Sunday, February 01, 2026

OPINION

When Jewish moral reckoning overshadows Palestinian liberation

As Jewish anti-Zionists gain visibility, there is a danger of viewing the Gaza genocide solely as the backdrop for a Jewish reckoning. Instead, we must center Palestinian history and demands, and Jewish anti-Zionists have an important role to play.
January 25, 2026 5
MONDOWEISS

Activists at a demonstration against the pro-Israel singer Matisyahu in Philadelphia, on March 22, 2024. (Photo: Joe Piette/Flickr)


What role does Jewish anti-Zionism actually play in Palestinian history? Does it change political outcomes? Has it ever altered the systems that organize Palestinian dispossession? Or does it primarily operate inside Western — often Jewish — moral and political worlds, gaining prominence at precisely the moments when Palestinians require something else entirely: pressure, leverage, interruption, consequence?

Gaza is being destroyed in real time. Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been killed. Entire neighborhoods have vanished. Hospitals, schools, universities, refugee camps reduced to rubble. Families erased. Lives shattered.

A genocide is underway. A century-long struggle continues. Yet public conversation often drifts back to Jewish self-examination, while Palestinian history, political demands, and political strategy are pushed to the margins.

This discourse is not new. What is new is the scale of devastation and the urgency of the Palestinian experience that is being displaced.
The drift toward Jewish moral reckoning

Over the past year, Jewish anti-Zionist voices have become far more visible in the media discourse. This is happening for several reasons.

First, the scale and visibility of Gaza’s destruction have shattered decades of political cover and stripped away the moral framework that once sustained liberal Zionism. For many Jews raised within that framework, the rupture is profound and has led many, especially young Jews, to reject the mainstream Jewish organizations that have been in near-total alignment behind Israeli violence. This has not only become a critique of Israel but a revolt against communal authority.

Jewish activists have confronted communal leadership, walked out of institutions, organized mass protests, and publicly rejected Zionism. This shift matters. Jewish dissent has weakened longstanding taboos and opened space for Palestinian voices that were previously suppressed.

However, alongside this disruption, another pattern has emerged.

As Gaza burns, Western media increasingly frames the moment solely as a crisis inside Jewish communities. Coverage in major outlets centers Jewish disillusionment, generational conflict, and identity rupture as the key to understanding what is happening.

In these stories, Palestinians appear mainly as the trigger for Jewish transformation. But it is essential to acknowledge that Palestinian journalists, medics, organizers, and families — surviving under bombardment, documenting atrocities despite blackouts, organizing massive protests across the world — forced Palestine into global consciousness at a scale not seen in decades. Jewish anti-Zionist speech expands inside this space. It does not create it.

The danger is that Palestinian catastrophe simply becomes the backdrop for a moment of Jewish moral transformation.

A BBC segment in October 2025 on Jewish protesters in New York made this painfully clear. The camera followed Jewish activists through their emotional journeys — betrayal, awakening, rupture. Only near the end did the program cut to Gaza, where a Palestinian mother said, “We hope the world will listen now that others are speaking for us.” Her words were framed not as a political demand but as gratitude that Jewish voices had finally entered the conversation.

The effect is quiet but powerful. Palestinian catastrophe becomes meaningful mainly when it triggers Jewish moral change.

When the Gaza genocide is narrated as the moment “many Jews finally woke up,” decades of Palestinian dispossession are compressed into the background of a Jewish ethical story. Palestinian history becomes the stage on which another community’s moral drama is performed.

This does not erase Palestinians. It recenters the story away from them.
A familiar Western pattern

For Palestinians, this displacement carries real political cost. Their struggle is no longer understood as an ongoing confrontation with a system of military rule, land theft, siege, and apartheid. Instead, it becomes a moral mirror for others.

This pattern is not simply a feature of the present moment. It reflects a long-standing habit in Western political culture.

For decades, Palestinian political life has been rendered legible mainly when it passes through Western institutional filters that privilege the moral narratives of others — diplomats, journalists, scholars, humanitarian officials, and, critically, Jewish interlocutors — over Palestinian political agency itself.

During the Oslo years, Palestinian resistance was recast as a problem of “confidence-building” and “mutual recognition” with Jewish Israelis while the material architecture of occupation expanded relentlessly on the ground. After 9/11, the Palestinian struggle was reframed through the language of counterterrorism and security management, reducing a national liberation movement to a policing problem. In each period, the same mechanism operated: Palestinian history was acknowledged only when it could be absorbed into another framework of legitimacy.

The present moment follows this familiar logic. Palestinian destruction is again rendered meaningful mainly as the catalyst for transformation elsewhere — now as the trigger for Jewish ethical crisis. This shift does not deny Palestinian suffering. It reorganizes its political significance.

Concrete examples are increasingly visible. Major Western outlets devote sustained coverage to internal struggles the the Jewish community — synagogues in crisis, federations under pressure, generational rifts — while Palestinian political analysis appears in fragments, often reduced to scenes of devastation or appeals for sympathy. Even inside solidarity spaces, media attention gravitates toward Jewish activists as interpretive guides, their statements treated as especially authoritative or reassuring for Western audiences.


The story of Gaza becomes less about confronting the systems that produce Palestinian death and more about managing Western moral injury.

This dynamic also operates inside movement structures. At several large demonstrations in 2024 and 2025, Palestinian organizers I was in conversation with reported pressure — from journalists and allied organizations alike — to foreground Jewish speakers in order to “broaden appeal” or “reduce backlash.” In some cases, Palestinian groups were urged to allow Jewish organizations to re-frame events whose political objectives had been developed by Palestinians themselves. The result was not erasure but displacement. Palestinian strategy and demands receded behind a narrative of Jewish moral awakening.

This is the deeper risk of recentering. The story of Gaza becomes less about confronting the systems that produce Palestinian death and more about managing Western moral injury. Palestinian time — marked by land confiscation, siege, incarceration, and generational displacement — is subordinated to the tempo of Western ethical reckoning.


The struggle over narrative orientation is not semantic. It determines whether the present moment produces meaningful pressure on the structures of domination or dissipates into another cycle of moral reflection.

That reorientation carries material consequences. When Gaza is framed mainly as a moral shock to Western conscience, the political response gravitates toward statements, condemnations, and symbolic gestures. When it is framed as a crime sustained by concrete systems — such as arms transfers, financial flows, diplomatic protection, and legal impunity — the response begins to target the machinery that enables the crime.

The struggle over narrative orientation is not semantic. It determines whether the present moment produces meaningful pressure on the structures of domination or dissipates into another cycle of moral reflection.
What this moment demands

From a Palestinian perspective, the political usefulness of Jewish anti-Zionism is measured by one standard: does an intervention weaken the systems that sustain dispossession?

Moral clarity alone does not dismantle military power, arms transfers, financial support, diplomatic protection, or legal impunity.


From a Palestinian perspective, the political usefulness of Jewish anti-Zionism is measured by one standard: does an intervention weaken the systems that sustain dispossession?

Jewish anti-Zionism becomes politically meaningful only under specific conditions, which include confronting real centers of power, including governments, arms manufacturers, banks, courts, media institutions, and universities. This also means rejecting the tendency to treat Jewish voices as authorizing Palestinian claims, and foregrounding Palestinian demands in a way that recognizes and counters the the asymmetry in power that exists between Jews and Palestinians in the broader discourse.

It is also essential that Jewish anti-Zionists know when to step back. At key moments — such as South Africa’s genocide case at the International Court of Justice — Jewish groups amplified Palestinian legal submissions without recentering themselves. Sometimes the most effective intervention is not interpretation, but amplification.

Under these conditions, Jewish anti-Zionism can fracture elite consensus and weaken the ideological shield protecting Israeli violence. Without this orientation, it risks drawing the story back into Jewish self-reflection.

This is important because Jewish anti-Zionists now occupy positions of visibility inside institutions that long excluded Palestinians. That visibility can destabilize entrenched narratives. It can also reproduce familiar habits of moral self-focus.

Interventions that foreground Palestinian political demands apply pressure to the systems sustaining dispossession, but interventions that center Jewish moral reckoning pull the moment back into established narrative comfort.

Political change rarely follows the maturation of conscience. It follows shifts in power: when legitimacy fractures, alliances reorganize, and the costs of maintaining a system rise.

Solidarity that drifts into ethical self-reflection while Gaza burns loses its political force. Solidarity that targets arms manufacturers, funding pipelines, diplomatic shields, and legal impunity becomes part of the pressure capable of altering the calculus of dispossession.

This moment calls for interventions that shift structures rather than attention, reinforce Palestinian analysis rather than absorb it, and operate where leverage exists rather than where comfort lies.

Jewish anti-Zionism becomes consequential when it moves along this axis. It loses consequence when it circles back toward itself.
OPINION

Mike Huckabee is interfering with the work and witness of churches in the Holy Land with a goal of silencing Palestinian Christians

A recent statement by Church Patriarchs in Jerusalem rejecting Zionism was historic, and the response it provoked from U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee shows the steps Christian Zionists are taking to silence Palestinian Christians.
 January 27, 2026 
MONDOWEISS

Ambassador Mike Huckabee’s Participation in Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Day 2025 Ceremony, April 24, 2025 (Photo: U.S. Embassy Jerusalem)

Last week, the Patriarchs and Heads of Churches in Jerusalem, the leaders of the historic churches in the Holy Land, issued a momentous statement clearly expressing their rejection of Christian Zionism. The statement was remarkable not only for its clarity but also for the moment of its release and the response it provoked from U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee, a vocal Christian Zionist. The episode highlights an emerging threat to the work and witness of the Palestinian church, as well as steps Christian Zionists are taking to erase our political voice.

The Patriarchs’ statement read, in part:

The Patriarchs and Heads of Churches in the Holy Land affirm before the faithful and before the world that the flock of Christ in this land is entrusted to the Apostolic Churches, which have borne their sacred ministry across centuries with steadfast devotion. Recent activities undertaken by local individuals who advance damaging ideologies, such as Christian Zionism, mislead the public, sow confusion, and harm the unity of our flock. These undertakings have found favor among certain political actors in Israel and beyond who seek to push a political agenda which may harm the Christian presence in the Holy Land and the wider Middle East.

What does this mean?

The statement is a response to disturbing developments taking place in Palestine that threaten the integrity, unity, and historical authority of the Christian Churches in the Holy Land. What specifically stirred the Patriarchs appears to be a growing pattern: the promotion of self-appointed local individuals or groups, welcomed at official political levels, who claim to represent Christians in Israel or the Holy Land while advancing Christian Zionist theology. Such initiatives have happened in the past and have gone unnoticed. But recently, such meetings have involved senior U.S. and Israeli officials, including Ambassador Huckabee, and increasingly pose a direct threat to the historic authority of the Heads of Churches and the integrity of the Christian faith. They undermine the centuries-old ecclesial structures (known as the Status Quo) that have maintained the unity of Christian communities in Palestine throughout a history of empire, colonialism, and occupation.

This is why Ambassador Huckabee felt compelled to publicly comment on the Patriarchs’ statement. He wrote in part, “It’s hard for me to understand why every one who takes on the moniker ‘Christian’ would not also be a Zionist.” The importance he gives the statement points to the serious stakes that issues of representation and power hold for Christians in the Holy Land and the degree of political interference Israel and its supporters are willing to exert to undermine anti-Zionist Christian voices.

It is worth asking why a U.S. representative would intervene at all in an internal matter of the Churches of Jerusalem. After all, the Patriarchs’ statement is not a political manifesto. It is a pastoral affirmation from those who legitimately represent Christian communities in the Holy Land. Huckabee’s response, therefore, reveals more about the political sensitivities exposed by the statement than about the statement itself. His reaction underscores precisely the concern the Patriarchs raise: certain political actors in Israel and abroad seek alternative Christian voices that are more aligned with their ideological and geopolitical agendas.

Huckabee’s interference cannot be separated from the broader political context. In recent years, we have witnessed systematic efforts by Israel and its allies, particularly the United States, to delegitimize official Palestinian representation. This process began with the weakening of the Palestinian Authority, criminalizing our resistance and our political parties. It continued with the designation of respected Palestinian NGOs as “terrorist organizations.”

It now appears this interference and repression is extending into the Christian sphere. Creating or empowering a local Palestinian Christian Zionist group provides a convenient alternative—a useful narrative—that allows political powers to bypass church leaders, silence prophetic Palestinian Christian witness (Kairos Palestine, Sabeel, Bethlehem Bible College, and others), and cast doubt on the legitimacy of long-established Palestinian institutions.

This is especially alarming at a moment when Palestinian Christians, alongside Muslims, have been among the most consistent and moral voices confronting genocide, mass displacement, and grave violations of international law in Gaza and beyond. Our advocacy has exposed not only Israeli policies but also the direct complicity of the United States. In this light, the emergence of a politically endorsed “Christian” voice that blesses occupation and its violence is not accidental. It serves a clear strategic purpose.

The Patriarchs’ language in their statement is also significant. Their critique of Christian Zionism and their emphasis on unity, representation, and pastoral responsibility closely echo the theological clarity of Kairos Palestine, particularly in its recently released document, Kairos II, A Moment of Truth: Faith in a Time of Genocide. Kairos II unambiguously names Zionism as a political ideology rooted in injustice and calls Christians worldwide to reject theological distortions that tolerate oppression.

For years, the Kairos movement has sought deeper alignment with church leadership, sometimes from the margins. In this statement, the Heads of Churches appear not only to defend the historical significance of their office but also to offer a practical and positive response to the Kairos call, affirming what is ultimately at stake: the future of Christian presence in Palestine. Their statement signals that the churches’ shepherds in Jerusalem increasingly recognize that neutrality in the face of political theology is impossible, and that safeguarding Christian unity today requires naming false theologies and resisting political manipulation. The Patriarchs are not merely protecting their institutional authority. They are defending the integrity of Christian witness in the land of Christ.

In this sense, Huckabee’s intervention confirms the urgency of the Patriarchs’ message. The struggle is no longer only about land or politics. It is also about who speaks for the Christian community, whose theology shapes—or helps to shape—global Christian understanding, and whether the churches of the Holy Land—and beyond—will be sidelined in favor of voices connected to Israel’s hegemonic and genocidal policies.

The Patriarchs’ statement is not defensive. The statement is prophetic. It draws a clear line between authentic church representation and politically manufactured alternatives. It reminds both the global church and the world that the Christian presence in Palestine cannot survive if it is severed from truth, justice, and the lived experience of its people, whose ancestors first claimed the faith and brought it to the world.

At this critical time, we are all encouraged to support our church leaders, helping to ensure that this clarity is preserved and strengthened, as the Patriarchs declare, “in the very land where our Lord lived, taught, suffered and rose from the dead.”
NAKBA 2.0
Palestinian children injured in Israeli raids, as illegal settlers step up attacks in West Bank


Israeli settlers, under the protection of Israeli forces, raid the Old City of Hebron in the southern West Bank on January 31, 2026. [Amer Shallodi – Anadolu Agency

January 31, 2026 


Israeli forces wounded two Palestinian children during a raid on a refugee camp near Ramallah late Saturday, amid a series of separate attacks by illegal Israeli settlers on Palestinian property across the occupied West Bank, according to Palestinian sources, Anadolu reports.

The official Palestinian news agency WAFA said Israeli troops stormed Jalazone refugee camp north of Ramallah, sparking confrontations with residents during which soldiers fired live ammunition.

A 15-year-old boy was shot in the foot, while a 16-year-old sustained shrapnel wounds to the shoulder, the agency reported.

Israeli military incursions across the West Bank frequently trigger clashes, as youths throw stones at armored vehicles and troops respond with live fire and tear gas, often resulting in injuries.

In parallel incidents elsewhere in the West Bank, the Al-Baydar human rights organization said illegal Israeli settlers attacked Palestinian property in Khirbet al-Malih in the northern Jordan Valley, targeting residential tin structures and sheep pens.

The group said settlers also attempted to assault a woman at the scene, causing fear among residents, and described the attack as part of a systematic pattern aimed at pressuring Palestinian communities and undermining their livelihoods.

In another incident, WAFA reported that settlers attacked a Palestinian home in the town of Qusra, south of Nablus, before residents confronted them. No injuries were reported.

Since Israel launched its offensive on the Gaza Strip in Oct. 2023, arrests, raids, and attacks against Palestinians have intensified in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

In the nearly two-year period, at least 1,110 Palestinians have been killed, more than 11,500 injured, and over 21,000 detained in the West Bank, according to Palestinian figures.
NAKBA 2.0

A bloody season: the olive harvest in the West Bank

Journalists Rafaela Cortez and Ricardo Esteves Ribeiro embedded with Palestinians during the 2025 West Bank olive harvest. They witnessed terrible violence and oppression, including the killing of a 13-year-old boy, but also inspiring resistance.
January 29, 2026 
MONDOWEISS

Palestinians put out a fire caused during an attack by Israeli settlers on Palestinians harvesting olives in the West Bank village of Beita, on October 10, 2025. 
(Photo: Rafaela Cortez and Ricardo Esteves Ribeiro)


LONG READ


Editor’s Note: This report first appeared in its original form as a podcast on the Mondoweiss Youtube channel. For more podcasts and video reporting like this, subscribe to our Youtube channel.


Friday, October 10, 2025

It’s a bit after eight in the morning. We’ve just arrived in Beita, a village in the north of the West Bank. The light is still soft, catching in the dust hanging on the road as people park their cars. Everyone is gathering here for the annual season of the olive harvest. Except this isn’t your typical olive harvest. Here, in occupied Palestine, picking olives comes with risks: injury, arrest, or even death.

“There are settlers trying to stop the farmers from harvesting their olives so we are coming to help them,” Munther Amira tells us. Munther is a Palestinian community organizer from Deir Aban, a Palestinian village ethnically cleansed in 1948. He grew up in the Aida refugee camp, in Bethlehem, where he still lives.

Today marks the first day of Zaytoun 2025, a campaign for the olive-harvest season organized by a number of Palestinian collectives to support farmers at the edges of Israeli settlements. Munther Amira has spent months helping coordinate this campaign: bringing in activists and journalists, planning the routes, handling the logistics, and trainings. Now that the season has begun, everything is suddenly becoming real.

“It’s a big happiness to have all these people here,” he says, looking around. There are dozens of us – mostly Palestinians, but also international solidarity activists from all over the world. “We don’t do it because we think the farmers are poor and weak,” Munther told us. “We do it as a way to say ‘thank you for being in the frontlines’.”

Olive groves aren’t what most people imagine when they hear the word “frontlines”, but in recent years, as settlements and outposts continue to multiply, the frontlines of Palestinian resistance to Israeli colonialism have shifted and expanded across the West Bank. And plots of land farmers could once reach are being progressively cut off by the encroaching occupation and the threat of violence. Munther Amira speaks of a different kind of genocide, of ethnic cleansing. “The people have to see what’s going on here,” he adds.

It’s not our first time in Palestine. We have been reporting on the subject, mostly in Portuguese, since 2017. But although we’ve been spending time here, every year, for the last few years, we’ve never actually been to the olive harvest before – and so, we don’t quite know what to expect. The weight of the occasion hasn’t fully set on us yet. For now, we’re in high spirits, slightly buzzing with caffeine, in awe of this large group of people steadily making their way up the rugged slopes.

Munther points to a new outpost on the top of the hill, Mevaser Shalom – Hebrew for “the peace bringer.” This morning, before we got here, settlers had already attacked a Palestinian family of three, who were taken to the hospital. As we walk, we see their blood on the ground, next to a couple of emptied tear gas canisters. The tear gas was shot by Israeli army soldiers, who offer 24/7 protection to the settlers.

People gather to start the harvest – tarps under the olive trees, their branches struck in a rhythm that has passed from generation to generation. Less than five minutes later, six Israeli soldiers arrive in a jeep. There are a few moments of quiet as the soldiers observe the group. But suddenly, the harvest starts to unravel.

It’s not even 10 a.m. when the first stun grenades and tear gas canisters start landing around us. A group of fifteen settlers runs across the olive groves, and a group moves to stop their advance, but the soldiers are quick to shield them. Wahaj Bani Moufleh, a Palestinian photojournalist and resident of Beita, is shot point-blank in his foot with a tear-gas canister, in what seems like a deliberate targeted attack. He’s wearing a blue vest with the word “press” on it. As people carry him toward an ambulance, soldiers fire more tear gas in their direction. The air becomes thick with acrid smoke.

Most of the settlers are kids, it seems. Unarmed teenagers shielded by heavily armed soldiers, and now by the Israeli border police as well. The border police arrive and immediately direct the farmers and the activists towards a specific patch of land. “On this side, you can do it,” they say. (picking olives, they mean). “That side is off limits”.

The harvest goes on in the background while Palestinian farmers and landowners argue with the Israeli authorities, insisting they should be able to pick olives everywhere – it is, after all, their land. Munther Amira, again: “They want to control everything to show that they have the power here. And we are trying to show that we have the power here.”

This standoff lasts for a few minutes. But, as it would turn out, the earlier display of violence was just a prelude to what was to come. A group of masked settlers descends from the hill, throwing rocks at a Palestinian family in a nearby slope and setting a car on fire. People rush over, shoving handfuls of dirt into the flames, hoping to put the fire down. Their efforts are met with a hail of rocks from the settlers and clouds of tear gas from the military.

Then, the settlers attack again from the slope we had just left. Everywhere we look, absolute chaos. The soldiers keep on sending stun grenades and tear gas in our direction. There’s people screaming, shouting, dodging the rocks that settlers keep hurling.

Most people sprint back to the cars. A few stay behind, on the other side of the hill, with little more than rocks. We’re unsure what to do. Do we keep documenting what we see? Try to interview people? Run? Stay put? In the end, we fall in with the group going back.

With tear gas clouds still hanging at a distance, we begin to take stock of what just happened. We wouldn’t have the full picture, however, until the following day. At least 10 people were injured, 8 cars were burned, including an ambulance.

Back at the cars, we join Munther Amira. He’s still catching his breath from the escape, but somehow, he’s laughing anyway. He lays out what we should expect from this year’s harvest: “A bloody season. It seems, from the first day.” And time would prove him right. What we saw on that first day, in Beita, would end up being a sort of microcosm of everything we could expect for the days ahead: clouds of tear gas, violent settlers, an army seemingly dedicated to protecting them while harassing and attacking both Palestinians and solidarity activists, in a land under siege.

By the end of the season, in mid-November, there would be more than 160 settler attacks, resulting in more than 150 injured Palestinians, almost 6000 trees destroyed, countless damaged vehicles, and one martyr, a 13-year-old kid we met during the harvest named Ayssam Jihad Ma’ala. We didn’t know his name then, but we would learn it soon enough.

We joined this year’s olive harvest campaign for 10 days. This is the story of what we witnessed – a story of incredible violence and oppression, but, most importantly, of community and resistance.



Saturday,October 11


It’s a little over eight in the morning. We’re back in Beita – this time, a much smaller group. One of the farmers invites us for tea, coffee, and some non-optional biscuits in the shelter he built as part of his effort to defend his land. This land belonged to his grandfather before him. Now it belongs to him.

We’ve gathered here because the olive groves we were planning to go to – the same ones from yesterday – are apparently off limits. We learned that from the four soldiers blocking our path with their military jeeps upon our arrival. Even though the family had gotten permission from the military before to harvest their land today, the army has now declared the area a closed military zone. They don’t bother showing us any proof.

About these so-called “agreements”. The previous day unfolded with plenty of back-and-forth negotiations between the Palestinians and the army over where people could or could not harvest olives. One grove was okay, the other was not. One side of the road was okay, the other was not. They call it security coordination.

Mind you, these are all Palestinian lands. Even within the framework of international law, all of these belong to Palestinians. We’re in Area B of the West Bank, according to the 1993 Oslo Accords. But even here, in recent years, the Israeli military has been increasingly blocking Palestinians from working their land unless they first coordinate with the army. This means the occupation forces get a say in when and how Palestinians can harvest. All of this for so-called “security reasons”. Of course, the real source of that insecurity seems clear enough: the ever-growing settler colony, with its settlers and outposts.

Since the reconstruction of the settler outpost Evyatar in 2021, Beita has become one of the West Bank’s frontlines. Ever since, Beita’s residents and solidarity activists have been staging recurrent protests against the outpost. And for that, the village paid a heavy price: tear gas canisters, sound bombs, live ammunition, movement restrictions and closures, as well as house raids and arbitrary arrests.

All across the hills of the West Bank, settlers keep building new outposts. Once fringe radicals, settler leaders like Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir are in the highest levels of the Israeli government, and they’ve used their power to further the violent settler-colonial expansion in the West Bank.

The harvest season is no longer the communal ritual it once was, as one Palestinian farmer later explains. The whole family used to gather around the fire to cook traditional Palestinian meals, he says. “Every year, we would have activities. We would have fun.” But not this year. This year, the fire is gone, replaced by provisions cooked and packed in advance, the kind of lunch meant to be eaten on the move, should the moment come when there’s an attack, and everyone has to flee. As if “they are the landowners,” he says, meaning the settlers and soldiers, and “we are the thieves.”

Another farmer steps forward. He tells us his grandmother is 95 years old, and she raised these trees in front of us as if they were her children. She would bring them water in a donkey, before there were any roads, to make sure they all had a sip. “When they attacked us yesterday, my grandmother cried,” he says. It’s as if they were attacking her children.

The group harvests olives for a while. But the peace doesn’t last long. We see a Palestinian farmer walking down the same road we were kicked out of, on the slope in front of us. A few seconds later, soldiers emerge behind him. A minute later, tear gas. A sharp, now-familiar sting fills our eyes with tears. Everyone starts coughing.

They keep shooting as we retreat, and an older man falls down, struggling with the tear gas. Soldiers shout through a megaphone. “You’re assaulting the State security,” one volunteer translates. “You need to leave.” We go up the road, further away from the army, to join some other families gathering at the top. A child lies on the ground and is having seizures. People start shouting at the soldiers to let an ambulance through, but it only comes minutes later. The kid is quickly carried inside and immediately taken to the hospital. He is only thirteen.

We have a few minutes to gather our bearings. The Palestinians around us don’t need a few moments to adjust – this is their reality. And so, as soon as the dust settles, they want to go back and resume the harvest. We’re a lot more jittery – there’s a drone flying overhead, and the soldiers could be back any time now. But the drone, they tell us, is always here. And so, we keep working.

In later retellings, we would often call this one of the quiet days. A good day, even. All in all, by the end of the day, the group picked 400kg of olives (roughly 880 pounds). We had a lovely lunch in the shade – hummus, muttabal, lentils, flatbread, pickles, olives, za’atar. We got to do some interviews, chat with each other, crack some jokes, and have a few coffee breaks to cool down.

Of course, this is not how we remember the day now. Because as we would discover exactly one month later, Ayssam Jihad Ma’ala, the thirteen-year-old kid who collapsed in front of us that day, never recovered. He went into a coma shortly after due to the lack of oxygen in his brain – a consequence of the tear gas – and died on November 11. A thirteen-year-old boy was martyred, all because he wanted to go to the olive harvest with his family.

Fully-armed Israeli soldiers monitor Palestinians harvesting olives in the West Bank village of Beita, on October 10, 2025. (Photo: Rafaela Cortez and Ricardo Esteves Ribeiro)


Sunday, October 12

It’s 10:40 in the morning. Over a hundred people have gathered in Idna, a Palestinian town in the southern West Bank, close to al-Khalil (Hebron). This is technically area A of the West Bank, supposedly under full control of the Palestinian Authority. But it comes as no surprise that we already have unwanted company.

Two armed settlers are hiking up the slope to meet us, and behind them, what looks like soldiers. We had heard many accounts of armed settlers in military uniform, but this is the first time we’re a bit unsure of what we’re looking at – the first of many. The line is becoming blurrier every year, and not by accident. The state arms them, outfits them, and backs them at every level.

Over the next few days, we find ourselves asking, “soldier or settler?”, as if we’re playing a grim game of spot the difference. Do they wear helmets? Do they have insignias? Are their trousers the right color? But after a while, the exercise starts to feel like a technicality, a semantic issue rather than a practical one. At what point do we stop calling these paramilitary settlers civilians? And when the real soldiers collude with the settlers during their attacks, what’s the difference anyway?

The settlers and soldiers begin sending us back. We ask Munther what they are saying: “They… it’s forbidden to do anything,” he tells us. More settlers arrive, moving around us in a swarm. They dictate what people can or can’t do. They film the volunteers and the journalists, try to steal tarps and phones, and walk around like they own the place. But despite the harassment, people hold their ground. The crowd starts singing popular Palestinian songs. “Settlers, out, out,” they chant. The settlers, themselves, keep repeating “shh, shh, shh” – the sounds used to herd sheep and goats, gesturing for us to leave.

One of the settlers, dressed in military uniform, starts grabbing journalists, trying to pull them aside. We ask him why he’s trying to take people away. “Because it’s my land,” he says. Another settler joins in, speaking Hebrew. We tell him we don’t understand his language. He replies, “I don’t want you to understand me. If I want, I take you.”

Eventually, a group of about 13 soldiers and settlers force us all the way back to the town square where the day began. Some hundred and something – maybe two hundred – Palestinians and solidarity activists refuse to go any further. They sit in white plastic chairs, passing around coffee, cucumbers, and fruit. Three Palestinian kids, entirely unbothered by the soldiers and settlers right behind them, giggle and strike poses for the camera.

Monday, October 13

After nearly two hours on the road, we finally reach Qafr Qadum. “It’s one of the famous places here that run Friday demonstrations,” Munther tells us. “They still do them, sometimes.” For years, Qafr Qaddum has been a target of Israeli settler expansion. Munther Amira says it’s famous because its residents have held weekly protests for more than a decade, resisting the expropriation of hundreds of hectares of their land. The crowd is even bigger today – a fleet of buses and cars has brought hundreds of people all the way from Ramallah and elsewhere across Palestine.

Up the hill, we see what looks like the beginning of a settlement. Beside it, a makeshift structure similar to a military tower surrounded by Israeli flags and around fifteen settlers who never seem to look away. We begin climbing the hill toward the olive trees nearest the first structure of the outpost, roughly 20 meters away. And then, the harvest begins.

One of the settlers shouts to a Palestinian next to us. We ask one of the volunteers what he is saying: “He says that all of you are terrorists,” he replies.

Meanwhile, the military also joins us, summoned by the settlers. A few minutes in, one of the settlers – a teenager, by the look of him – pulls a mask over his face, a knife resting on his trousers. Another settler turns to a Palestinian journalist: “Your vest” – the press vest, he means, – “won’t stop the bullets.”

There are now around 15 soldiers and settlers, half of them wearing military-style outfits. One settler carries both a professional-looking camera and a semi-automatic weapon. It’s as if the outpost has its own photojournalist.

The masked settler starts shoving volunteers, hurling insults in Arabic. “Whore,” he shouts at one woman. Tensions rise, and for a moment, it seems the situation might spiral out of control any second. But fortunately, that’s not the case. Volunteers keep picking a few olive trees as they sing “Bella Ciao.” The trees are sparse, and the group eventually moves downhill. Below, soldiers and settlers start asking for people’s IDs, particularly the internationals. We ask why people are being told to leave. “It’s illegal,” one says. “It’s an army area,” another adds. They claim it’s dangerous for us to be there: “I’m worrying for you. I love you because of that.”

Closing off an area – declaring it a “closed military zone” where only authorized people may be – is routine during the olive harvest and for much of the rest of the year as well. The soldiers do it all the time. They do it to prevent protests, to protect settlers and settlements, and to prevent access not only for Palestinians but also for solidarity activists and journalists trying to reach agricultural land. In 2022 alone, they issued over 800 closed military zones – and the army itself has referred to this data as very incomplete.

Setting up a temporary, 24-hour military closed area is so simple that they used to carry around a printer in their jeeps, one activist tells us. Now, with smartphones, they don’t even need that. It’s so easy to set up that they don’t need to bother to lie about it. And yet, in all the days that followed, we never saw a single document, a single shred of evidence for any of these so-called closed military zones used to push us out. But it’s not that they actually need it. It was clear day after day – with or without a real military order, soldiers and settlers can do whatever they want.


Wednesday, October 15


It’s the fifth day of the olive harvest campaign – or rather, the 6th, if you count yesterday. Only we never made it there. We were supposed to go to Tusmyus Ayya, a Palestinian village north of Ramallah. But from what we were told, the Shabak, the Israeli security agency, threatened the mayor of the village. Something along the lines of “if all these people go there, people will die.” So, yesterday was canceled.

Today, we’re heading elsewhere – al-Nazla al-Sharkyia, near Tulkarem, in the northern West Bank. The day starts like many others – listening to Fairuz, grabbing coffee, catching a ride with Munther Amira. Only, this time, we’re also joined by Abeer Alkhateeb. That’s her singing along with Fairuz on the radio. Abeer is no stranger to any of this. Before we met, we’d already seen videos of her: a woman in oversized sunglasses, shouting at fully equipped soldiers, daring them to drop their weapons and face her. There’s a fierce spark in her. But the past few years have taken their toll. She laughs and tells us she’s very scared: “After my husband died, after the 7th of October, the situation became very dangerous.” Today, she’s scared, but she says, “I’m strong to be here. I will fight to be here.”

On the way to the olive grove, we pass by scattered families already at work and military jeeps stationed on a road ahead. They seem to be waiting for us. And surely, as soon as we reach the trees ourselves, not a single olive picked, we’re met with tear gas. We try to count the canisters being shot, but it’s a futile exercise. From that very first moment, tear gas rained down on us, relentlessly, even as we retreated.

Two hours on the road only to be kicked out in less than ten minutes. As we leave, paramedics tend to a woman who fell while fleeing from the tear gas. They think she might have broken her leg. Small fires flare up where many canisters landed, and people rush to put them out.

Back at the municipality building, people hand out water, coffee, and an assortment of manakeesh, thanking everyone for joining. A Palestinian man moves through the crowd, slipping small cucumbers in people’s pockets.

We’ve been going on and on about violence, but here, Palestinians turn even the ugliest of days into acts of community and solidarity. People have gathered here from all over – there’s paramedics, people handing out food and drink, others carrying tarps and ladders and tools. Munther and Abeer keep calling this way of doing things “fauda”, or chaos. But to us, it looks as if it’s more like a well-worn routine of people stepping in and taking care of one another.

Looking around, the mood is far from sour. There’s laughter and lively conversation, as if we weren’t just being tear-gassed ten minutes ago. No one here seems particularly surprised by the outcome. In fact, this is a common experience. Unlike us, always waiting, wondering – “Will the army appear? Will there be settlers?” – the Palestinians know full well what awaits them. And still, they go. Every single time. We would see as much again the following morning.

Thursday, October 16

It’s early morning in Kofr Rae, a village in the Jenin area, and we’re waiting in the municipal building – coffee in hand – for the rest of the group to join. To pass the time, we chat with Yasser, an engineer who works in the municipality. He, too, is coming to the olive harvest. When we ask him what he thinks will happen today, he laughs. “They will hit us,” he says. We assume the same: we will arrive, they will be waiting, and tear gas will follow. Yasser nods along, still laughing. “Yeah, yeah, yeah. Everything. You know that”.

When we’re ready to move, we climb into the trailer of an old tractor owned by one of the farmers, along with a couple of Palestinians. We start winding up a dirt road, dozens of cars in a huge caravan behind us, slowly moving through huge patches of olive groves on either side. Our travel companions point to the hilltops, naming settlements and outposts in the area. A few minutes later, we arrive. The army is already there, as Yasser predicted.

There’s four soldiers on the road – one of them covered with a black mask. It soon becomes clear he’s a sniper. Much like the day before, they start sending tear gas canisters as soon as we reach the olive grove. Only, this time, canisters are aimed low, at leg level, rather than into the air.

As we move back to another olive grove, we spot Manal Tamimi, a community organizer from the town of Nabi Saleh, another that became quite known for its Friday demonstrations. She tells us it’s the first time since October 7 that they have been able to reach these trees: “I think that’s why they are so intense, and why the settlers became more violent,” she says. But all they want is to harvest their olive trees. “It’s not that we are attacking or doing something illegal,” she adds.

Manal tells us we’re not going to pick any olives today, and she is right. The soldiers keep sending on tear gas, and soon enough, the group decides to retreat back to the cars, eyes and throats burning. Then, an already nasty situation gets worse. A group of settlers charges towards us, hurling rocks. Panic spreads. All around us, rocks are flying, people are shouting, and every driver is leaning on the horn. There’s six, seven, eight people trying to squeeze in cars built for five. Everyone scrambles to get away, but the dirt road is narrow, and the line of cars and buses struggles to move. Some people throw rocks back to slow the settlers’ advance. Further up the road, we finally squeeze onto a bus, its rear seats littered with shards of glass from the windows the settlers broke.

The experience leaves a bitter aftertaste. The next morning, that’s what we find ourselves watching for — the exit strategy. We wouldn’t find much relief.

Friday, October 17


It’s 8:43 in the morning. We’re in Silwad, a village just outside Ramallah, and there’s a 3km walk through the hills that separates us from the olive groves. We’ve been warned it might be a tricky day – “they’re raiding as fuck in the area,” one volunteer tells us.

We descend and climb the steep hills ahead. One of the activists tells us the exit plan is to come back the way we came. We don’t particularly like the sound of it, but what’s the alternative? Scrambling down the ravine until we hit the highway?

Along the road, dozens and dozens of burned olive trees, a burned car upside down, and three others next to some unfinished buildings. Everything feels very ominous. Later, Munther Amira explains that the construction was stopped after 7th of October. It became dangerous to even come here, especially after the settlers built the outpost.

Not long after the group starts picking olives, we see goats approaching. A Palestinian tells us they were stolen from the farmers. Behind them, a lone settler, possibly the goat thief, speaking on his phone, moving with the ease and confidence of a landowner. Except this isn’t his land. He comes and goes and the harvest continues.

Branches lie shattered everywhere. In some trees, only the trunk remains. One of the farmers stares in heartbreak at the destruction: “Why do they do this if they think Abraham told them that this land is for them?” he asks. He says the trees were like his children, much like the 95-year-old grandmother from Beita. It’s as if he lost members of his family, he says.

A while later, more settlers arrive – most of them teenagers. They are insisting – in a mix of English and Arabic – we leave. The group eventually decides it’s not worth the trouble, packs their things, and starts leaving. But the settlers block the Palestinians’ cars from leaving.

Not long after, the army comes, along with more settlers – this time, armed. The soldiers echo what the teenage settlers were saying. We have to leave. “This is a closed military area,” one of the soldiers claims. We ask if the settlers are required to leave as well. “They will leave when…” he begins, but immediately course-corrects: ”It’s their territory.” He tells us he does not wish to use force, but we’re interfering with the army and, he insists, we must leave.

But the settlers keep blocking the Palestinians’ cars. For the next fifteen minutes, they pile rocks on the road to block their path and perch on the cars’ hoods. One even stages a dramatic performance, pretending the car is running him over. All the while, we keep asking why the settlers are allowed to stay. Finally, as the car manages to escape and we finally head back, the soldier shouts an answer: “They’re allowed by law”, he says. He doesn’t bother specifying which law, and, frankly, he doesn’t have to.

Saturday, October 18

We were supposed to return to Beita today. But, we soon find out, that’s not going to happen. The village is completely closed off – no one in, no one out. So, when we finally set out, we head to Madama instead, a village close to Burin, in the north of the West Bank.

The days have started to blur at the edges. Early mornings, late nights, long drives, the constant threat of violence. We’re all pretty tired, and Munther Amira is no exception. We ask why he doesn’t take one day off. “I want to pick olives. This is what I want to do,” he replies. Funnily enough, on the 8th day of the olive harvest, that’s exactly what happens. Dozens of people manage to pick olives from morning until mid-afternoon – with two different families, at that. We have a big meal for lunch – rice with chicken, salad, labneh, and some pickled chilies. Almost – almost – like the good old days.

“Doing the tea on the fire, having our meal here, cooking kallayt bandora, tomatoes on the fire, having dukkawzeit, you know, I think even these small things we lost,” Munther says. Like the farmers in Beita were telling us. It’s not just picking olives, he adds, “it’s being together, singing together, eating together.” He calls it the season of happiness. “This is the happiness, being together.”

As a refugee, Munther Amira doesn’t have any olive groves of his own. That was his dream – to harvest olives with his family. But they cannot; their land was taken in 1948. And so, Munther started going to the olive harvest with other families during university, as a volunteer. Eventually, he set up a kind of patrol with Abeer Alkhateeb – a precursor to the Zaytoun 2025 campaign. Only, back then, there was no program at all. Just fauda, chaos. “If you need any help, just call us”, they would say. And that was it. They would drive around to the most dangerous areas, telling people to call if they had any trouble. Munther, Abeer and maybe ten others, moving across the West Bank.

The mood today is definitely different from last days. And it’s not because Madama is somehow easier. Not only are we in Area C, but we’re apparently in a closed military zone – the army even stopped the car of one of the activists earlier this morning, at a checkpoint at the entrance of the village. But somehow, we slipped in. And here we are, picking olives, sitting together for lunch, having multiple rounds of coffee, and juice, and cake. There’s even music.

Yes, today was a good day, the kind that feels like it has the power to tilt the balance of the game. But days in occupied Palestine don’t line up like that, neatly, one after the other. There is no promise of continuity, no continuous trajectory from good to better. A good day isn’t necessarily followed by another. And the next morning proved it – it was not a good day at all.

Sunday, October 19

We are on our way to Farkha, a village in the Ramallah area. We have barely reached the town square when the first scraps of news begin to filter through – something bad happened in Turmus Aya, a village nearby. Settlers attacked the harvest and Afaf Abu Alia, a 52-year-old woman, was struck in the head by a masked settler and rushed to the intensive care unit with internal bleeding.

In Farkha, the day unfolds much like most: dozens of people join, the harvest begins, and we’re quickly confronted by a group of soldiers and settlers. We ask repeatedly why people are being told to leave. Nobody cares to answer. At one point, a soldier – or settler? – took the car keys from Abdallah Abu Rahma, one of the organizers of the Zaytoun 2025 campaign. For a while, we are stuck in a standstill – them insisting we leave, the group refusing to leave without the car keys.

Eventually, the keys are returned and everyone climbs back up the hill from which we came. “This is the occupation,” Abdallah says. “They don’t need to see any Palestinians here.” At one point, one of the soldiers tells him this is an Israeli area. “You hear me”, he answers. “This olive [tree], my great-great-great-grandfather planted it before the State of Israel was here.”

Monday, October 20


The Israeli Channel 4 broadcasts a segment naming Munther Amira, Abdallah Abu Rahma and Mu’ayyad Sha’aban, the head of the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission from the Palestinian Authority, as “terrorists”. All three men, the report notes, have served prison sentences in the past and are now the supposed “masterminds” behind the Zaytoun 2025 campaign. According to the report, this initiative was never about harvesting olives at all, but about provoking the peaceful settlers nearby.

The whole broadcast leans heavily on the suggestion that the Knesset – the Israeli parliament – ought to intervene before all this unravels into “another 7th of October”. Moments later, we get a message from Munther Amira: “I think we will not move tomorrow,” he says. “Because of the incitement against me, Mu’ayyad and Abdallah.” The roads around Bethlehem are crowded with checkpoints, and who knows what could happen if he’s stopped in one. And so, he stays home.

We never made it to the olive harvest the next day. A couple of days later, we boarded a plane back to Portugal. But the bloody campaign, as Munther had predicted, went on. And he, of course, went back to the fields. According to the United Nations, between October 1st and November 10th, there were more than 160 attacks from settlers in almost 100 towns and villages. More than 150 Palestinians were injured.

And still, Munther describes the campaign as a success. Not because of the number of families that were helped or even the number of olives that were picked. As he explained earlier, it wasn’t really just about that. It was about breaking that invisible but violent barrier that, for at least two years, has been separating people from their lands. It was about shattering that fear. Sumud, they say, in Arabic. Steadfastness. Not leaving the land. To stay.

And stay they did. Even in the year of the highest number of recorded attacks, even amidst the threats, the violence, the sleepless nights and aching bodies, every day, Palestinian farmers and several dozen volunteers rose in the first hours of the morning to set out – quite stubbornly – towards their lands. And even when they were driven back, day after day, pushed out and attacked, they thought of nothing but going back. When we asked people why they keep going, they told us, simply, “it’s our land”.

Back in al-Nazla al-Sharkyia, a farmer caught up with us after escaping dozens of tear gas grenades – kicked out of his own land. He hadn’t been able to reach his land since the 7th of October due to the increase in state and settler violence, and things were only getting worse. “We are tired from this life”, he told us. But as soon as we asked him whether he would try again soon, while still breathing heavily, one eye on the drone above, he summed it all up: “ I will try all the time. All the time I will try to reach my land. I’m still here, I’m still here, I’m still here. I do not leave my land. I do not leave. This is my land.”

Rafaela Cortez
Rafaela Cortez is a journalist based in northern Portugal focusing on inequality, discrimination, and the broader structures of violence shaping daily life in both Portugal and Palestine.

Ricardo Esteves Ribeiro
Ricardo Esteves Ribeiro is a journalist based on the border between Northern Portugal and Galicia. He reports on the occupation of Palestine and the people resisting it since 2017. He’s a co-founder of Fumaça, a Portuguese investigative journalism podcast.

Massive London rally urges UK to halt arms to Israel amid ceasefire breaches



Tens of thousands of people gather for a national march in support of Palestine in London, the United Kingdom in London, United Kingdom on January 31, 2026. [Raşid Necati Aslım – Anadolu Agency]


January 31, 2026 

Pro-Palestine demonstrators filled the streets of London on Saturday, Jan. 31, demanding an immediate halt to British arms sales to Israel and condemning ongoing violations of the Gaza ceasefire, Anadolu reports.

The crowd gathered at Russell Square before marching to Whitehall, the seat of the British government.

Protesters directed their anger at the Prime Minister’s Office at 10 Downing Street, accusing the government of complicity in what they termed a continuing genocide.

Demonstrators chanted slogans against both the Israeli and UK governments, calling on British institutions and companies to end their support for actions that violate international law.

A small group of pro-Israel counter-protesters lined part of the route, waving Israeli and British flags in an attempt to provoke the marchers, though the main demonstration continued without major incident.

Since the ceasefire took effect in early October, Israeli actions have killed 524 Palestinians and wounded 1,360 others, committing 1,450 violations, according to the Gaza media office on Saturday.
Epstein email reveals plan to pursue frozen Libyan assets with help from former MI6, Mossad figures



January 31, 2026 


US Attorney for the Southern District of New York Geoffrey Berman announces charges against Jeffery Epstein on July 8, 2019 in New York City. [Stephanie Keith/Getty Images]

Newly released documents tied to Jeffrey Epstein show the convicted sex offender and an associate discussed plans to pursue access to Libya’s frozen state assets, including potential support from former British and Israeli intelligence officials, according to an email included in the files, Anadolu reports.

The correspondence surfaced after the US Justice Department released an additional batch of documents Friday related to the Epstein investigation.

The newly highlighted material includes a July 2011 email sent to Epstein that outlines what the sender described as financial and legal opportunities linked to political and economic uncertainty in Libya at the time.

According to the email, about $80 billion in Libyan funds were believed to be frozen internationally, including roughly $32.4 billion in the US. The sender described “stolen and misappropriated” Libyan assets as potentially worth three to four times that amount.

The correspondence argued that identifying and recovering even a small portion of such funds could generate “billions of dollars” in gains.

Epstein: When the life of an asset becomes expendable (Part 3)

It also referenced expectations that Libya would need to spend at least $100 billion in the future on reconstruction and economic recovery, describing the situation as a broader opportunity.

The email characterized Libya as a country with significant energy reserves and strong literacy rates, factors it said could be advantageous for financial and legal initiatives.

It also stated that discussions had been held with some international law firms about working on a contingency-fee basis.

The message said certain former members of Britain’s foreign intelligence service, MI6 and Israel’s external intelligence agency, Mossad, had expressed a willingness to assist in efforts to identify and recover assets described in the email as “stolen.”

The email emphasized that early involvement in such a process could represent a “significant opportunity.”
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Poverty grips nearly 2 million in Israel, report finds

Israel ranked second among OECD countries in child poverty rates


Hundreds of Israelis gather at Habima Square to protest against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Israeli government in Tel Aviv, Israel on January 17, 2026. [Mostafa Alkharouf – Anadolu Agency]


January 30, 2026 


Nearly two million people in Israel are living below the poverty line, including around 880,000 children, according to official data released Friday, highlighting a deepening social crisis amid war, rising living costs, and slowing economic growth, Anadolu reports.

The figures were published in Israel’s 2024 Poverty Report by the National Insurance Institute, which said the country’s population exceeds 10 million, with Palestinians accounting for about 21%.

“There are approximately two million poor people in Israel, among them around 880,000 children, more than one in four children nationwide,” the report said.

Child poverty is projected at 28%, up from 27.6% in 2023, while nearly one million children are experiencing food insecurity due to economic hardship, it added.

The institute warned that children’s economic conditions continue to deteriorate, driven by the impact of the war, persistently high living costs, and sluggish economic growth.

According to the report, the poverty line for an individual in Israel is set at 3,547 shekels ($1,145) per month, based on indicators used by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). For a couple, the threshold rises to 7,095 shekels ($2,290), while a family of five is considered poor if its income falls below 13,303 shekels ($4,295).

Overall poverty rates showed little change from 2023, with a slight increase among individuals from 20.6% to 20.7%, while the rate among families edged down marginally from 20.2% to 20%.

Among senior citizens, the report recorded around 158,000 people living in poverty, a level higher than the OECD average.

Israel ranked second among OECD countries in child poverty rates, after Costa Rica, a position the report linked to low public spending on social welfare, which stands at 16.7% of gross domestic product, well below the OECD average.

The highest poverty rates were recorded among Palestinians and ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Jewish communities. According to the data, 37.6% of Palestinian families and 32.8% of Haredi families live below the poverty line, together accounting for 65.1% of Israel’s poor population.

The report comes as Israel remains engaged in prolonged regional conflicts, including its ongoing war in Gaza and military operations on multiple fronts, developments that have placed additional strain on the country’s economy and social fabric.
YouTube’s compliance with Israel ban violates press freedoms, Al Jazeera says


In this photo illustration an Aljazeera logo seen displayed on a smartphone on 23 Mar, 2023 [Mateusz Slodkowski/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Image

January 30, 2026 
Al Jazeera Media Network denounced YouTube’s compliance with an Israeli decision to ban its channels, calling the move a “violation of media freedoms and international standards,” Anadolu reports.

In a statement late Thursday on the US social media company X, Al Jazeera stated: “We strongly denounce YouTube’s submission to the Israeli authorities’ decision to ban the broadcast of our channels on the platform and the blocking of our websites in Israel.

“This response violates the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which require global technology companies to protect freedom of expression and resist government pressure that silences independent journalism.”

Israeli authorities earlier this week decided to block broadcasts of Qatar-based Al Jazeera and Lebanon’s Al-Mayadeen for 90 days, according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz.

Israeli Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi announced Sunday on X that Al Jazeera and Al-Mayadeen would be blocked in Israel on their websites, television broadcasts, and YouTube beginning that day.

READ: Despite claiming to be a democracy, Israel among world’s worst jailers of journalists

Al Jazeera said: “The banning of our digital platforms and websites on weak security grounds sends a dangerous signal that major technology companies can be co-opted as instruments of regimes hostile to freedom.

“This escalation is part of a broader and systematic pattern of Israeli violations, including the killing and detention of our journalists and the closure of our offices in the occupied territories, aimed at suppressing the truth.

“We call for an international investigation into how technology platforms submit to censorship and for safeguards against political pressure.”

As of 1100GMT, there had been no reaction from YouTube management.

Israel began barring Al Jazeera from operating in May 2024, and the decision has since been extended, citing the network’s coverage of Israel’s war in Gaza, Al Jazeera reported.

During the war, Israel killed more than 71,000 Palestinians and wounded more than 171,000 others, most of them women and children, and destroyed about 90% of the civilian infrastructure in the Gaza Strip.

Israel has occupied Palestinian territories, as well as land in Syria and Lebanon, for decades and has rejected withdrawal and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital along pre-1967 borders.
Demonstrators in Albania’s capital protest PM Edi Rama’s visit to Israel

January 30, 2026 


Demonstrators carrying banners and Palestinian flags are protesting Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama’s visit to Israel during a pro-Palestinian demonstration in Tirana, Albania on January 30, 2026. Under the slogan “Not in My Name” a pro-Palestine demonstration organized by civil society organizations took place in front of the Albanian Parliament building, where demonstrators expressed their disapproval of Prime Minister Rama’s visit to Israel between January 25-27. [Olsi Shehu – Anadolu Agency]

A pro-Palestinian protest was held in Albania’s capital, Tirana, on Friday, Jan. 30, against Prime Minister Edi Rama’s recent visit to Israel, Anadolu reports.

The demonstration, organized by civil society groups under the slogan “Not in My Name,” took place in front of the Albanian Parliament building. Protesters voiced opposition to Rama’s visit to Israel between Jan. 25 and 27 and expressed solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza.

Demonstration organizer Floriar Arapi said the protest aimed to show that Albanian society stands for peace and justice and does not support policies linked to violence and civilian deaths.

Protester Sidorela Vatnikaj said Rama’s visit did not represent the Albanian people, stressing that Albanians understand the suffering caused by war and oppose what is happening in Gaza.

Another protester, Orgest Rrushi, criticized Rama’s speech at the Israeli parliament, saying demonstrators rejected statements made in their name and called for an end to the war.

Police prevented protesters from marching from the parliament building.

Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama shielded Israel from accountability in a Knesset address, pinning Gaza’s humanitarian catastrophe entirely on Palestinian group Hamas while ignoring more than 71,000 Palestinians killed in Israel’s ongoing genocide.

Addressing Israel’s parliament, Knesset, on Tuesday, Rama opened his speech by expressing goodwill toward Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and highlighting Albania’s long-standing solidarity with the Jewish people.

Rama highlighted Albania’s historical support for Jews, saying the country and its people, who he noted stood “as few others did for the Jewish people,” deserved recognition from Israel.

He said he was honored to receive the Presidential Medal of Honour from President Isaac Herzog, whom he described as a “noble and faithful friend of Albania.”

However Albanian experts in an interview with Anadolu underlined that Rama’s speech was “one sided”, putting Albania in position of supporting Israel in Gaza war.

Albanian political analyst Marlind Laci, commenting on the speech, stressed that Rama’s government “has no clear plan,” guided more by Rama’s “personal instinct” than by Albania’s national interest.

“There is no medium-term or long-term plan regarding the objectives of the Republic of Albania in the Balkans and the Middle East,” he underlined.

Saturday, January 31, 2026


London: Tower Hamlets faith communities stop UKIP again
UKIP’s planned “Walk with Jesus parade” in Whitechapel misrepresents Christianity to target Muslims and migrants in East London

January 30, 2026 





Tower Hamlets faith communities stop UKIP agai

More than 150 members of faith communities and organisations have today, 30 January, issued a press statement denouncing a planned march by the far-right anti-Muslim UK Independence Party. The following is the full text of the statement:

Once again, the borough of Tower Hamlets was being threatened by racist outsiders. The discredited rump of the UK Independence Party (UKIP) party have been planning to march through Whitechapel on 31st January. They tried to do the same on 25th October 2025, but were stopped by thousands of local people who attended the Tower Hamlets Unity Demo, supported by 60 organisations, as well as the elected Mayor, Lutfur Rahman.

This time, UKIP announced to come to one of the most culturally-diverse communities in the country and “Walk with Jesus” parade. On this occasion, UKIP tried to use Christianity as a false flag for sowing division. In response, many churches have joined the United East End coalition, representing all faiths and none, to say UKIP are not welcome here. Thankfully, the Met Police have now blocked the UKIP march from taking place in Tower Hamlets as it could lead to “serious disorder”.

We warmly welcome this and it is a recognition of our community’s determination to stand together and insist that Tower Hamlets is No Place for Hate. From the Battle of Cable Street 90 years ago, to the defeat of the racist groups such as the National Front, British National Party and English Defence League, we will always oppose racism and prejudice.

We reiterate, UKIP has absolutely nothing to do with Christianity and is an insult to people, including many residents of east London, who genuinely follow the Christian faith. What UKIP really wants to do is sow hatred and fear by targeting the Muslim community and migrants.

The Tower Hamlets Unity Demo and the Victory Parade last October was publicly supported by Christian leaders from the borough, alongside other members of the Inter-Faith Forum. One of the co-founders of United East End, formed in 2010 to oppose the racist-EDL, was the Reverend Alan Green.



Recent research found that 91 per cent of Tower Hamlets residents think people from different backgrounds get along well together. We are not an “island of strangers” as the Prime Minister has said, and we don’t need Nick Tenconi of UKIP or Nigel Farage of Reform UK telling us how we should live, pray, or who our neighbours should be.

This year is the 90th anniversary of the Battle of Cable Street. Ever since, the people of the East End have stood shoulder-to-shoulder against those who seek to divide us.

United East End
www.unitedeastend.org.uk
Signotaries
1 Dr Glyn Robbins United East End
2 Lutfur Rahman Mayor of Tower Hamlets
3 Mthr Bernadette Hegarty St Paul’s Church Bow Common
4 Alan Murray All Faiths and None
5 David Rosenberg Jewish Socialists’ Group
6 Dr Abdullah Faliq European Network on Religion & Belief
7 Father Frank Gelli Anglican Church
8 Mark Francis Traf Rd Baptist Church
9 Christine Frost Neighbours in Poplar
10 Rabbi Herschel Gluck OBE Shomrim in Stamford Hill
11 Rachael Bee Refugee Welcome Homes
12 Rajiv Sinha Hindus for Human Rights UK
13 Oliver Mcternan Forward Thinking
14 Anna Livingstone Barts Health UNITE
15 Alison Morgan Quaker
16 Ajahn Santamano Theravada Buddhist monk
17 Beverley Milton-Edwards St Paul’s Bow Common Church
18 Catherine Fish Church of England
19 Rev James Olanipekun CIHM Christ Apostolic Church
20 Rev Thomas Fortune Pyke The Parish of the Isle of Dogs
21 Rev. Alan Green United East End
22 Rev. Dr Al Barrett Church of England – Birmingham
23 Robert Scott Asha Tower Hamlets
24 Holly Petersen Christians for a Welcoming Britain
25 Enrique Tessieri Migrant Tales (Finland)
26 Cllr. Talha Abu Chowdhury Tower Hamlets Council
27 Dave Mitchell Church of England
28 Catriona Robertson Peace and Interfaith campaigner
29 Cara Milton-Edwards St Paul’s Bow Common Church
30 Kane Newman Communist Party of Britain
31 Gabrielle McGarvey Church of England
32 Faisal Ahmed Tower Hamlets Solidarity
33 Georgina Stride Shoreditch Tab Church
34 Karen Weech Majority
35 Gill Millman Human
36 Mohammed Kozbar Finsbury Park Mosque
37 Musaddiq Ahmad Muslim Community Association
38 Maria Balinska Centre for Democratic Resilience, Oxford University.
39 Mark Ereira-Guyer Civil Society Together CIC
40 Mark Francis Traf Rd Baptist Church
41 Michael Squires Unite
42 N. Ahmed East London Mosque
43 Natalie Hendry East End Church
44 Nathan Jones Oasis Church Waterloo
45 Nicola Grove CAMPAIN
46 Sabby Dhalu Stand Up To Racism
47 Safia Jama MBE Women’s Inclusive Team
48 Weyman Bennett Stand Up To Racism
49 Cllr Maium Talukdar Island Against Division
50 Mark Bishop House of Prayer for East London
51 Sahra Mire Ashaadibi Central
52 Shabbir Lakha Stop the War Coalition
53 Shawn Moye The Salvation Army
54 Sufia Alam TH Interfaith Forum
55 Abbas Ali Masta Beatz
56 Abul Khayar Ali Bricklane Community Forum
57 Abul Mahmud
58 Adrian Dunne Baptist Church
59 Aishah Uddin
60 Andy Strouthous Stand Up To Racism
61 Ann Marie Lloyd-Jones St Anne’s RC Church, Liverpool
62 Anne Blair-Vincent
63 Arif Ahmed Tower Hamlets Council of Mosques
64 Asrar Mohammed
65 Caroline McLeish Dawson
66 Carrie Bishop
67 Catherine Midgley Catholic
68 Christine Chettle CCA
69 Clare Cooper Christian
70 David Bagott TSSF
71 David Blakeway
72 Deborah Mitchell Quaker
73 Diana Neslen
74 Dilwar Hussain Shahporan Madrasah
75 Dr Anna Livingstone Unite Barts Health
76 Elizabeth Chart
77 Erin Hughes
78 Esther Mufti Justice and Peace
79 Farooq Ahmed
80 Fergus Burnett-Skelding Christians Against Christian Nationalism
81 Gawain Little
82 Gillian Davis
83 Graham McNeill St Paul’s Bow Common church
84 Hana Khalaf-Horack
85 Hasan Mueenuddin Da’watul Islam UK & Eire
86 Hayley Thomas
87 Hendrika Santer Bream
88 Hilal Sala
89 Hsiao-Hung Pai Journalist & author
90 Isa Haque
91 Jaabir al hassan
92 Jackie Applebee BMA personal capacity
93 Jahangir Sufi
94 James Finegan
95 James Grote Baptist Minister
96 James King Tower Hamlets Councillor- Limehouse
97 Jamie Lashmar Church member
98 Jane west
99 Jayne Holland
100 John Davey Member of PSCmm
101 Jonathan Lilly Resident
102 Joseph Taylor
103 Judith Russenberger Christian
104 Julian Bond
105 Julian Wood Forward Thinking
106 Kate Taylor
107 Kathryn Bond
108 Leila Jones
109 Linda Kossi Christ Church
110 Magda Pittaro Christian
111 Margaret Roberts Church of England
112 Martin Jarvis
113 Mary Sample
114 Maryam Mohsin
115 Michele Presacane
116 Mohammad Salih
117 Mohammed Malik Muslim Community Association
118 Moira Potier de la Morandiere RC Church
119 Murat Bingol Askon London (Turkish community)
120 Nabil Ferdous
121 Nadi Altay Stand Up To Racism
122 Patrick Wiley Indivisible London
123 Peter Ashan Newham SUTR
124 Peter Skerratt
125 Prof Ahmet Koroglu Istanbul University
126 Raouf Ghali Shoreditch Tab Church
127 Rebecca del Tufo Rebecca del Tufo
128 Ruth Jarman
129 Ruth Mills Sheffield Manor Parish
130 Ruth Urbanowicz Church of England
131 Ruth Urbanowicz
132 Safwan Choudhury
133 Saiful Islam Chowdhury Carehouse Youth Club
134 Sami Walbury
135 Sarah R MacDonald Exploring Spirit
136 Serena Mondesir NIP
137 Shahina bibi
138 Shamima rahman
139 Shaqui Sid
140 Sheba Ahmed
141 Sheila Akao-Okeng Bethnal Green Meeting House
142 Sheila Cunnington Quaker
143 Sheila McGregor Tower Hamlets Stand Up to Racism
144 Sigrid Werner
145 Simon Herbert St Paul’s Bow Common
146 Susan Ward Christian Climate Action
147 Susan Ward Roman Catholic parishioner
148 Susanne Levin
149 Sybil cock Tower Hamlets PSC
150 Tammy Wong
151 Tamsin Hunkin Hope Sings Eternal
152 Tariq Fredericks
153 Terry Phillips St Anne’s Church, Liverpool
154 Thalia Carr TSSF
155 Thomas Sharpe Better Story
156 Tim Cole Asha
157 Tony Conway Communist Party of Britain
158 Viola Langley
159 Wren Sidhe Quaker
160 Yvonne Francklow
161 Yvonne Osman
162 Zaaki Ibn-Maswood Ahmed Muslim Council of Britain (MCB)

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