Wednesday, January 21, 2026

Israeli Agricultural Exports Face Looming ‘Collapse’ as World Rejects Products Over Gaza Genocide

Source: Mondoweiss

In recent months, Israel’s public broadcaster aired several reports on Israel’s massive problem in exporting fruits, particularly to European markets.

Put out by Kan 11, the reports indicate what the growers themselves describe as a looming “collapse,” unwittingly testifying to the importance of the continuing international boycott of Israel. 

Now Israel finds itself alongside Russia in the “alliance of the boycotted,” one report from the public broadcaster says. It’s hard to identify a single party responsible for this state of isolation, but Europe is a big part of the story. 

“They don’t want our mangos,” a mango farmer tells Kan 11 in one of the reports. “In Europe, they talk to us only if they’re missing something. Only then do they buy from us. If they have an alternative, they avoid it.” 

Another part of the story is Yemen’s Ansar Allah, more commonly known as “the Houthis.” Their blockade of the Red Sea in the south — despite their May agreement with the U.S., which did not desist from threatening Israel — has forced shipping companies to use longer and more expensive routes. This has also compromised the Asian market. 

But despite the lack of a single, clear factor, Israel’s genocide in Gaza remains one clear common cause arching across the various elements. Israelis simultaneously deny and declare their support for it, as evidenced by a major poll last year showing that a vast majority of Israelis believe there are “no innocents in Gaza.” 

Due to Israelis’ national self-righteousness — and their sense of entitlement to commit genocide under the pretext of “self-defense” — the first victim of the export crisis is the Israeli collective ego. We see farmers cry in the report, and the national sympathy naturally goes to the citrus and mango growers — even as one of them, a retired general, tells everyone how he is “done with” the Palestinians.

In other words, the Israeli backlash against the global boycott implicitly adds to the hatred of Palestinians, despising those who don’t stand with Israel. 

But what’s actually taking a hit in Israel isn’t one economic sector or the other — it’s the Israeli brand, and it may not recover. 

Ironically, the best representation of that brand is the “Jaffa oranges,” which have virtually disappeared from the international market — a brand that in and of itself is a representation of Israel’s settler colonial expropriation of Palestinian culture.   

Let us have a look at two main media reports, one about citrus and the other about mangos, which make up two major Israeli agricultural exports.

‘Where are the oranges?

The first Kan 11 report, which aired at the end of November 2025 and ran under the title of “End of the Orange Season” — in reference to a popular Israeli song — focuses on the citrus orchards of kibbutz Givat Haim Ichud. Incidentally, that is the kibbutz where I was born and raised. 

The orchard is located just near the point where the cacti from the ethnically cleansed village of Khirbet al-Manshiyya can still be found. The kibbutz orchard grower, Nitzan Weisberg, explains that all the orchards are at risk of being uprooted due to a lack of export orders. 

Weisberg started managing plantations for the kibbutz two years ago and had initially cut down half of the citrus orchards in an attempt to make the sector profitable again. 

But then orders from Europe started to be cancelled, and now he can’t even sell the produce from the half-orchard that is left. “Israeli fruit, despite its high quality, is currently less desired in Europe,” he says. “We’re actually operating at a loss since the war [in Gaza].” 

If things get worse, Weisberg says, it will lead to “collapse.” 

The tour continues just across the road to the orchards of kibbutz Ein Hahoresh, where Israeli historian Benny Morris was born. There, Gal Alon, a third-generation citrus farmer, talks about how his family decided not to export at all from the beginning of the war. Export is “a very tough and aggressive world,” he says, so he decided to rely solely on local markets. 

The film crew then drives two miles west to Hibat Zion, a moshav (agricultural settlement) where farmer Ronen Alfasi is negotiating the price for grapefruits with a dealer who wants to sell them to Gaza markets. Alfasi says that the packed products will be too expensive for them to buy, even though his warehouses and refrigerated storage is full. He shows that the fruits on the trees have exceeded their size limit and will be useless for sale as fruit, let alone for export. They will have to be sold locally for juice.

The report also notes that hardly any oranges are being grown. There are some, but only for local markets. The “Jaffa orange” brand is history, but that brand was made world-famous by Palestinian farmers in the mid-1800s, getting its name from the port city of Jaffa that exported it — a city that was nearly entirely ethnically cleansed by Zionist militias in 1948. Israel then took over the brand, a part of the same cultural appropriation that regards hummus and falafel as Israeli.  

“Before the war, we were exporting some [oranges] to Scandinavia,” says Daniel Klusky, Secretary General of the Israeli Citrus Growers’ Organization. “But after the war, we haven’t even exported a single container.”

‘Alliance of the boycotted’

Ronen Alfasi says that most of the crops from his sector used to be exported to Asian countries, but mentions the “logistical problem against the Houthis” as the reason for which “all the logistical lines have changed.” Longer, more expensive routes were sought, Alfasi says, with containers arriving 90 to 100 days late. “And they came with big quality problems,” he described. 

The only remaining market, Alfasi says, is Russia. Even though he’s losing money as a citrus farmer, he’s exporting to Russia just to cover warehouse expenses.

At one point, the interviewer asks an uncomfortable question: “Can we say that Russia is the only market that still talks to us?” 

“They still talk to us”, says Alfasi, “but in Europe, less so…they talk to us only if they’re missing something. If they have an alternative, they avoid buying from us.” 

“And was it said explicitly that it’s because of…Israel’s national situation?” the interviewer asks more pointedly. 

“Yes,” Alfasi says clearly. 

“So the Europeans don’t count us in, and the Asians are blocked. At least the Russians still buy some goods from us — the alliance of the boycotted,” the interviewer concludes.

Rotting mangos

It was a similar picture in another Kan report from late August 2025 about the mango harvest in the north. Here, they feature a retired general and former military spokesperson, Moti Almoz, now a mango farmer. He is seen barking orders at workers while using military jargon.

The fruit looks good enough, but the season is nonetheless “one of the hardest experienced by the mango growers in Israel,” the narrator describes. “They are talking about an actual collapse.” 

Almoz says this isn’t because production is bad — he had “an insane harvest” this season, he maintains — but rather because “25 percent of it is on the ground.” 

“Why didn’t you pick them?” the interviewer asks. 

“Because I couldn’t do anything with them. After the fridge is full, and after the merchants take what they’ve ordered…the people of Israel also need to eat meat, some bread and cheese. They can’t just eat mango.” 

Many farmers’ markets for mango producers were closed this year, the report says, and Almoz notes he is losing hundreds of thousands of shekels, while the larger farms are losing millions. 

Dodi Matalon, a farmer for the shared mango orchards of the kibbutzim of Moran and Lotem, says this year they’re not even sending fruit to the warehouses because it won’t be profitable. Instead, people arrive in their own cars and buy boxes directly from the orchard. “I hope it will help us to just stay afloat,” Matalon comments. “But it won’t really save us.”

Out of 1,200 tons of fruit, 700 will remain on the trees, fall to the ground, and rot. “It’s a crisis the likes of which we haven’t ever experienced,” Matalon explains. 

Then comes the narrator’s framing. Like the other report, this one also alludes to the genocide. “This crisis was formed by a combination of several factors which have all landed simultaneously — and most are related to the war,” the narrator says. “Gaza, which held 15 percent of the market, closed off completely. The Palestinians in the West Bank also buy much less. But the big hit came from abroad: 30 percent of Israeli mangos go for export, especially to Europe — but this year, the ports began to close.”  

“Because of the war in Gaza, they are reducing the scale of purchase from Israel,” says Almoz. “They don’t want our mangos.” 

Matalon says that in Europe, there are “small signs indicating where the produce came from,” noting that “we can see that it has an effect”.

He believes that the deteriorating state of Israeli export agriculture requires governmental intervention if the sector is to be saved, or else, he warns, “we will simply find ourselves without export agriculture.” 

Would rather go broke than sell to Gazans

The narrator says that Almoz is an old Labor guy, a “security hawk” who has become more hawkish since October 7. The predominant position of these kinds of people was articulated by the head of the kibbutz movement, Nir Meir, in March 2024: “Many of the kibbutzniks who experienced October 7 can’t bear to hear Arabic and want to see Gaza erased.”  

Almoz echoes similar sentiments, contending that after October 7, “we need to rethink everything, everything. I was someone who said that more [Palestinian] workers in Israel might mean less terror.” 

“Were you wrong?” he is asked. 

“Of course, what do you mean? I’m done with them,” he says emphatically. “You’re talking to a person who is done with them. Everything you may tell me, that they may change…it’s fairy tales…” 

In fact, Almoz says he won’t sell to Gaza, even if it would bring in some money. “If there’s a chance that I lose money because this [mango] turns into a Hamas interest, then I need to lose money.” 

Matalon was shedding literal tears in the report, but the general sense of self-righteousness in Israel has insulated him and those like him, for the while, from having to recognize that genocide has a price. These are the bitter fruits of genocide. Email

Jonathan Ofir is an Israeli musician, conductor and blogger / writer based in Denmark.

So What Is It That Youth Should Aspire To?

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely

Everyone wants a good future for their children, grandchildren and students. Most would say a better future.

A quality education. Good work they are interested in. A peaceful community of well-being. Some kind of dignity in all arenas of life.

The more time passes the clearer the demand becomes on all of us to begin to elucidate what good education, work, peace, dignity and so much else actually mean to us. Without the collective search to deliberate on the institutions which would embody what we extol the virtues of, is it not fair to ask where the substance is in all of the talk of values?

So then what do you hope for your kids and students? And what do you teach them? Actually, what are they teaching you and hoping from you? Are you listening to them? What lasting lessons would you like to remain with them and what have they taught you?

Are those lessons part and parcel of the values we say we hold? Do the goals we might envision for youth align with those values? What about the process of attaining those goals as it relates to those values?

What do youth hold dear? What do we think youth should hold dear? Is it how to get ahead in a dog-eat-dog world? How to earn enough to support a certain lifestyle? How to get the promotion? How to be competitive?

Or was it rather what we try to encourage in their younger years, like how to treat others like you wanted to be treated? How to share what you have. How not to gain at the expense of others.

Maybe it was the value of being reflective instead of uncaring and rash. The value of being introspective rather than thoughtless and one-dimensional. Empathetic rather than insensitive and ruthless. Free-thinking, not conformist. Open-minded. Inquiring and curious, not cursory and indifferent. Intuitive but searching, not passive and apathetic.

Looking for new horizons, not complacent. Aware of and looking to further your own agency and that of others, not resigning or domineering. Able to see real possibilities for progress, and how we have progressed, not cynical. Listen, and listen again. Then listen some more.

But with all that, do we talk with youth about what it means not to be subservient, but possessing independence of thought and will, not blindly accepting doctrine and orthodoxy? How about being able to spot those conventional assumptions in ourselves and around us in our everyday lives? Understand the inevitable servility they invoke. Be aware of that subservience in yourself and others.

Understand the importance of questioning whether you are on the right track. That we all have blind-spots, and no one person, group or ideological framework has all the answers.

But, let’s ask ourselves if we also talk to our youth about the real possibility that this inquiring spirit is of marginal value if it does not connect our individual consciousness and personal challenges with systemic crises and the structures of power that produce them. Society’s institutions at every level from the family to global entities have more than a lot to do with the well-being of ourselves, our neighbors and communities. 

Likewise, for all these noble values are worth, they will ultimately be of negligible merit and utility as long as the person in possession does not use their consciousness to contribute to sustained educational initiatives and strategic organizing with others in pursuit of a better world. Otherwise, how are we to encourage the raising of consciousness in others and consequently improve or see the need to even replace current societal institutions? It is hard to imagine advances in human well-being without this initiative, as popular consciousness raising and organizing have laid the basis for any and all human progress over the past two centuries. If we care about the other, then our values cannot be limited to our own consciousness or even personal sphere.

Finally, it would behoove us to illustrate in word and deed that there is no contradiction on the one hand between being independent-minded and challenging doctrine, and on the other being cooperative and encouraging of the agency of others. Quite the contrary. Any modicum of achieving progress, equity and justice requires these values operating in unison in an ever-expanding sphere.   

Parents and teachers, are your youth inspired? Are they feeling empowered? Are we allowing – let alone encouraging – them to pursue their own interests, inquire and develop their own ideas? Through dialogue and with empathy are they encouraged to explore and gain deeper insights into themselves and the world both on their own and in sustained cooperation with their peers?

Or rather do they have to pass that next test? Regurgitate what they have been told and had to read, to hell with their own inquiries and interests? Become listless. Follow that convention. Perceive what it is you do not question. Bury your inquiry. Travel that well-worn road. Be oblivious to the tight connections between that well-worn road and the insidiousness of power inherent and manifested in social, political and economic systems we are all subject to?

Are we allowing youth to make up their own minds? Are they encouraged to recognize doctrine and find the links between it and the systemic challenges in front of us today?

Most adults and many adolescents, without degrees, understand very well that the reigning institutions and systems in society prevent these values from being actualized across a broad range, from our individual interactions to a societal scale, and that this is not casual. None of us are excluded from this treacherous filtering system in which you will have come not only not to speak up but not to think certain thoughts. The thoughts you quell, that is, the values you would like for your children or students to exemplify, stand at odds with the roles you must carry out. Furthermore, the system’s perniciousness is at its most pronounced in those who go through the process of attaining doctrinal level or even coordinator level roles.

So are the values we attempt to convey in words to our youth just that – words and rhetoric? Are we lying to youth? What does it mean for those messages and lessons to have real substance? How can we get to a place where our values actually translate into institutions?

In the face of a set of institutions subverting the values that youth are told to uphold at every turn, today’s kids must be encountering, just for starters, a towering level of cognitive dissonance.

Imagine this: You’re somewhere such as Washington DC, New York, London, Paris or Rome. Out of nowhere in the night, bombs, from let’s say a nation such as Russia or China or Venezuela, begin to fall on your city or indeed an “ally’s” city such as Boston, San Francisco, Berlin, Geneva or Milan. Explosions, fire and destruction all around. Death. Panic, terror and chaos. What the hell is going on and why? The presidential palace is invaded, the president and first lady are abducted and sent off to the invaders’ nation faraway land to stand trial – another gross violation of international law – for so-called crimes against the invading country’s laws that the invading country’s government say the abducted president committed while in office.

If 2 + 2 = 4, then in response do governments, the mainstream media as well as intellectual classes of the invading state or its allies, through their television and online outlets, journals, think tanks and universities, express utter outrage at a foreign power’s clear as day, stupendous and murderous violation of international law and national sovereignty? Does the overarching thrust of commentary condemn it as the “supreme” international crime of aggression as established at Nuremberg in that it contains the act itself as well as all of the accumulated evil that follows it? Do they call on the United Nations and other international law organs to condemn the blatantly illegal actions and bring sanctions and other penalties onto the invading state’s government and economy? Do they call for the arrest of the invading state’s political leaders, military officials and soldiers responsible for the planning and execution of this brazenly criminal act?

In the actual case of the US invasion of Venezuela, do those same classes and institutions point out how this criminal act is yet another of countless severe violations by the US to further imperil existing international law and further erode security in an already severely imperiled international nation-state system? Have they pointed out the chronic inability of these international organs to prevent the most serious crimes of aggression and apply justice to the criminal actors in cases in which these actors are the most powerful states? 

Perhaps more importantly, have they underlined the fact that these acts, beyond the fact of being legal adominations, and whether international law existed or not, are moral abominations which the public abhors and which a moment’s thought or deliberation with others can tell us?

Still more, have they made evident that these are to a substantial extent not out of the ordinary tendencies but the normal predilection of foreign policy as practiced by the most powerful nation-states through the logic and self-interest of power itself? Have commentators pointed out the logic of the market system itself as well in further entrenching these insidious workings of power?

Have they emphasized that, transcending time and place, the proclivities and actions of power consistently demonstrate themselves to be opposed by popular opinion?

And have they talked about the fragilities of power? The desperation inherent in such acts on the part of the most powerful?

Or has the thrust of commentary, from our “best and brightest” in government, media, the corporate world and in positions of influence continued to play their traditional privileged roles of distorting reality for the benefit of the powerful at the expense of the vast majority?

The NY Times, the most influential media institution in the western world, in reaction to the immoral and illegal Trump administration crimes in Venezuela: “US captures Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro..” (January 4th) or “Can the US legally run Venezuela after Maduro’s capture?” (January 3rd)

When the NY Times runs articles like these, are the editors and writers willfully distorting or dishonestly reframing the crimes by design? Or are they doing what got them to those privileged positions, that is, internalizing what not to say and what not to think? In other words, not disturbing the prerogatives of powerful institutions in the public and private sectors and the doctrines and assumptions which buttress them.

Disgraceful journalism such as this is not excused when the Times Editorial Board runs “Trump’s Attack on Venezuela is Illegal and Unwise.” (January 3rd) For one, the great preponderance of their consistent long-running reporting and editorials utterly belies the apparent sentiment taken here. For another, the content of this article assumes, since it was “unwise” to do what the Trump administration has done, that it is naturally in the rights of the US government to illegally invade another country. And “wise” to do so if conditions are favorable and likely consequences not so dire. This was not the case for the Times so therefore it was “unwise.” Credit the Times for alluding to international law, not by any means a given, but any principled case here is eviscerated through their expected jingoistic and deeply cynical grounds for opposition, laid out through doctrinal assumptions, misrepresentations of facts on the ground, selectivity and omission. Not lying, but carrying out, in servility to power, the reflexive lessons which brought them there.

As is the standard, reactions like that of the Times, subservient to power, characterized the great bulk of the commentary on the US crimes in Venezuela across the board among big private and “public” media in North America and Europe, including here in Italy, most notably in the leading daily Corriere della Sera.  

Likewise, the predominance of mainstream media reaction to the ICE murder of Renee Good in Minnesota, as have all the other ICE murders and horror inflicted on the population (if covered at all), has been typically marked by distortion, conflation and equivocation. Not only are you not to believe your own eyes as to the murder, but you are to “balance” reality with false statements from the powerful and “views” from “expert” pundits. We must be what’s called “objective,” which has the effect of appearing fair, impartial, “non-ideological” and serious. Being “objective” for the mainstream press in actual fact mean quelling critical faculties, thereby eradicating empathy and the impulse to intervene.

The convenient result of all this is that orthodoxy is untouched, institutions unchallenged and power maintains itself in perpetuity. Some courts, fortunate for us and to their credit, may decree that ICE cannot detain protestors and violate various constitutional protections of citizens and observers, but they, along with media, do not in the least fundamentally call into question the doctrinal assumptions behind the presence and acceptance of a 21st century fascist paramilitary force on the ground. A force which violates in the extreme not only every sense of moral decency but every advance in civil rights since the Magna Carta. Namely, that human beings can be “illegal,” a top candidate for the most vile tenets in modern history.

Described here is a set of institutions in power and the classes that occupy them in positions of great influence whose role is to pervert to the extreme an educational approach. That is, they ask questions not in order to beg curiosity for deeper questions. Not to allude to collective, popular responsibility outside of the so-called educated classes. Not to call into question even a bit the legitimacy of institutions whose hallmark is domination and systemic crises. Not to appeal to anyone’s values or the moral dimensions of an issue. Certainly not to appeal to anyone’s sense of agency. Rather, they ask questions in order to distort through a false sense of what they call “balance.”

Perverting a genuine educational approach means insidiously exploiting the good sense innate to all of us that dialogue based on differing understandings and experience will allow us to gain deeper insights and appreciation of multiple perspectives. Good dialogue exists for the purpose, however, that these deeper understandings will allow us greater awareness of the sources of our own understanding of ourselves and the world, as well as the relationship between our own sense of agency and the institutional structures we interact with on a daily basis. That is, the relationship between our values and power.

For the privileged and powerful in government and big media, multiple perspectives means that the US did not plainly commit a stupendously criminal act in illegally invading a sovereign country, bombing it and kidnapping its leader since US administration leaders and representatives say what they did was justified, as do many of their counterparts around the world. This is regarded as an “opinion” in the face of transparently clear international law, and counts as one of the “perspectives” or “sides” juxtaposed with reality.

It means you are not supposed to believe your eyes in the video of the modern gestapo – the US federal immigration “police” ICE – murdering a peaceful protestor, shot in the head while attempting to protect immigrants from being attacked, deported and their families destroyed. Why not? Big media dedicates a prodigious amount of coverage to the “perspective” of the federal administration defending the murder as an “opposing viewpoint” to that of the public.

Pundits do not fundamentally question why a fascist administration is waging sustained authoritarian attacks on immigrants in the first place. It is not covered as a malignant situation born out of establishment policy transcending administrations and generations which is in turn based on unquestioned totalitarian doctrinal assumptions. These assumptions essentially boil down to visceral contempt for the popular participation in decision-making. This is exemplified through, but not limited to: reflexive deference to “authority,” i.e., the military, police, government officials and the intellectual classes, popular protest as activity of marginal importance, the preeminence of the vote as the maximal public instrument of political expression, the idea that citizens have more intrinsic worth than immigrants, the totalitarian concept of an “illegal” human being, the inherent righteousness of law and order and their preeminence over dissent and popular agency.

What we can say soberly in regards to mainstream media – and intellectual classes on the whole – is that the material it produces, in the end, is not based on any discerning values. While it may say something about the ways in which the most egregious crimes of the powerful are committed, and it may often get facts right, is this what is most significant as regards our values and the possibility of generating vision for what we want? The great mass of what is put out does not question the underlying doctrinal assumptions which allow powerful institutions and classes to go on fulfilling the prerogatives of power at the expense of populations. In essence, it is pure unadulterated opportunism, featuring all sorts of impressive ways to tie itself into knots in order to make itself seem “objective,” independent and contesting, all the while with its finger in the air so as to contour to where the winds of power are blowing.

In this regard, do we have to talk about the institutional roles carried out by those in power, namely at the managerial level in corporations, governments and state bureaucracies? The structural and compositional makeup of those institutions, as exhibited on a daily basis, appeal to the kinds of characteristics and tendencies that stand diametrically opposed to those we encourage our youth to embody.

In those places 2+2=5, so we are not committing genocide in Gaza, we are not destroying the futures of our children and grandchildren with our inaction on the climate crisis, we have only made “mistakes” in the millions of civilians we have killed around the world in current and past wars of aggression. We cannot fund healthcare and education adequately. We cannot fix those potholes. We must apply austerity. Our best energy must be applied 8 hours a day 5 days a week to that job. There is no alternative to the institutions and systems we have. Markets are like the air we breathe, and any alternative without them is out of the question. And on and on. We need balance. We need to be spectators. We mustn’t intervene. So it goes in our workplaces. So it goes much too often and far more perilously in our schools.

Are these the attitudes, tendencies, roles and institutions we want the youth of today to aspire to?

The omission, distortion, equivocation is clear enough, on display across the entire spectrum of social issues. Underlying the equivocation however is that high-jacking and perversion of those actual values of empowering education –listening, dialogue, open-mindedness, questioning doctrinal assumption, confronting power – which is the damning and defining characteristic of big media, and which is most pernicious.

Resentment at these institutions cannot be the endgame of what is in order. For how can institutions of such privilege and authority – big media and big government – not embody such malevolence and toxicity? Writers for millennia have articulated what we already know ourselves to be the case. Power corrupts. Financial rewards are simply an addendum to real illusory reward of feeling to be among the “educated,” “responsible” classes who set the agendas and run things. (Powerful institutions and the most powerful roles appeal to the most insecure among us.) The lessons one learns on the way to entering those classes almost inevitably get you to not to think certain thoughts. Those buried thoughts invariably contained, in the end, actual critical capacity and empathy, long since distorted and perverted by the time you take on those roles. This distortion and perversion of values are ultimately outgrowths of not only individual opportunism and deep cynicism. They are also the outcomes one might expect from institutions with profound democratic deficits whose ultimate aims must be to further their own standing and prevent change by appealing to fear, ignorance, binary thinking and cynicism, amongst much else. The essence of power is manifested through these institutions. From small scales to the top of society.

It does not have to be like this.   

Perhaps, then, newly envisioned institutions with other defining features are in order.

Unrealistic and delusional? Not so much. We do not need the words of any past “wisemen” to guide us. We do not require any special talents or expertise. We need to look at ourselves through our own collective values. What concepts and institutions would naturally flow out of those values? Whatever they turn out to be, a moment’s thought tells us that current institutions and their makeup fly in the face of what we value.

How can we look our kids and students seriously in the eye and talk about values – fairness, justice, equity, democracy, compassion and lots more, much less the value and meaning of education itself – if we do not begin a dialogue about how current institutions in their typical functioning violate to the extreme our values. Plainly, we want our own words and our own institutions to encourage doing and not just saying. And clearly we want to dissuade youth from empty rhetoric and pretending.

Speaking of pretending, every time schools evade discussion of, let alone action on, the crises going on in the world – fascism, climate, market economies, education, health, nuclear weapons, lack of vision, among others – in which our societies’ institutions are wholly complicit, we are contributing profoundly and at our peril to their perpetuation. We can kid ourselves as much as we like, but this is what is happening. No class or area of the world will remain immune to the consequences of evasion of responsibility.

Let’s talk with youth about the meaning of our values, the meaning of achievement and the meaning of progress. What it means to have a vision for what we collectively want, as opposed to endlessly suffering what we are made to believe is inevitable. Getting beyond the personal and expanding our notion of well-being is long overdue, and not optional.

Ending Republican Control Will Require Overcoming the Democratic Leadership

WALL ST.DEM'S ARE THE NEW GOP

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

The past year has completely discredited any claim that choosing between the Democratic and Republican parties would be merely a matter of “pick your poison” with the same end result. In countless terrible ways, the last 12 months have shown that Donald Trump’s party is bent on methodically inflicting vast cruelty and injustice while aiming to crush what’s left of democracy and the rule of law.

Meanwhile, the Democratic Party’s leadership persists with the kind of elitist political approach that  helped Trump win in 2024. Hidebound and unimaginative, Senate leader Chuck Schumer and House leader Hakeem Jeffries have been incapable of inspiring the people whose high-turnout votes will be essential to ending Republican control of Congress and the White House.

The Democratic establishment shuns the progressive populism that’s vital to effectively counter bogus right-wing populism. And so, the fight to defeat the fascistic GOP and the fight to overcome the power of corporate Democrats are largely the same fight.

Advocates for progressive change will remain on the defensive as long as the Trump party is in power. With the entire future at stake, social movements on the left should have a focus on organizing to oust Republicans from control of Congress in this year’s midterm elections.

The point isn’t that Democrats deserve to win – it’s that people certainly don’t deserve to live under Republican rule, and ending it is the first electoral step toward a federal government that serves the broad public instead of powerfully destructive and violent elites. Like it or not, in almost every case the only candidates in a position to defeat Republicans for the House and Senate this year will have a “D” after their name.

Democratic Party leaders have dodged coming to terms with reasons why their party lost the White House in 2024, preferring to make a protracted show of scratching their chins and puzzling over the steep falloff of support from working-class voters of all colors. The Democratic National Committee’s refusal to release its autopsy report, assessing what went wrong in the election, underscores the party’s aversion to serious introspection.

Cogent answers are readily available, but top Democrats like Schumer and Jeffries refuse to heed them. If the party wants to regain and expand support from working-class voters, it must fight for programs that they clearly want.

Extensive polling shows strong public support for major progressive reforms, such as raising taxes on big corporations and the wealthy, lifting the Social Security tax cap, boosting the federal minimum wage, and greatly expanding Medicare to include dental, vision and hearing coverage.

The multifaceted tyranny that Trump and his toady lieutenants want to impose is both abrupt and gradual. Relying on “big lie” techniques, they strive to turn this month’s shocks into next month’s old hat.

Yet counting on denunciations of Trump to win elections is a very bad strategy. It didn’t work in 2016, it barely worked in 2020, and it failed miserably in 2024.

Democrats on ballots this fall will need to be offering plausible relief to voters in economic distress. But it’s hard for Democratic leaders to come across as aligned with the working class when evidence  is profuse that they aren’t.

In essence, Schumer and Jeffries – and the majority of Democratic officeholders who keep those two in the party’s top positions – represent the Biden-era status quo that was unpopular enough to return Trump to the White House. A key reason is a reality that Sen. Bernie Sanders described soon after Trump’s 2016 win: “Certainly there are some people in the Democratic Party who want to maintain the status quo. They would rather go down with the Titanic so long as they have first-class seats.”

Democratic Party leaders should be removed from seats of party power or bypassed as relics of bygone eras. Their ongoing refusals to distance from corporate power, rich elites and militarism have  alienated much of the party’s base.

As I wrote in my free new book The Blue Road to Trump Hell

The Democratic Party enabled Donald Trump to become president twice because of repetition compulsions that still plague the top echelons of the party.” To eject Republicans from power – and to advance a strong progressive agenda – true leadership must come from grassroots mobilization.Email

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Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.