Sri Lanka: Economists For Suspending Debt After Devastating Cyclone

Abdul Rahman | 29 Dec 2025

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Sri Lanka is expected to pay over 25% of its total revenue in debt servicing every year at a time when Ditwah, as per early estimates, caused damages worth 7 billion USD or around 7% of the country’s GDP.

People repair a collapsed bridge affected by Cyclone Ditwah in Badulla District, Sri Lanka, Dec. 13, 2025. Photo: Xinhua

The Institute of Political Economy (IPE), Sri Lanka and the UK-based Debt Justice issued a joint statement demanding the International Monetary Fund (IMF) suspend Sri Lanka’s debt repayment to help it tackle its prolonged economic crisis compounded by Cyclone Ditwah.

The statement, signed by over 120 well-known economists from across the world including Jayati Ghosh and Utsa Patnaik from India, Nobel-prize winner Joseph Stiglitz, and French economist Thomas Piketty, asks the IMF to prioritize the welfare of people and their development over financial obligations to external creditors.

Sri Lanka, which has been trying to overcome the prolonged effects of the 2019 economic crisis, still must dedicate 25% of its annual revenue for international debt servicing.

The debt burden leaves little for the government to spend on crucial development sectors such as education, health, and social security. It creates a situation where the crucial renovation of the country’s infrastructure is delayed, compromising the preparedness for the persistent effects of climate change, such as Cyclone Ditwah.

Sri Lanka currently has an external debt of around USD 9 billion. It defaulted on its repayment schedule in 2022 for the first time in its history when the economic crisis, intensified due to the COVID-19 pandemic, was at its peak.

While in the 17th IMF sovereign debt restructuring agreement last year, creditors agreed to reduce the debt payment by 17%. Yet, the restructuring falls far short of the requirements of the Sri Lankan economy, the statement notes.

It “failed to provide a sustainable solution to Sri Lanka’s debt crisis” and left the country “extremely vulnerable to external shocks – particularly climate-induced disasters,” the statement claims.

Even after the readjustment, Sri Lanka’s repayment rate is one of the highest in the world, the statement notes. The Sri Lankan government would still have to use a quarter of its total revenue for the repayment of debts, which leaves a very high chance of default and very little for basic development needs.

The IMF itself has assessed that at the current rates there is nearly a 50% chance of Sri Lanka defaulting on its repayment schedule.

The suspension in debt repayment would help in stabilizing the economy and resources in order for the government to deal with the aftermath of the cyclone.

Justice and debt sustainability

Over 800 people were either killed or missing and over 1.4 million were displaced during the cyclone, which hit the country last month. The cyclone caused massive economic losses to the already-struggling country, damaging standing crops and public infrastructure.

According to estimates, the cyclone caused damages worth over USD 7 billion which is around 7% of the country’s GDP. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake called it the “largest and most challenging natural disaster” in the country’s history.

Noting that the environmental emergency created by the cyclone Ditwah “is poised to observe – and potentially exceed – the extremely limited fiscal space created by the current debt restructuring package,” signatories of the statement demanded that Sri Lanka “needs a more comprehensive, resilience-oriented debt solution.”

The signatories argue that the IMF’s approach has been to prioritize the continuity of debt servicing over deep debt relief, which exposes the Sri Lankan economy and population to future disasters.

The statement accused the IMF of failing to assess Sri Lanka’s capacity to service debt at the moment and proposed a new approach of “debt sustainability” under the given circumstances.

In a separate statement issued by Sri Lankan civil society, it is noted that because Sri Lanka is forced to continue its debt servicing the government is unable to give attention to sectors such as agriculture, infrastructure, and social protection required to revive the economy of the country and provide relief to people.

The organizations demand the renegotiation of the conditions of repayment of external debt.

Hence, the IPC and Debt Justice see it as pertinent that the IMF, “recognize climate-driven disasters as systemic, not exceptional,” provide “significant debt cancellation to free up fiscal space for disaster recovery, social protection, reconstruction and development” and prioritize “human welfare, environmental protection and long-term viability over financial obligations to external creditors.”

“Only a fundamental rethinking of the global debt regime – one based on Justice and sustainability – will offer Sri Lanka a realistic chance to recover from the climate impact and build an equitable future for all,” the statement underlined.

Responding to the Sri Lankan government’s request, the IMF issued a 206-million-dollar emergency support to the country on Friday, December 19, to deal with the economic problems arising due to Cyclone Ditwah. 

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

 

Bengali Migrant Labour is Living Under Perpetual Fear

Sandip Chakraborty | 29 Dec 2025

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The Sambalpur lynching of a migrant worker, and branding Bengali‑speaking migrants as “Bangladeshi” has become a dangerous trend in several states.

Representational Image. File Image

Kolkata: The brutal killing of 19‑year‑old Juel Rana, a Bengali migrant labourer from Murshidabad, has shaken Sambalpur in Odisha and reignited fears among thousands of workers who leave their villages to toil in distant states. Juel was lynched last Wednesday after being branded a “Bangladeshi” by locals — a slur that has become increasingly common in parts of India where Bengali‑speaking migrants are viewed with suspicion. His death is not just a crime of violence; it is a chilling reminder of how communal prejudice, political rhetoric, and institutional apathy combine to strip migrant workers of dignity and safety.

The Incident

Juel Rana had migrated from Bengal to Sambalpur several years ago, joining the ranks of daily wage labourers who sustain the city’s construction and informal economy. On Wednesday evening, he stepped out with two companions to have tea near their residence. The three were suddenly accosted by six men who accused them of being “Bangladeshi nationals.”

The attackers demanded proof of identity. When the labourers offered to fetch their Aadhaar cards, the mob refused to relent. Instead, they launched a violent assault. Witnesses say Juel was struck on the head with a blunt weapon. He began vomiting soon after and was rushed to a government hospital, where he succumbed to his injuries. His companions, also Bengali migrants, sustained serious injuries and are hospitalised.

Police Response and Attempted Dilution

Local police arrested all six accused shortly after the incident. Yet controversy erupted when senior officials attempted to downplay the crime, citing “personal enmity” as the motive. This narrative has been strongly contested by the victim’s family, fellow workers, and community members, who insist the assault was triggered by the labourers speaking in Bengali.

The attempt to dilute the communal undertones of the crime has further angered migrant workers. “We are being targeted simply because we speak Bengali. They call us Bangladeshis even when we show our Aadhaar cards,” said one of Juel’s injured companions from his hospital bed.

The Family’s Struggle

Back in Murshidabad, Juel’s death has devastated his family. His father, also a migrant labourer, works in Kerala. Together, the father and son’s meagre earnings sustained the household. With Juel gone, the family faces both emotional and financial ruin.

“The poor family was held together by the father‑son duo. Now the backbone has been broken,” said CPI(M) leader Prasanta Das, who visited the bereaved household. Relatives described Juel as hardworking and determined to support his family despite the hardships of migrant life. His killing has left them fearful for the safety of other young men from the district who migrate to different states in search of work.

Communal Angle: Bengali as ‘Bangladeshi’

The Sambalpur lynching cannot be seen in isolation. Branding Bengali‑speaking migrants as “Bangladeshi” has become a dangerous trend across several states. The slur carries communal undertones, conflating linguistic identity with religious and national suspicion. In many Bharatiya Janata Party‑ruled states, political rhetoric around “illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators” has seeped into everyday discourse, emboldening locals to view Bengali migrants — Hindu or Muslim — as outsiders.

Civil society groups point out that this narrative is weaponised to stigmatise entire communities. Migrants are harassed, excluded from housing, denied fair wages, and, as in Juel’s case, subjected to violence. The communal angle is unmistakable: suspicion of Bengali migrants is often framed through the prism of religion and nationality, reducing Indian citizens to “foreigners” in their own country.

Political Reactions

The incident has drawn sharp political reactions. CPI(M) leaders in Murshidabad condemned the killing and accused BJP governments of fostering hostility toward Bengali migrants. “In BJP‑run states, the government is encouraging locals to view Bengali migrants with suspicion, dubbing them Bangladeshi nationals. This is creating an atmosphere of enmity and violence,” alleged Das.

Opposition parties have demanded accountability and a fair investigation, while local authorities’ silence or minimisation has raised concerns about institutional bias. The refusal to acknowledge the communal dimension of the crime is seen as part of a broader pattern of denial.

Migrant Labourers Under Siege

The tragedy in Sambalpur highlights the precarious existence of migrant labourers across India, who form the backbone of the informal economy, contributing to industries ranging from construction to agriculture. Yet, they remain among the most vulnerable sections of society.

In states where jobs are scarce and competition is high, outsiders are frequently scapegoated. For Bengali‑origin workers, the stigma of being labelled “Bangladeshi” has long been a source of humiliation and danger. Despite possessing valid identity documents, they are often treated as foreigners. This narrative has been politically weaponised in recent years, particularly in the context of debates around the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Experts note that such incidents underscore the urgent need for stronger protection for migrant workers. Their lack of social security, combined with cultural prejudice, leaves them exposed to exploitation and violence.

Community Fear and Fallout

In Sambalpur, the migrant community is now gripped by terror. Many workers are afraid to step out, fearing they could be next. “We came here to earn a living, not to die. If speaking Bengali makes us Bangladeshi in their eyes, then what protection do we have?” asked another labourer, echoing the sentiments of dozens who now feel unsafe.

The Sambalpur killing has also sparked debates in Murshidabad, where families depend heavily on remittances from migrant workers. Parents worry about sending their sons to other states, yet economic necessity leaves them with little choice. The incident has deepened both economic and emotional insecurities in a district already marked by poverty and migration.

Communal Rhetoric and Everyday Violence

The Sambalpur lynching illustrates how communal rhetoric translates into everyday violence. When political leaders repeatedly invoke the spectre of “Bangladeshi infiltrators,” it legitimises suspicion against ordinary Bengali‑speaking citizens. The line between political discourse and street violence blurs, creating an environment where mobs feel empowered to police identity.

This is not merely a law‑and‑order issue. It is a question of how communal prejudice is normalised and institutionalised. The refusal of police to acknowledge the xenophobic motive reflects a deeper unwillingness to confront the communalisation of public life.

A Call for Dignity and Protection

Rana’s killing is more than just a crime; it is a stark reminder of the dangers faced by migrant labourers in India. His murder underscores how prejudice, political rhetoric, and weak institutional responses combine to create an environment where vulnerable workers are dehumanized and attacked.

As Sambalpur’s migrant community mourns, the larger question remains: how many more lives must be lost before migrant workers are accorded the dignity, safety, and recognition they deserve?

The communal angle cannot be ignored. To brand a Bengali labourer as “Bangladeshi” is not just a misidentification — it is a political act that strips him of belonging, reduces him to an outsider, and makes him a target for violence. Until this narrative is challenged, migrant workers will continue to live under the shadow of fear.

 

India 2025: Plight of Christian Minority

Ram Puniyani | 30 Dec 2025

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A compliant State machinery is a major cause for the gradual intensification of anti-Christian activity in diverse forms, including violence.

Image Courtesy: The Leaflet

Violence against the Muslim minority has been a regular phenomenon. Its form and intensity have been varying but the intimidation continues. The other substantial minority, the Christians are also not spared, though violence against them is not in the news most of the time. The major reason being its sub-radar nature. Though it's sub-radar most of the time, around Christmas time, its overt nature becomes more apparent.

One recalls that in the decade of the 1990s, the violence manifested in Orissa and Gujarat. And it is around that time that former Prime Minister and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee commented that there was a need for national debate on the issue of conversion.

Conversion has been the major pretext for attacking various events related to the Christian community. The prayers, church meetings, and celebrations are occasions when these attacks are orchestrated more. This year again, it became manifest around Christmas celebrations.

The foot soldiers of Hindutva had a gala time attacking footpath vendors selling Christmas wares, such as caps, dresses and associated things. In some places, they attacked Santa Claus’s replicas, in other places, they vandalised churches and showrooms selling Christmas wares.

Columnist Tavleen Singh wrote in Indian Express, “The more intrepid of these Hindutva warriors stormed into churches and disturbed services with vandalism and violence. Videos of these ‘accomplishments’ were uploaded on social media. In one of them, I saw a BJP legislator enter a church in Jabalpur and harangue a blind woman, whom she accused menacingly of trying to convert Hindus to Christianity…there were nearly a hundred attempts to disrupt Christmas festivities and nearly all of them occurred in states ruled by the BJP. Nobody was punished and no chief minister openly deplored the violence.”

These events have been covered in the international media also. A few newspapers commented about the possibility of retaliatory violence against Hindus in those countries. The interesting aspect of the Indian states’ attitude on these events is their loud silence, and it is no coincidence that most of this violence took place in BJP-ruled states. Fortunately, we have a non-biological Prime Minister who, in the face of all this, visited a church and offered prayers! It was an interesting phenomenon that inside the church, the Hindutva top leader is creating the optics of respecting Christianity, while his followers are doing anti-Christian vandalism on the streets and in churches.

The Citizens for Justice and Peace (December 24, 2025) report very aptly summarises the tremendous rise in anti-Christian violence over the years. “Between 2014 and 2024, documented incidents of violence against Christians rose from 139 to 834, an increase of over 500%. In 2025 alone (January–November), more than 700 incidents have already been recorded, affecting families, churches, schools, hospitals, and service institutions. Dalit Christians, Adivasi Christians, and women are among the most affected.”

The US Commission on International Religious Freedom again recommended designating India as a Country of Particular Concern in its 2025 report, citing concerns over religious freedom. The Human Rights Watch and other bodies also documented issues affecting the minorities in India.

Christmas eve violence is not new. One Bishop reminded people of this while cautioning the churches in Raipur: “In Raipur, however, the Catholic archbishop, Victor Henry Thakur, was very worried. He sent a letter to local churches, schools and other institutions urging caution, “In the light of the call for Chhattisgarh Bandh tomorrow, I feel and suggest that all our churches, presbyteries, convents and institutions should seek protection in writing from the local police. Please consider my suggestion because it seems to have been planned just before Christmas, as was the case at Kandhamal in Odisha.”

This reminds one of violence around Christmas in Orissa in 2007 and 2008. The one which was orchestrated in 2008 took a massive proportion as nearly 70,000 Christians had to flee and nearly 400 churches were vandalised.

In the face of this, one could have expected the Church hierarchy to have expressed their concern about the attacks on Christians, but their silence on this serious matter shows either their lack of concern for their community, or some other hidden vested interest in keeping mum on the issue.

One has also witnessed state after state adopting anti-conversion laws, titled ‘Freedom of Religion Acts’. This is putting rigorous conditions on the religious conduct of the community. Pastors and priests are arrested on pretext of conversion activity and face the legal rigmarole for years.

The propaganda that Christians are converting needs to be visited yet again. Christianity is an old religion in India, having come here through St Thomas in AD 52 on the Malabar Coast. The social perception that it came with British rule has no basis. From AD 52 to 2011, when the last Census was held, the percentage of Christians rose to 2.3%. It is nobody's case to deny that some conscious conversion work might have taken place. Have a look at the figures of the Christian population from 1971 to 2011. In 1971-2.60%, 1981-2.44%, 1991-2.34% and 2001-2.30%. That tells an interesting tale.

Pastor Graham Staines was burnt alive with his two sons, Timothy and Phillip, on the pretext of his indulging in conversion work in Orissa. The Wadhwa Commission that went into this ghastly murder, in its report points out that there was no statistical increase in the number of Christians in Keonjhar, where Pastor Staines was working among leprosy patients.

There are many Christian mission education institutes and hospitals, which are very much sought after. The conversions that have taken place are more among Adivasi and Dalits, who have been thronging to the education and health facilities in the remote areas. It is true that major conversions might have taken place while seeking these facilities in remote areas where State facilities are sparse.

The hatred constructed around conversion is now widespread. The attacks on celebration-related events is a horrific phenomenon. The State in such cases is either mute or absent. The compliant State machinery is the major cause of gradual intensification of the anti-Christian activity in diverse forms.

This years’ attacks are a warning signal of the silence and doublespeak of the ruling dispensation. On one hand, going to pray in a church, and on the other, allow vandals to do their job. One hopes that international repercussions will be in the form of government to government, responding to appeals of religious freedom and conceding to those appeals.  

The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Forging a Stronger Farmers’ Movement in Tanzania


Prasanth R. , Kate Janse van Rensburg
| 30 Dec 2025


The Annual General Meeting of the organization brought together hundreds of farmers in dialogue about the situation facing farmers in Tanzania and how to continue fighting corporate capture of agriculture

Hundreds of farmers organized in MVIWATA gathered in Morogoro, Tanzania for their AGM in early December, 2025. Photo: MVIWATA

Over 670 farmers gathered in Morogoro, Tanzania, on December 4-5 to chart a course for the future of MVIWATA (National Network of Farmers Groups in Tanzania), one of Africa’s most unique farmers’ organizations. The occasion was MVIWATA’s 30th Annual General Meeting (AGM), which serves as the highest democratic platform for members to voice their aspirations for the organization’s future.

As the powerful slogan, “Mviwata, Sauti ya Mkulima” (MVIWATA is the voice of the farmer) and “Mtetezi wa Mkulima, Mkulima Mwenyewe” (The defender of the farmer is the farmer), rang through the hall time and again, the farmers debated and arrived at conclusions on strengthening their networks in concrete ways.

The AGM opened with a vibrant performance by local MVIWATA cultural groups, featuring energetic dance and powerful lyrics that called for the unity of farmers. This was followed by an acknowledgement of those who had recently lost their lives in the aftermath of the disrupted elections. A collective occasion, the event aimed to define strategies, reinforce solidarity, and reclaim the farmer’s role as the protagonist of Tanzania and the backbone of the national economy.

On the opening day, National Chairperson Apollo Chamwela and Executive Director Stephen Ruvuga stressed the urgent need for solutions rooted in farmer-to-farmer solidarity and a clear understanding of the peasants’ role in Tanzania. Ruvuga highlighted how the global “value chain” marginalizes peasants: they are the primary food producers, yet earn a pittance from valuable cash crops like coffee and cashews. At the same time, agribusiness and middlemen reap huge profits. He concluded: “We are producing a lot of wealth but getting only a slice of it while the benefits only go to those who don’t even know how to farm.”

The crisis is not restricted to markets and prices. Every phase of agriculture is affected. Whether it be synthetic fertilizers or seeds, four to five companies control the market. “A dependence on inputs we don’t produce by ourselves enriches the system that benefits a few and reduces the peasant to a mere buyer,” Ruvuga said, linking MVIWATA’s core concept of self-reliance to the everyday needs of farmers.

MVIWATA Chairperson Apollo Chamwela emphasized that the commitment of delegates – many of whom traveled vast distances (over 2,000 kilometers from regions like Kagera) and financed their own attendance – was a key organizational milestone. This commitment, where farmers use their own resources and do not depend on the organization for travel, signifies genuine self-reliance and a deep sense of ownership: “This organization is ours!” Chamwela added that by actively engaging in the AGM, farmers reinforce MVIWATA as a vital platform used “like a weapon to fight for their rights.”

For over 30 years, MVIWATA has organized farmers to practice self-reliance, especially through agro-ecological farming techniques that enable higher quality production with fewer dependencies. MVIWATA’s foundational philosophy is deeply rooted in the principles of Julius Nyerere’s Ujamaa and self-reliance. By organizing farmers into cohesive, democratic networks to mutually aid one another in production, marketing, and savings, MVIWATA embodies the spirit of self-determination articulated by Nyerere in the 1967 Arusha Declaration. This focus on local, collective ownership and the deliberate resistance to external capitalist dependencies directly reflects the Ujamaa ideal of building an equitable, independent society in which the people – specifically the peasantry – are the protagonists of their own path forward.

However, MVIWATA’s mission does not end there. 

Networks of farmers aid and assist each other in seed development, getting better prices for their crops, building markets, enabling savings schemes, and organizing to prevent and resist efforts to take away their land. From farmers cultivating rice and maize to pineapples, bananas and mangos, and spices like cinnamon and cloves, MVIWATA has, through a process of popular consultation, come up with strategies for all.

Vibrant debates and concrete pillars for a stronger 2026

Intense discussion among delegates, in both group and plenary sessions, was the highlight of the AGM, resulting in concrete strategic pillars for organizational growth and increasing members’ abilities in several key areas in 2026. The consensus focused on strengthening self-reliance, both in farming techniques and organizational management.

Members of MVIWATA participate in the AGM. Photo: MVIWATA

Hundreds of farmers from across the country participated and contributed concrete proposals such as developing natural herbicides and pesticides, and expanding training programmes to increase awareness of agro-ecological practices. A dedicated discussion focused on the question of reconciling traditional landholding patterns to contemporary legal requirements.

The AGM featured a rigorous debate on establishing the organization’s own financial institution. Building on existing local-level capital access schemes, delegates emphasized the urgent need for a more sophisticated, wide-reaching instrument capable of providing loans at reasonable rates and at the necessary junctures to fully serve farmers.

The discussions also stressed the need for training and education, both through farmer-led sessions and MVIWATA FM, the organization’s radio station that serves as a vital tool for highlighting farmers’ voices, unlike mainstream media, which ignores the peasant agenda. Many of the ideas presented by farmers formed key pillars of the organization’s plan for the coming year, announced on December 5.

For Odilia J. Bernad, who has been a member of MVIWATA for nine years, the AGM was “like a school.” She added, “We divided ourselves into groups. There were young people, women, and the elderly, and we sat and discussed our activities and explained the challenges we faced in our regions with a focus on solving them.” The farmer is the bread-winner of the country, she noted, saying that it was essential that farmers have a strategic plan for the coming year. “Farmers must evaluate themselves to see where they came from, where they are, and where they are heading. And if there are mistakes made in the previous year in the strategic plans, they should see what they can do to achieve their goals for the next year.”

Michael Mbago, a farmer who cultivates maize, cassava and yams and has been a veteran of MVIWATA for over 15 years, echoed the sentiment. For him, MVIWATA’s success lay not just in addressing agricultural issues but in educating people about the political, economic, and social aspects. MVIWATA has become a refuge for many small farmers, he said, adding that it will be vital in helping them “achieve victory” in various aspects of farming.

The unity forged at the 30th MVIWATA AGM gave farmers the confidence to meet the demands of the struggle in 2026 and to continue building a stronger farmers’ movement in Tanzania. As summarized by Chairperson Apollo Chamwela: “The struggle we are in needs unity of farmers, across Tanzania, Africa and the world. The defender of the farmer is the farmer.”

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

INDIA

NPOA‑SSF: Capitalist Expansion Masked as Community Empowerment?

The National Plan of Action for Small-Scale Fisheries (NPOA‑SSF), 

Sandip Chakraborty | 31 Dec 2025

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The small-scale fisheries plan risks becoming another instrument of capitalist expansion, co‑opting the community’s voices while advancing agendas that prioritise profit over people.

Image Courtesy: PxHere

Narendrapur, Kolkata: The National Plan of Action for Small-Scale Fisheries (NPOA‑SSF), unveiled with much fanfare at the Ramakrishna Mission Campus in Narendrapur, is being hailed as a “landmark” in India’s fisheries governance. Government officials, international organisations, and select community leaders gathered on December 28–29 to declare their commitment to a rights-based, inclusive framework. Yet, beneath the rhetoric of empowerment, lies a troubling reality: the NPOA‑SSF risks becoming another instrument of capitalist expansion, co‑opting the fishing community’s voices while advancing agendas that prioritise profit over people.

Promise vs. Reality

The Bay of Bengal Programme (BOBP), which leads the initiative, insists the plan will strengthen communities and safeguard ecosystems. But critics argue that the language of “participation” and “consultation” masks a deeper intent: to integrate small-scale fisheries into global markets, subjecting them to the same exploitative dynamics that have long undermined artisanal livelihoods.

By aligning the NPOA‑SSF with international guidelines, the government positions itself as progressive. Yet, the emphasis on “science-informed management” and “technical expertise” often translates into top-down control, sidelining traditional knowledge and community autonomy. What is framed as modernisation may in fact be a mechanism to discipline fishers into compliance with industrial and export-driven priorities.

A Pattern of Dispossession

India’s fisheries sector has long been a site of conflict between artisanal fishers and industrial interests. Since the 1970s, the introduction of mechanised trawlers has displaced thousands of small-scale fishers. In states, such as Kerala and Tamil Nadu, violent clashes erupted between artisanal communities and trawler operators, leading to bans on night trawling and seasonal restrictions. Yet, enforcement remained weak, and industrial fleets continued to dominate.

The 1990s liberalisation era intensified these pressures. Coastal aquaculture, particularly shrimp farming, expanded rapidly to meet export demand. While India became the world’s largest exporter of farmed shrimp, local communities bore the costs: salinisation of agricultural land, destruction of mangroves, and loss of traditional fishing grounds. Reports from Andhra Pradesh documented widespread displacement, with fisher families forced into precarious wage labour.

The NPOA‑SSF emerges against this backdrop. Its promises of rights and sustainability echo earlier policy rhetoric, yet history suggests such frameworks often serve to legitimise capitalist expansion rather than restrain it.

Case Study 1: Shrimp Aquaculture in Andhra Pradesh

Andhra Pradesh’s aquaculture boom illustrates how “development” can devastate small-scale fishers. By the early 2000s, shrimp farms covered over 100,000 hectares of coastal land. Mangroves, once vital breeding grounds for fish, were cleared. Traditional fishers lost access to estuaries and lagoons.

While the industry generated billions in export revenue, local communities faced declining catches, polluted water, and health hazards. Women, who depended on mangroves for firewood and crabs, were particularly affected. Promises of employment in shrimp farms proved hollow: jobs were seasonal, low-paid, and often unsafe.

The NPOA‑SSF’s emphasis on “livelihood diversification” risks repeating this pattern. By encouraging fishers to enter aquaculture or allied industries, the plan may push them into exploitative labour markets rather than securing their traditional rights.

Case Study 2: Trawler Conflicts in Kerala

Kerala’s coastline has witnessed decades of conflict between mechanised trawlers and artisanal fishers. In the 1980s, fishers organised mass protests against trawler incursions into nearshore waters. The government responded with seasonal bans, but enforcement remained lax.

Artisanal fishers argued that trawlers destroyed juvenile fish and damaged nets, undermining sustainability. Yet, industrial operators, backed by export lobbies, continued to expand. The result was declining catches for small-scale fishers and rising indebtedness.

The NPOA‑SSF’s proposed “co-management frameworks” may appear inclusive, but without structural limits on industrial fleets, they risk becoming token consultative bodies. Fishers may be invited to meetings, but decisions will remain aligned with export priorities.

Case Study 3: Coastal Development in Goa

In Goa, tourism-driven coastal development has displaced fishing communities. Traditional landing sites have been converted into resorts and private beaches. Fisher families report harassment when they attempt to dry nets or sell fish near tourist zones.

Government policies often prioritise tourism revenue over fisher rights. The NPOA‑SSF’s silence on such conflicts is telling. By focusing on “ecosystem health” and “climate resilience,” the plan avoids confronting the structural drivers of dispossession: privatisation of coastal commons and commodification of natural resources.

Scale of the Crisis

India is the second-largest fish producer globally, with annual production exceeding 14 million tonnes. The sector contributes 1.2% to GDP and supports 28 million livelihoods. Yet, marine capture fisheries have stagnated at around 3.5 million tonnes annually since the mid-2000s, reflecting resource depletion.

Small-scale fishers account for 85% of active fishers, but their incomes have declined sharply. A 2023 study found average monthly earnings of artisanal fishers at ₹6,000–8,000, compared with ₹25,000–30,000 for industrial operators. Women, who dominate post-harvest activities, earn less than ₹200 per day, often without social protection.

These figures highlight the structural inequities the plan claims to address. Yet without redistributive measures — curbing industrial fleets, protecting customary rights, and investing in social infrastructure — the NPOA‑SSF risks becoming another technocratic exercise.

Gender and Youth: Token Inclusion

The plan’s emphasis on gender equality and youth engagement is laudable on paper. Yet, fisherwomen continue to face systemic exclusion from decision-making, and young people are pushed into precarious migration due to lack of viable opportunities.

In Odisha, women fish vendors report harassment by police and municipal authorities, who view informal markets as “illegal.” In West Bengal, youth migrate to cities for construction work, abandoning fishing due to declining catches and lack of credit.

Without structural change — redistribution of resources, protection from industrial encroachment, and genuine co-management — these commitments risk becoming token gestures, useful for donor reports but hollow in practice.

Capitalist Logic of ‘Sustainability’

The most insidious aspect of the NPOA‑SSF is its framing of sustainability. By emphasising ecosystem health and climate resilience, the plan appears progressive. But sustainability here is often defined in terms of resource efficiency and market stability, not community well-being.

Fishers are asked to adopt “responsible practices” while corporations continue to profit from large-scale extraction and export. The burden of conservation is shifted onto the poorest, while the structural drivers of ecological collapse — industrial fleets, pollution from coastal industries, and global trade demands — remain untouched.

Community Voices: Co‑opted or Heard?

Community leaders at a recent workshop held in Kolkata spoke passionately about rights and livelihoods. Yet, the very format of such events raises questions: are these voices genuinely shaping policy, or are they being staged to legitimise a predetermined agenda?

Translating documents into vernacular languages and holding consultations may give the impression of inclusivity, but without binding commitments to redistribute power, these measures risk becoming performative.

Need for Vigilance  

The Narendrapur workshop ended with pledges of collaboration and optimism. But for many observers, the NPOA‑SSF represents less a breakthrough than a continuation of capitalist capture of fisheries governance. By cloaking market integration in the language of rights and sustainability, the plan risks undermining the very communities it claims to empower.

If the government is serious about justice for small-scale fishers, it must move beyond symbolic gestures and confront the structural inequities that define India’s fisheries sector. Otherwise, the NPOA‑SSF will be remembered not as a tool of empowerment, but as a policy of pacification — a capitalist cloak draped over communities struggling to survive.