-affirming care.

CNN WIRE
MARCH 05 2023 
By Devan Cole

(CNN) -- A coalition of 16 Democratic attorneys general criticized Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis over his administration's request to public colleges in the state for information about students receiving gender-affirming care, saying it intimidates physicians and could have a chilling effect on students seeking the care.

The coalition, led by New York Attorney General Letitia James, said in a letter sent on Friday to DeSantis, a Republican, that they have an "interest in protecting the rights and medical decisions of the many students and staff members in the Florida state university system who are citizens of our states."

"The information request you have issued threatens to undermine the private medical decisions made by transgender individuals together with their families and health care providers and risks the lives and welfare of some of the most vulnerable people in our communities," the letter says.

It's unclear why DeSantis' administration is seeking this information. CNN has reached out to DeSantis' office for comment on the letter.

Gender-affirming care -- particularly for trans youth -- has recently come under assault by conservatives, with several GOP-led states moving to restrict it for minors over the last few years. LGBTQ advocates and their supporters have said that targeting the care could have dire consequences for a vulnerable group that suffers from uniquely high rates of suicide.

The attorneys general charged that the request "may be intended to intimidate, and will actually intimidate, university administrators and health care providers and chill vulnerable students, including the students or staff in Florida's state university system who are citizens of our states, from accessing necessary medical care."

In January, Florida Office of Policy and Budget director Chris Spencer sent a memo to all public colleges in the state that said the agency "has learned that several state universities provide services to persons suffering from gender dysphoria."

The memo included a four-page survey containing the various pieces of information the office wanted about the students seeking gender-affirming care, including "the number of encounters for sex-reassignment treatment or where such treatment was sought."

Gender-affirming care is medically necessary, evidence-based care that uses a multidisciplinary approach to help a person transition from their assigned gender -- the one the person was designated at birth -- to their affirmed gender -- the gender by which one wants to be known.

Though the care is highly individualized, some people may decide to use reversible puberty suppression therapy. This part of the process may also include hormone therapy that can lead to gender-affirming physical change. And some people may seek surgical interventions.

Major medical associations agree that gender-affirming care is clinically appropriate for children and adults with gender dysphoria, which, according to the American Psychiatric Association, is psychological distress that may result when a person's gender identity and sex assigned at birth do not align.

The Florida memo asked that the schools provide information about "the number of individuals" -- including their age -- who were prescribed puberty blockers, hormones and underwent medical procedures as part of their care.

The attorneys general urged the governor to rescind his request to the colleges, though the memo from the state agency said that the information should be returned to the state by February 10.

Under DeSantis, Florida has taken other steps to restrict gender-affirming care, with its Department of Health releasing new guidance last year that advises against any such care for children and adolescents.

DeSantis also faced intense scrutiny last year for signing a measure that bans certain instruction about sexual orientation and gender identity in the classroom.

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Minnesota legislator: 'I'm sick of White Christians' adopting Native American babies, continuing 'genocide'

The Minnesota Republican Party called state Rep. Heather Keeler's post 'extremist rhetoric'

By Andrew Mark Miller | Fox News

Texas family fights in Supreme Court to keep adopted Native American child due to law that favors tribes: 'Racial discrimination'

Chad and Jennifer Brackeen are litigants in a Supreme Court case set for oral arguments next month over the Indian Child Welfare Act, which their lawyers say is racially discriminatory against non-Native families seeking to adopt Native children.

A Minnesota Democrat in the state legislature is facing criticism after alllegedly posting online that White Christians who adopt Native American children are contributing to "genocide."

"I’m sick of white Christians adopting our babies and rejoicing," Minnesota State Rep. Heather Keeler posted on her personal Facebook page recently, according to Alpha News.

"It’s a really sad day when that happens. It means the genocide continues.

"If you care about our babies, advocate against the genocide," the post continued. "Help the actual issues impacting indigenous parents, stop stealing our babies and changing their names under the impression you are helping. White saviors are the worst!"

NATIVE AMERICAN LEADER DENOUNCES INDIGENOUS FESTIVAL BY ‘MADE-UP GROUP’: 'WOULDN'T BE CAUGHT DEAD'


Minnesota State Rep. Heather Keeler (Minnesota House YouTube)

The post from Keeler, who is Native American and an enrolled member of the Yankton Sioux Tribe, followed up on a post from her professional Facebook page with a similar sentiment that said "stripping" Native American children of their "identity" is a "form of genocide."

Fox News Digital could not independently verify the post on her private account, which was captured in a screenshot by Alpha News. News station KVRR said Keeler didn't deny making the post.

The Republican Party of Minnesota responded to the comments, calling the post a "racist rant."


The Minnesota State Capitol in St. Paul. (Google Earth)

"There is no place in our political discourse for attacks on Minnesotans’ race or religions," Minnesota Republican Party Chairman David Hann said in a statement. "We condemn this hateful and extremist rhetoric in the strongest possible terms and call on all Democrats to do the same."


The statement named prominent Democrats in the state who should "unequivocally denounce this hate speech immediately."

NATIVE AMERICAN GROUP GIVEN RIGHTS TO 1970S 'CRYING INDIAN' AD

Wheeler did not immediately respond to a request for comment from Fox News Digital.

Wheeler is cosponsoring a bill that will "make improvements to the federal Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 that establishes child protection procedures and requirements for children who are members of or eligible for membership in a federally recognized Tribe."



Three Yaqui Indian Native American girls in Arizona who are foster children protected by the Indian Child Welfare Act. (Joshua Lott/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

According to a press release, the bill "makes technical changes and adds numerous provisions to the Minnesota Indian Family Preservation Act (MIFPA), incorporating federal ICWA procedures and requirements for voluntary and involuntary child placement and permanency proceedings."

The Supreme Court is weighing whether it should toss out or severely dismantle the Indian Child Welfare Act meant to protect Native American rights in state child custody proceedings. It has long been championed by tribal leaders as a means of preserving their families and culture.

Andrew Mark Miller is a writer at Fox News. Find him on Twitter @andymarkmiller and email tips to AndrewMark.Miller@Fox.com.