Sunday, January 25, 2026

A Changing U.S. Color Line?



 January 23, 2026

Photograph Source: SWinxy – CC BY 4.0

I turned to W.E.B. Du Bois’ thoughts on the centrality of America’s color line when U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) Officer Jonathan Ross shot dead Renee Nicole Good on January 7, 2026. Let me explain.

What Du Bois called the “color line” in the U.S. is the racial division which is a part of–not apart from–labor conditions of a market economy. He viewed this separation of people via their appearances as an integral part of the global system of colonization and segregation. The legal use of state-sanctioned violence to enforce such subjugation of living human beings has a bloody history.

Crucially, Good was a supporter of immigrants, engaged in legal observance of ICE actions in Minneapolis, MN. She perished from a gunshot wound to the head not far from where Derek Chauvin, a city police officer, murdered George Floyd, an African American male and criminal suspect, on May 25, 2020. His killing sparked multi-racial protests that African Americans led during the Covid pandemic.

Then, there was a demand to defund the police. Now, there is a call to defund ICE.

Good, in solidarity with immigrants without U.S. citizenship papers, put her body on the line for them as targets of daily brutality at the hands of  ICE agents. They wear masks like a 2026 version of the Ku Klux Klan, a group of white supremacist vigilantes that formed after the U.S. Civil War to terrorize the former slave population of the Confederate States of the American South.

Today, Central American and Somali immigrants and those from other lands in and away from the Twin Cities have been victims of an extractive and exploitative U.S. corporate state. It is driving immigrants to arrive stateside.  For instance, climate catastrophe from Big Oil’s militarized dominance of the global economy is causing drought and famine abroad. Suffering peasants flee their homelands, desperate for food, shelter and water. Demonizing them as threats to U.S. national security is absurd on its face, and a way to distract attention away from a billionaire class sucking income and wealth from the American working class.

A thread connecting the deaths of Good and Floyd is this: lethal police violence against unarmed citizens affects black, brown, red, white and yellow Americans. This violence also resembles that which people in foreign lands experience under Uncle Sam’s military hand, directly or by proxy. Witness U.S. bombings of a Nigerian village to protect Christians where none of them live to Israel’s genocide of Palestinians in Gaza, a barbaric and blood-soaked campaign of extermination that American taxpayers, the working class, fund for reasons of monopoly profits flowing to a politically connected military-industrial-complex.

In our Big Tech moment of surveillance capitalism, the ubiquity of cell phone cameras empowers people shut (shit?) out of political power to show us  the barbarity of state-sanctioned violence against civilians. In this way, the powerless until they organize and make political demands, can and do communicate. It’s a revolutionary advancement.

Who will the viewers of the police killings of Good and Floyd believe? Their eyes or the official sources? This digital dynamic also applies to Israel’s ongoing high-tech slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza.

Digital communication also swims in the water of fabrications and falsifications. There’s no denying the online culture of spectacle. It’s more than technology and its magic wand of AI to caricature and impersonate.

Speaking of misrepresentation, the social fiction of race lacks a biological basis. This reality also disempowers and divides workers. The fictional cleavage between groups of Americans and immigrants from the Global South is a social but not biological reality. Thus Americans like Good and many more are showing their revulsion against ICE deportations brutalizing working class people from abroad and their native-born backers.

Demography matters in the unpacking of white supremacy for class solidarity. Good was an American Caucasian woman. Floyd was an African American male. Both were members of the working class. They relied upon wage-income to get by.

In contrast, capitalists live on the labor services of the working class across occupations in various ways. The class of capitalists are takers, not makers. The class of makers whether in goods or services has more in common with each other than the tiny minority of takers.

Good was part of a surging popular rebellion against anti-immigrant messaging from President Donald J. Trump and his backers for nearly a decade. Good and her allies rejected the message that immigrants are the cause of the American people’s struggles, from rising prices to falling real wages.

Researchers such as Ben Zipperer at the Economic Policy Institute have shown that immigrant deportation policies of President Trump, like his tariffs, or taxes, on U.S. imports, harm the native-born working class, including small businesses. Removing immigrant workers from the U.S. labor force equals slower economic growth and fewer jobs. ICE deporting immigrants is a job-killer policy. This is not rocket science, folks.

Meanwhile, African Americans such as Floyd experience police violence far away from nonviolent protests for social justice of the kind Good and her allies supported. No protest chants or dissident signs are required for blacks to experience state-sanctioned violence.

Driving while black is all it takes for police to fire rounds at blacks. Hell, sleeping while black is cause enough, as the case of Breonna Taylor,  a 26-year-old EMT and African American, shows. She died in a hail of police gunfire in her Louisville apartment during a no-knock attack on March 13, 2020.

There are scores of similar deadly police attacks on blacks in the U.S., far out of proportion to their numbers in the population of 330 million Americans. That police violence is a morbid symptom of an increasingly unequal U.S. society, where billionaire wealth is ballooning under the Trump administration. It’s no coincidence that the president’s recent tax cut shoveled more wealth to his billionaire donors such as Adelson, Bezos and Musk, while impoverishing the working class.

Resisting economic inequality while struggling to weaken white supremacy are two sides to the same coin.  Ideology (false consciousness), economics and politics are forces that push apart and pull together the working class. The push sows division and strengthens a class system that requires cutthroat competition. The pull serves the opposite purpose of building community and solidarity.

Fostering division between groups of working-class people is a tried-and-true method of class rule that helps those who sit atop the social order.  Resisting that division requires working-class solidarity, a step forward for humanity in and out of the U.S. The people of the Twin Cities are showing us how.

Seth Sandronsky is a Sacramento journalist and member of the freelancers unit of the Pacific Media Workers Guild. Email sethsandronsky@gmail.com

FORWARD TO THE PAST

The U.S. Retreat on Child Labor Enforcement is Putting Children in Danger


 January 23, 2026

Two girls protesting child labour (by calling it child slavery) in the 1909 New York City Labor Day parade – Public Domain

Just when America needs stronger child labor protections, the Trump administration is seemingly abandoning enforcement altogether. A disturbing new analysis from Good Jobs First reveals that enforcement cases for a range of workplace violations declined by 97 percent last year.

And a review by the Child Labor Coalition found just two press releases about child labor enforcement in the year since President Trump was inaugurated on January 20, 2025 — compared to two per month in the last two years under Biden.

This retreat comes at a perilous moment. According to the Economic Policy Institute, 28 states across the nation introduced bills to weaken child labor protections in recent years. This follows a 283 percent increase in child labor violations between 2015 and 2023, creating a perfect storm that leaves young workers dangerously exposed.

This isn’t bureaucratic negligence — it’s the systematic gutting of worker protections.

In spring 2025, the Trump administration identified 21 offices for closure within the Labor Department’s Wage and Hour Division — and is slashing staff at the agency responsible for enforcing federal child labor laws. Even before the current administration took office, there was just one inspector for every 202,000 workers.

As members of the House Committee on Education and Workforce warned the department last year, these cuts extend “an open invitation for employers to ignore workplace hazards, force miners to breathe toxic dust, staff children on overnight shifts at meatpacking plants or other dangerous jobsites, discriminate against workers, and steal workers’ wages without fear of any accountability.”

Federal enforcement sets a floor beneath which no state can fall. When that floor disappears, states can either strengthen their own enforcement with limited resources or allow violations to multiply unchecked. And unfortunately, that floor is dropping as several states have chosen to roll back their existing protections.

The consequences of weak enforcement are already visible in states like Iowa and California, where inadequate oversight has allowed dangerous child labor practices to flourish.

In Iowa, the legislature egregiously weakened child labor protections in 2023. An investigation by Common Good Iowaconcluded that state investigators conducted only 77 child labor investigations in 2024, including one involving the death of a 17-year-old who was crushed by a utility vehicle while performing prohibited tasks without supervision.

Yet despite these cases, investigators issued just four civil monetary penalties totaling just $36,350 — a pittance that is unlikely to deter violations.

California’s agricultural sector presents an equally troubling picture, with enforcement agencies that are understaffed and lacking in capacity. A recent investigation by Capital & Main, documented in the Los Angeles Times, found “vast areas of California’s agricultural heartlands have gone years without worksite inspections by the front-line state agency charged with protecting underage workers.”

The investigation documented young farmworkers exposed to toxic pesticides that caused burning eyes and skin rashes, often working without adequate shade or water breaks, and earning below minimum wage.

Yet over eight years, “state officials issued just 27 citations for child labor violations, even though thousands of agricultural businesses operate in California. More than 90 percent of the fines were never collected.”

The actions of the Trump administration will make the situation worse. In addition to the lack of federal labor enforcement, Trump’s immigration crackdown increases the risks of farmworkers speaking up about brutal labor conditions.

There’s an alternative to this race to the bottom where businesses exploit children.

Congress needs to pass the bipartisan Justice for Exploited Children Act that would introduce a minimum monetary penalty for guilty parties and increase penalties overall. Two other bills, the Children Don’t Belong on Tobacco Farms Act and the Children’s Act for Responsible Employment and Farm Safety, would help close gaps that exclude farmworker children from basic protections.

Meanwhile, states need to increase child labor protections, not gut them. Several states, both red and blue, passed laws strengthening child labor protections in recent years — including Illinois, Colorado, Minnesota, Oregon, Virginia, and Utah.
We need elected officials to build on this progress. Children nationwide deserve nothing less.

Todd Larsen is the Executive Co-Director of Green America. Reid Maki is the Coordinator of the Child Labor Coalition.