Showing posts sorted by relevance for query patriarchy. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query patriarchy. Sort by date Show all posts

Monday, April 11, 2022

The Persistence of the Feminine: Negative Dialectics and Feminist Thought

by Ariane McCullough

The women’s liberation movement (WLM) can only produce its positive goal of autonomy if the woman question is not reduced to any principle or system of thought. This paper advances a feminist philosophy as a critique of civilization, understood as capitalist-patriarchy. The introductory section, entitled “Capitalist-Patriarchy and its Discontents”, elaborates on the theory of capitalist-patriarchy (developed by Maria Mies) and outlines modern philosophy, from the Enlightenment to Marxism to postmodernism, as its theoretical reflection. This critique of modernity follows from the contributions of Theodor Adorno of the Frankfurt School, with his conception of 'negative dialectics' as dialectics without identity or system. “’Subjection’ and ‘Subjectivization’” responds with an alternative theory of the subject that escapes the impasse of the object-relation which characterizes patriarchy. The feminist subject is established without object-relation, but as a radically solitary embodiment of the real, borrowing from the contemporary theoretical work of Katerina Kolozova, Alain Badiou, and Francois Laruelle,  as well as from the psychoanalytic discourse of Jacques Lacan. “Feminist Theory and Practice” expands on the theory of the subject to explain the implications of the patriarchal object-relation in the concept of labor and inthe separation of revolutionary theory and practice. The section furthermore discusses feminism as the invocation of “the feminine” as a virtual reality in which the subject appears without object, but as the instance of the real. The final section "The Body in Pain, Care of the Self" considers blackness as social death in relation to the feminist critique of capitalist-patriarchy. Black women occupy an especially vulnerable space incapitalist-patriarchy which is often taken for granted in the WLM. "The Body in Pain" advances a thesis that the critique of capitalist-patriarchy must be enacted with concern to the designation of black bodies as sentient but dead. This paper proposes to struggle with the persistence of the real against identity-thinking.


Friday, October 27, 2006

Patriarchy Hates Women


Two blogs at opposite political polls make the point that patriarchy hates women. April Reign reports on the right wing Catholic attacks on womens right to choose in Nicaragua and Poland, and the sexist comments of a Mulsim Cleric in Australia admonishing women to avoid dressing provocatively or they invite rape.

At the other end of the political spectrum Big Blue Wave complains that people, men, are sexist in believing that social conservative women are dumb. Well they aren't dumb, but they are agents of patriarchy. Which is worse. Because they are women they think they can speak for all women, while denouncing feminists for doing the same thing.

In reality they are the womens voice FOR patriarchy, which is anti-women always has been always will be.


Unfortunately the pews, temples, and synagogues are filled with women. Without women the patriarchical religions would collapse. Like Hegels 'slaves'; whose existence is justfied through their bondage, conservative women act against their own best interests for the interests of their masters. Thus the right wing can justify their attack on individual rights by saying not all women support feminism.

The war on women is the inherent misogyny of patriarchy, the battle for womens rights which is the battle for individual rights means that patriarchy needs to be abolished. Since all monotheist religions are patriarchical and conduct their moral war against human rights and individual rights means that we must abolish religious institutions and their political power.

This has always been the core of anarchist anti-theism.

See:

Radical Feminism

Whose Family Values?

The Sanctity of Marriage Debate

Feminism



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Sunday, July 30, 2023

Saturday, December 13, 2025

How to be a Good Man


[A version of this essay was presented to the 4th International Congress on Critical Interventions with Men Who Exercise Violence Against Women in Mexico City on December 6. 2025.]
From social media influencers to academic theorists, preachers and politicians, everyone weighs in on the question of what makes a good man, especially what young men need to do embrace their masculinity.
Here’s a simple, sensible answer: If you want to be a good man, do your best to be a good person.
If your goal is to model a “positive masculinity,” work to develop qualities that everyone—men and women—should strive for. Strength along with vulnerability, honesty and empathy, a clear head and an open heart—all are markers of a good person, male or female. Both men and women should protect the vulnerable, provide for their families, and contribute to their communities in whatever ways they can.
The specific choices a person makes about how to live those values—whether a man or a woman—will depend on one’s talents and temperaments, which vary in many ways. There are patterns to the way men and women behave, depending on the society in which they are socialized, but no individual can be contained solely within those patterns. Locking people into rigid ways of being men or being women limits everyone and undermines the health of communities.
But that answer apparently is unsatisfactory to many. The fretting over what it takes to be a good man continues, which leads me to another observation: If you are holding onto the notion that being a good man has to be distinctive from being a good woman—that there are positive traits distinctive to men—you probably are not searching for a positive masculinity but trying to put a positive spin on male dominance.
I understand the practical reasons that some feminists have for redefining masculinity, for asking men to transcend the norms of what is often called “toxic masculinity” (valorizing aggression and violence; encouraging emotional repression and extreme self-reliance; seeking control and dominance). We live in a culture obsessed with holding onto masculinity and femininity, and if we want to change attitudes and behaviors, we have to meet people where they are. But that strategy can obscure the root problem of patriarchy, institutionalized male dominance. Whatever tactics we use to challenge male dominance—especially in organizing to end men’s violence against women, which is so common that it can be invisible to many men—we should not reinforce patriarchal assumptions.
Two reasonable objections can be raised to my argument.
First, aren’t men and women different? Yes, of course. I’m a man, a male human. I can never carry a fetus or breastfeed a child. Not all women, female humans, have babies, but only female humans can. Males produce small gametes (sperm) and females produce large games (eggs). That’s a big difference between the sexes. There also are differences in hormone levels, average size and muscle mass, and body shape and fat, along with differences in male and female cardiovascular, respiratory, and immune systems.
But the thorny question is, do those physiological differences produce significant differences in intellect, emotions, and moral reasoning? That is, are men and women significantly different—not just because of cultural training but because of biology—in the way we think, feel, and make decisions? It’s certainly plausible that the physiological differences give rise to those other kinds of differences. But we lack the research methods to answer the question with precision. There’s no way to know, no matter how much we may want to know. We don’t have to pretend there are no differences between men and women—after all, if the two sexes were exactly the same, why would patriarchy have ever developed? But we should avoid making grand claims about intellectual, emotional, and moral differences that go beyond our ability to know.
Second, haven’t societies always created gender roles and imposed gender norms? Yes, of course. Given the fundamental differences in male and female roles in reproduction, it’s not surprising that human communities—from small-scale gathering-and-hunting bands to large-scale empires with cities—tell some kind of story about what those sex differences mean. In other words, the reality of biological differences gives rise to cultural gender stories. But there is no single way those cultural roles and norms take shape; across time and place, the stories vary.
Patriarchy tells the story that men and women are different in such profound ways that male dominance is natural, inevitable, and necessary for human thriving. That’s a story that only started emerging several thousand years ago, as hierarchical systems came to dominate human societies. It’s not the only story we can tell.
Back to the obsession with defining a positive masculinity. The terms masculinity and femininity are cultural not biological—they have little to do with the reproductive and physiological differences between males and females. We are socialized to accept the gender roles and norms of our culture, but the fact that gender expectations change over time and differ among communities suggests there is nothing simplistically “natural” about them. Contemporary feminists have had considerable success in challenging institutionalized male dominance, but patriarchal rules have proved tenacious. That’s why I don’t use the term “toxic masculinity,” preferring “masculinity in patriarchy.” A more accurate description keeps us focused on the root problem.
A necessary caveat: Not all feminists agree about these matters. An assessment of the variations of resistance to male power is beyond the scope of this essay, but I want to be clear that my analysis is rooted in what today is generally called radical feminism. For radical feminists, men’s attempts to control women’s sexuality and reproductive power are at the core of patriarchy. Radical feminists have organized to challenge not only sexual violence but also the sexual-exploitation industries such as prostitution and pornography, the ways that men buy and sell objectified female (and sometimes male) bodies for sex. Radical feminists champion reproductive freedom and critique surrogacy, the prostitution of women’s wombs. And radical feminists have for decades argued that the ideology of the transgender movement is not only incoherent but antifeminist. Radical feminists offer an insightful analysis of patriarchy and provide compelling arguments for women’s liberation, which I believe also are the best hope for men to deepen our own humanity.
Contemporary sex/gender politics are difficult to diagram. It’s not a simple case of patriarchy versus liberation, feminist versus antifeminist. Reasonable people can, and do, disagree. Wealth and racial inequality, playing out on a global stage shaped by centuries of imperialism, further complicate the picture. I’m not suggesting that radical feminism has easy answers, only that it offers a framework that we should not ignore.
Whatever strategy we devise to try to make a better world, whatever tactics emerge from those strategies, we should not forget that struggles for freedom and justice require an analysis of institutionalized male power. But many people think patriarchy is no longer an accurate description of our society, that sex/gender inequality is disappearing. In the United States, women won the vote in 1920, and a woman almost won the presidency in 2016. Women have surpassed men in college graduation rates. But have patriarchal roles and norms disappeared? Have we eliminated sexual violence and exploitation? Do women have meaningful guarantees of reproductive freedom? Not in the United States.
Back to the question of how to be a good man. In the contemporary United States, there are three main answers to the question. First, Trump and his MAGA men have revived the unapologetic celebration of masculinity in patriarchy, equating manhood with overt dominance aimed at humiliating male opponents and subordinating women. Second, a softer form of patriarchal masculinity uses the language of men as “servant leaders,” still in control but with the promise of less abusive behavior. The third approach advocates egalitarian outcomes by promoting a positive masculinity.
Among those options, I’ll take the third, but with the hope that more people—men and women—will embrace radical feminism and move beyond the obsession with defining masculinity. I will always be a man. But I need not fret about what it means to be a “good man” or search for the secret of being a “real man.” I can just do my best to be a good person.
Robert Jensen, an Emeritus Professor in the School of Journalism and Media at the University of Texas at Austin, is the author of It’s Debatable: Talking Authentically about Tricky Topics from Olive Branch Press. His previous book, co-written with Wes Jackson, was An Inconvenient Apocalypse: Environmental Collapse, Climate Crisis, and the Fate of Humanity. To subscribe to his mailing list, go to http://www.thirdcoastactivist.org/jensenupdates-info.htmlRead other articles by Robert.

Saturday, October 25, 2025

Taliban & Hindutva Patriarchy: What’s Similar, What’s Different


Ram Puniyani 


The degree of patriarchal control and abuse of human rights is not yet seen under Hindutva nationalism ruling India today. but the seeds of rigid patriarchy are very much thriving.





Amir Khan Muttaqi. Image Courtesy: Wikimedia Commons

When the government of India gave a red-carpet welcome to the Taliban delegation led by their Minister of Education Amir Khan Muttaqi, Army veteran Lt. Gen Prakash Katoch asked: “Should India be seen deferring to the Taliban? Taliban’s human rights record, particularly its regressive misogynistic policies are well known. No doubt, developing relations with the Taliban is a geostrategic requirement.”

The women of Afghanistan who are deprived of human rights, particularly education and assembly, must be feeling betrayed, particularly after women journalists were denied entry into the first press conference held in the Afghan Embassy in Delhi. Of course, due to heavy criticism, women were allowed to attend the next press conference.

As the Taliban came to power, their edicts came as a shock to the world at large. This is the same group that had destroyed Gautam Buddha’s majestic statues, 53 and 35 meters tall, despite requests from various powers in the world. The world is watching the gross abuse of human rights. It is the same Taliban which had imposed jizya (a tax) on non-Muslims.

The Taliban is an outcome of the youth (then) who were indoctrinated in a few madrassas in Pakistan, including the famous Lal Masjid in Pakistan. While now it has not only assumed its own agency, the circumstances in which they came up need to be recalled.

The Taliban has been indoctrinated in a particular version of Islam put forward by Maulana Wahab. When the erstwhile Soviet Union army occupied Afghanistan (1979-89), the US was not in a position to send its own army as their forces were demoralised due to their defeat in Vietnam.

The Kissinger (former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger) Doctrine was implemented, which aimed to fight the enemy (the communists) by using Asian Muslim youth. The madrassas were promoted and funded by the US. Academic and author Mahmood Mamdani in his book, Good Muslim Bad Muslim, on the basis of CIA documents, tells us how the Mujahideen were “indoctrinated and supplied with $8,000 million and 7,000 tonnes of armament”, including the latest stringer missiles.

These trained elements joined the anti-Soviet forces and the Soviet army faced defeat. America got total dominance through war against Afghanistan, and Iraq in particular. The Islam they practice is said to be the most conservative. The concept of human rights does not find any place in this version and women and subordinate sections of society face worst violations of human rights and their subjugation, as per various reports.

This degree of patriarchal control and abuse of human rights is not yet seen in the Hindutva nationalism ruling India today. As such, the seeds of rigid patriarchy are very much there and concept of human rights is gradually being replaced by ‘rights for the elite upper caste and rich’ and ‘duties for the poor and marginalised’.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the parent organisation of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtra Sevika Samiti, dealing with women, is an exclusively male organisation. It is based on the Brahminical version of Hinduism, in contrast to the liberal and inclusive Hinduism of Mahatma Gandhi, the one who was killed by a person steeped in Hindu nationalist ideology.

When B R Ambedkar was burning the Manu Smriti, the second RSS chief, M.S. Golwalkar, was writing eulogies for books like Manu Smriti. After the Indian Constitution was implemented, the RSS’s mouthpiece came out with scathing criticism of this book saying it nothing Indian about it.  

“Consider how Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, regarded as the most consequential head of the RSS, believed women were misled by modernity. Citing a couplet that states that “a virtuous lady covers her body”, Golwalkar, according to Caravan, lamented that “‘modern’ women think that ‘modernism’ lies in exposing their body more and more to the public gaze. What a fall!”

Read Also: Hindutva’s War on Women: The Gendered Face of ‘Saffron Fascism’

When Laxmi Bai Kelkar (1936) wanted women to be incorporated in RSS, she was in turn asked to start the Rashtra Sevika Samiti, a subordinate organisation. In its very name the word, swayam, is missing, which stands for self.

Later Vijaya Raje Scindia (the then Vice President of BJP) went on to glorify Sati (wife immolation on the funeral pyre of husband). BJP leader Mridula Sinha also advised women to conform to the norms of family where husband is supreme. (Savvy, April 1994). The RSS progeny has been opposed to women wearing jeans, and celebrating Valentine’s Day.

As the feminist movement came up, it went on for reforms like abolition of dowry, female infanticide and other abominable practices against women. RSS never initiated any of these struggles, but did not oppose these reforms. But, it was against the Hindu Code Bill giving women some semblance of equality to some extent.

As India has some democratic space after Independence, though it is going for a free fall since the past few decades, the admirable struggle by women did get them a better place in the society. The march toward equality did take a few steps.

Today, the RSS has Rashtra Sevika Samiti, Durga Vahini and the BJP women’s wing, whose values derive from the core RSS ideology of graded hierarchy and gender inequality. Here Manu Smriti has an important place, as their basic philosophy is rooted in understanding where a ‘Muslim man’ is the culprit while not challenging patriarchal values.

It is true that the condition of women in Afghanistan and some other Muslim countries affected by communal/fundamentalist Islam is bad. The Taliban sits at the bottom of this list.

In India, as the grip of Hindu nationalism increases, the patriarchal ideology is not being challenged by the RSS stable, while the feminist movement is doing its best to challenge the prevalent patriarchy. So, currently the degree of Taliban patriarchy is at the bottom. Hindu nationalism has basic similarity with them at the ideological level, but the women’s movement has made some significant yet inadequate strides.

What is similar between these two is the seed of patriarchy, while the degree of its social manifestation is diverse. Politics hiding under the garb of religion uses the identity aspects of the religion to retain feudal values with the added spice of hate for people of other religions. Christian fundamentalism in various places reportedly also propagates the same. Nazism, a full-blown fascist regime, also defined the place of women in the kitchen, church and children.

While we condemn patriarchy and non-recognition of the concept of human rights, we should be aware that every sectarian nationalism structured around the identity of a religion or the superiority of one race, shares many of these despicable norms.

 The writer is a human rights activist, who taught at IIT Bombay. The views are personal.

Sunday, September 07, 2025

At NatCon, an effort to make Christian nationalism a more inclusive movement

 FOR WHITE STR8 MALES 

(RNS) — Speakers and organizers alike worked to craft a vision for a Christian America that steers clear of anti-Catholicism and, especially, antisemitism.



Pastor Doug Wilson addresses the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Jack Jenkins
September 5, 2025

WASHINGTON (RNS) — During the “Bible and American Renewal” breakout session at this week’s National Conservatism Conference, Josh Hammer stood out as the lone Jewish person on the panel of otherwise conservative Christian activists: a pastor, the editor of an online Christian magazine and a self-described Christian nationalist.

Yet, it was Hammer who told an audience member that “America was founded as a Christian country.”

“I’ll be the first to say that,” Hammer added. “There is very little doubt in my mind about that.”

The exchange was a window into a curious dynamic that permeated “NatCon,” as attendees call the conference, where speakers and organizers alike worked to craft a vision for a stridently conservative Christian America that somehow steers clear of anti-Catholicism and, especially, antisemitism.

A right-wing gathering that was once considered fringe, NatCon now boasts among its alumni Vice President JD Vance and this year featured a number of Trump appointees and allies, including Russell Vought, Office of Management and Budget director; Kelly Loeffler, director of the Small Business Administration; and Steve Bannon, a longtime podcast host and former chief strategist for President Donald Trump.



Office and Management and Budget Director Russell Vought speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 3, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Hammer was hardly alone in appealing to America’s Christian roots at the three-day conference, held in downtown Washington from Sept. 2-4. Idaho Pastor Doug Wilson, a self-described Christian nationalist, declared from the main stage, “We were in fact a Christian republic at the founding.” At a breakout session on “The Threat of Islamism in America,” one panelist declared “we are a Christian nation,” and another titled his talk, “Creating Islamic Communities in Christian America.”

But those declarations were made even as speakers openly voiced concern about the potential fracturing of NatCon’s fragile right-wing coalition. In an opening plenary session, Yoram Hazony, the Jewish chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, said early supporters of NatCon skewed heavily Catholic, so he brought in more Protestants — only for Catholics to fret that the movement had, in turn, become anti-Catholic. He has since wanted to bring in more Orthodox Jewish leaders, but is facing a problem: a rise in virulent antisemitism on the right, especially after the attack by Hamas militants on Oct. 7, 2023, in southern Israel.

“I didn’t think it would happen on the right, and I was mistaken,” Hazony said. He pleaded with the group to avoid antisemitism, noting that he is still willing to negotiate disagreement about Israel’s policies as well as have an “honorable conversation” about rethinking “the relationship between Jews and Christians in America.”

Hazony didn’t detail what that relationship looks like, exactly, but several conference speakers appeared to navigate the divide by referring to shared “Judeo-Christian” principles. Vought declared that the U.S. was founded on “Judeo-Christian worldviews.” Gene Hamilton, head of America First Legal, similarly described the U.S. as a “country based on Judeo-Christian values,” and Loeffler referred to “the moral foundations that built this country” — namely, “Judeo-Christian values.”

What’s more, Southern Baptist theologian Albert Mohler insisted that a conservatism that honors “prophets and apostles and patriarchs” can “unite Jewish conservatives and Christian conservatives, Catholic conservatives and Protestant conservatives, Eastern Orthodox conservatives, all in a shared conservatism of principle and conviction, mutual respect and mutual assistance, mutual commitment and commitment to shared conservative principles.”



The Rev. Albert Mohler speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

But more often, NatCon attendees seemed to mitigate their differences by trying to find common cause. Asked about the dynamic, Wilson derided antisemitism but acknowledged the tension between advocating for a Christian America and holding together a coalition that includes Jewish people.

“Jesus either rose from the dead or he didn’t — I’m a Christian,” he said.

But in the “political sphere,” Wilson said, there are pathways for extreme right Christians to find commonality with Jewish conservatives.

“I think it’s good for them to see that there are Orthodox Jews who hate pornography as much as they do,” he offered by way of example.

But in practice, the common enemy that emerged to unite Christian nationalists and Jewish allies at NatCon wasn’t pornography, but Muslims. Several speakers made a point to single out Zohran Mamdani, a Muslim American and leading New York City mayoral candidate.

“New York, our greatest city, is on the precipice of being run by a Zohran Mamdani — I think we realize that something has gone absolutely wrong,” Jack Posobiec, an alt-right political activist who has promoted Christian nationalism in the past, told the crowd. He then added: “As I stand here today, we are less than 10 years away from one of America’s great cities being run by a Muhammad.”

Jack Posobiec speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Steve Bannon addresses the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Posobiec was echoed later that day by Bannon, the onetime adviser to Trump. Referring to Mamdani, Bannon insisted “the existential threat to Israel — the Jewish people — is not in Tehran,” but rather “is right in New York City.” He then denounced Mamdani as “a Marxist and a jihadist,” while acknowledging Mamdani is likely to win the election.

Whether a return to the anti-Muslim sentiment — a flavor of vitriol that once helped bolster Trump’s 2016 election coalition — will be enough to help NatCon is an open question. But if this year’s gathering is any indication, it appears to be the chosen path forward for Christian nationalists hoping to expand their tent: In his own address, Wilson argued that while America was “deeply Christian and Protestant at the founding,” it also “did successfully adapt to the presence of Catholics and Jews.”

But accepting large numbers of Muslim immigrants in the U.S., he said, is a bridge too far.

“Millions of Muslims without any commitment to, or mechanism of, assimilation is another matter,” said Wilson, who has previously said that Muslims would be barred from holding office in his version of a Christian America. “There’s only so much white sand you can put in the sugar bowl before it isn’t the Sugar Bowl anymore.”



Pastor Doug Wilson attends the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)


At NatCon, a confusing resurgence of anti-Muslim sentiment


WASHINGTON (RNS) — NatCon’s negative focus on Islam makes for a potential preview of what conservatives will be concerned with in the next year.


Josh Hammer, right, addresses the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 3, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Jack Jenkins
September 3, 2025

WASHINGTON (RNS) — During a breakout session at this year’s National Conservatism Conference on Wednesday (Sept. 3), one group of panelists was asked an unusual question: Did they consider the U.S. to be a “Protestant tree” in which “Jews and Catholics are allowed, as birds, to nest in the branches”?

Josh Hammer, the only Jewish member of the panel, eschewed the arborial analogy but replied that he believes Jews and Catholics “have always been a part of the American story.” A “more interesting question,” he offered, is what Founding Fathers had to say about “Mohammedism” — a reference to Islam.

Fellow panelist William Wolfe, head of the Center for Baptist Leadership and a self-described Christian nationalist, interjected: “I’m happy to cut that branch off, Josh.”

The crowd burst into laughter.

The episode was one of several derogatory mentions of Islam at the conference, a three-day convening at a hotel in downtown Washington. Once considered a far-right fringe gathering and still deeply associated with Christian nationalism, NatCon, as it’s known among its regular attendees, has become a major waypoint in the conservative calendar. The ideas germinated here increasingly shape the ideological framework of the Trump administration, as speakers at past conferences have gone on to become MAGA stars, including Vice President JD Vance.

This year’s lineup had no lack of administration officials, from Office of Management and Budget Director Russell Vought to border czar Tom Homan.

NatCon’s negative focus on Islam, therefore, makes for a potential preview of what conservatives will be concerned with in the next year, especially in midterm election campaigns. Already, New York’s mayoral election in November has attracted dire predictions in conservative circles about the front-runner, Zohran Mamdani, and his Muslim faith, should he win.


William Wolfe speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 3, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

The topic was a focus of the conference’s first panel on Tuesday, titled “The Threat of Islamism in America.” Ryan Girdusky, a onetime CNN commentator who was banned from the network last year after he jocularly implied that Muslim journalist Mehdi Hasan had ties to terrorist groups, was among the panelists. (“I hope your beeper doesn’t go off,” he said on air, in an apparent reference to the 2024 attack directed at Lebanon-based militant group Hezbollah, when beepers across the country, planted with explosive charges, suddenly ignited.)

At NatCon, Girdusky argued against mass immigration generally (“The best part of immigration is scarcity,” he said), and Muslim immigration in particular. Echoing a theme aired in speeches in recent months by Vance, Girdusky said Mamdani, a naturalized U.S. citizen, drew crowds at his rallies whose “ancestors did not come on the Mayflower. Most did not come on Ellis Island. Most didn’t come in the past 30 years.”

Another panelist, Wade Miller of the Center for Renewing America, a think tank founded by OMB Director Vought, was even more explicit. “Islam is anti-Christianity, authoritarian and against our entire constitutional order,” Miller said. He insisted the progressive left in the United States has embraced a “woke-Islamist alliance,” pointing to the pro-Palestinian activism that swept college campuses as Israel invaded the Gaza Strip. He later declared that “we are a Christian nation.”



Wade Miller speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 2, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Another CRA activist, senior fellow Nathan Pinkoski, warned that the U.S. could become like Europe, where, he argued, the continent’s “trashed civilizational immune system” allowed “Islamists to make inroads into European nations.”

Anti-Muslim sentiment is hardly new among American conservatives, nor is it unusual for it to appear at NatCon — the 2024 iteration of the conference also featured a talk on “The Islamic Supremacist Challenge to America.”

But when questioned about the urgency of their message, at least one of the panelists could give no rationale for the timing of their warnings, or why Islam was on the agenda at all. Miller said he wasn’t sure, guessing only that “maybe” it was because of recent U.S. strikes in Iran.

Nonetheless, Islam was a recurring component of the larger discussion of immigration. Bo French of Fort Worth, Texas — who chairs the Tarrant County Republican Party and has himself been accused of anti-Muslim comments — said he came to the Islamism panel out of concern that the U.S. will end up with an influx of Muslim immigrants such as countries in Europe, especially the United Kingdom, have experienced. “I think we’re probably 10 years behind where they are, but I think it is accelerating,” French said.

Hammer, senior editor-at-large at Newsweek, also tied his concern to immigration but insisted the issue is of immediate importance. “I think that Islamic immigration should be zero today,” Hammer told RNS. “It is a pressing concern.”


Muslims represent around 1% of the U.S. population, according to Pew Research, and the Trump administration has dramatically restricted immigration in various ways that include banning entry from many Muslim-majority countries. A 2022 poll from the Public Religion Research Institute found that while a slim majority of white evangelicals believe the U.S. should “prevent people from some Muslim majority countries from entering the U.S.,” majorities of every other religious group polled said the reverse.

Trump courted Muslim votes in his 2024 presidential campaign, capitalizing on Muslim disenchantment with the Biden administration’s support for Israel.

Miller acknowledged the growing Muslim interest in Republican ideas in his panel presentation, saying, “Some on our side … insist that we should see Islam and Muslims as political allies,” he said. But Muslims, he summed up, “are not our friends.”


The degeneracy of Christian nationalism and the demolition of culture

(RNS) — Trump's assault on art and culture is only outdone by his debasement of his fellow humans.



Rigoberto Gonzalez’s “Refugees Crossing the Border Wall into South Texas.” Photo by Difference Engine/Wikimedia Commons


Phyllis Zagano
August 29, 2025

(RNS) — The United States exists in a new-old universe. After nearly 250 years of democracy, it seems infected with totalitarianism, racial superiority, anti-communism and all the petrified theories advanced by another populist politician, Adolph Hitler.

Donald Trump did say he would be a dictator on day one.

History will be the judge, but things look rather bleak right now for the democracy side of the equation.

Take art and culture.


During the 12 years of Hitler’s corruption of the concepts of law and order, he also attacked what we now call “creatives” and cultural institutions. The backlash against artistic Modernism had begun earlier in Germany’s Weimar era, but the Führer fully enforced his own ideas of what comprised art. He banned “degenerate art”: Bauhaus, Cubism, Dada, Expressionism, Fauvism, Impressionism and Surrealism. And the regime supported only official painters, sculptors, architects, writers and even actors.

Things are trending in the same direction in the 21st-century United States. Trump, having gotten himself elected chair of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, has vowed to end “woke political programming” at Washington’s premier arts venue.

As an example of what this means, the Kennedy Center hosted a screening this week of “The Revival Generation,” a documentary about a “nationwide campus revival movement” drawing Gen Z Americans. Billed as a “call to faith and a message of hope” that “(c)aptures a spiritual awakening among today’s youth,” the program included a one-hour worship service with “a local worship collective.”

Next Trump ordered a review of exhibits at the Smithsonian Museums that has sent curators scrambling to “fix” exhibits Mr. Trump finds too woke. The list of things needing repair at the National Museum of African American History and Culture, the National Portrait Gallery and the National Museum of the American Latino focuses on mentions of race, slavery, immigration and sexuality.

The artwork that offends the curator-in-chief is not Cubism or Dadaism or Impressionism. Unlike Hitler, Trump has not put Picasso, Duchamp and Monet on the banned lists. Rather, it is Rigoberto Gonzalez’s extraordinary “Refugees Crossing the Border Wall into South Texas.”

The list goes on. Some of it is, well, edgy. But it is not of the order of “Immersion (Piss Christ),” Andres Serrano’s 1987 photograph of a crucifix submerged in a container of his own urine. Despite an outcry from politicians who tried to defund its sponsors, the piece won an award in a competition partly sponsored by the National Endowment for the Arts. Ronald Reagan was president then.

If only Trump would confine his new strictures to art and culture, his populism would be an affront only to the pursuit of beauty. But they cross several lines, assaulting truth as well.

As several mainline faith leaders and the U.S. Catholic bishops have pointed out, the derisive oppression of poor immigrants by members of the current administration is sickening. That some administration officials continue to publicly espouse Christian ethics is mind-boggling.

Government spokespeople bend the truth and present an alternate reality. Then, there are the humorless bureaucrats who can change numbers to suit the master’s will. The administration is efficient and punctual, and its leader can do no wrong.

The American republic is aiming for a head-on collision with democracy, and not incidentally is becoming an enigma, if not a laughingstock, to the rest of the free world.

It has to stop.


EVEN THE CRITICS OF PATRIARCHY ARE PATRIARCHS

After challenging Doug Wilson, podcaster’s confession shakes anti-patriarchy movement


“Women have been declaring the damage for years,” she said. “But something about a man holding the mic — even when it was women survivors talking into it — made the warnings more palatable to people who were steeped in Christian patriarchy.”



(FāVS News) — Podcast host Peter Bell’s admission came shortly after a Moscow, Idaho, community event where he and others spoke about the impact of Wilson’s teachings.



“Sons of Patriarchy” podcast logo and host Peter Bell. (Courtesy images)

Tracy Simmons
September 4, 2025

(FāVS News) — Days after challenging Pastor Doug Wilson to a public debate, Peter Bell, producer and host of the podcast “Sons of Patriarchy,” made a social media confession that has forced a reckoning within the community he helped build around exposing abuse in patriarchal churches.

Bell, whose podcast investigates Wilson’s Moscow, Idaho-based church movement, said in a since-deleted Aug. 23 Facebook post that he struggled with pornography addiction for nearly two decades, was fired from multiple jobs for lying and experienced marital separation during his podcast’s first season last year.

The confession came shortly after Bell appeared at a Moscow community event Aug. 8 at the Kenworthy Performing Arts Center, where he and others spoke about the impact of Wilson’s teachings. The podcast producers scheduled their first Moscow visit to coincide with Grace Agenda, a weekend conference hosted by Wilson’s Christ Church that serves as a major recruiting event for the church. After the Kenworthy event, Bell and “Sons of Patriarchy” staff approached Wilson at the conference, and Wilson agreed to a one-on-one conversation with the podcast host, who has spent months documenting abuse allegations within Wilson’s Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches.

Bell acknowledged to FāVS News that the timing of his Facebook post was deliberate.

“With the recent airing of the CNN interview with Doug Wilson” — a profile that examined Wilson’s Christian nationalist movement and connections to U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth — “our team began receiving far more media inquiries, survivor stories and ‘interest’ after Doug agreed to a one-on-one with me,” Bell said in an interview.

“This compounded with the kinds of messages we were receiving, mostly coming from women, who were praising me. They wanted to let me know that they wished their husbands could be like me, their sons would grow up to be like me, and their pastors cared like me,” Bell said. “I couldn’t handle the praise, knowing that if those who were messaging us knew the truth about me, maybe they’d be less inclined. I had told parts of it before, but I needed everything out there.”


A crowd attends a “Sons of Patriarchy” live event at the Kenworthy Performing Arts Center, Aug. 8, 2025, in Moscow, Idaho. (Photo by Tracy Simmons/FāVS News)

The confession sparked tension within the “Sons of Patriarchy” team. Bell’s co-host and majority owner of the podcast, Sarah Bader, responded with a social media statement distancing the team from Bell’s post.

“He did not run this post by the team. And we are holding him to account for it,” Bader posted. “We apologize to our survivor community for his actions and are putting measures and controls into place so that it can’t happen again.”

RELATED: Doug Wilson agrees to debate ‘Sons of Patriarchy’ after dueling events in Moscow, Idaho

In Bell’s confession, he revealed he had been “addicted to porn for a little less than 20 years” and continues to struggle “to this day.” He also said he was “fired from two or three full-time ‘secular’ jobs … for lying, and covering up other things, in rather large ways” and was “kicked out” of ministry positions for dishonesty.

The issues led to separation from his wife during the production of his podcast’s first season just about a year ago, Bell wrote. The couple has since reconciled.

“I write it both to get it off my chest, to give Doug Wilson and his people the dirt they’re probably looking for, and to dissuade anyone from thinking I’m the ‘anti-patriarchy’ hero they might think I am,” Bell wrote in the Facebook post, which garnered hundreds of comments. “There was this picture/aura forming about and around me, that I was the ‘anti-patriarchy hero’ so many in these circles were looking for.”

The confession particularly stung trauma survivors who trusted Bell with their stories of abuse within patriarchal church systems, several alleged survivors wrote on social media. As Bell interviews women who have left these environments, his admission raised questions about his fitness for the role.

“I totally and completely understand if survivors no longer desire to be interviewed by me,” Bell said. “My goal isn’t to get someone behind a microphone — my goal is for them to be heard.”


Peter Bell, left, and Doug Wilson, right. (Video screen grabs)

However, Bell defended his continued involvement.

“I haven’t had the chance to interview survivors” since the confession, he said, “but to be transparent, it hasn’t changed much. I didn’t change after the confession. I said what I said because I’ve already come to terms with everything.”

Bell described how leaders can maintain public ministries while struggling privately — an insight that parallels cases his podcast has investigated.

The issue of pastors struggling with pornography while maintaining public ministries has been a recurring theme in allegations documented by “Sons of Patriarchy.” Tim Meshginpoosh, a longtime observer of these churches, wrote in a Substack post that when such issues have surfaced, “the response of the elders was soft, and when the marriages blew up, the wife got blamed, shunned, and ostracized.”

Bell said churches often handle these issues differently based on one’s status.

“A high-ranking leader with decades of experience and beloved by the congregation? You get a slap on the wrist, a cover-up and pass right on through,” Bell said. “A no-name member who will put a blot on your reputation? You’ve got two choices: Make sure no one ever hears about it and your ‘sterling’ reputation is saved … or, strike them down with the fury of the Lord as an example to those watching.”

Patterns of institutional response Bell described played out in reaction to his own disclosure. Bader’s response seemed to split the podcast’s following, with some calling her statement “woke” while others said they appreciated her consideration for triggered survivors.

Meshginpoosh questioned whether Bell should have been the face of the anti-patriarchy effort given his recent struggles.

“The concern I have — it was way too soon,” Meshginpoosh said in an interview. “He recorded the first season while he was still separated from his wife. … If you have that kind of recent past, you need to take some time to do the hard work.”

Meshginpoosh also noted a tactical disadvantage, should there be a debate with Wilson.

“If you’re going to go up against Wilson, you’re going to have a hard time grilling him about the Steven Sitler disaster if you’re trying to pick up the pieces of multiple integrity fails on the job and a 20-year porn addiction,” he said

The Sitler case has long been a source of controversy for Wilson. In 2005, Sitler, a student at New St. Andrews College, a private college founded by Christ Church, confessed to molesting multiple children. Sitler pleaded guilty to lewd conduct with a minor and was sentenced to prison. Wilson wrote a letter to the sentencing judge describing Sitler as “most responsive” and “completely honest” and asking for leniency, according to a Southern Poverty Law Center report — despite Wilson’s own writings advocating death penalties for such crimes. Wilson officiated Sitler’s wedding, and Sitler was eventually found to have sexually abused his infant son, leading to legal protections.

Cases like Sitler’s are what “Sons of Patriarchy” was created to expose. But some worried Bell’s confession overshadowed that mission. Author Sarah Stankorb, who has covered Wilson’s movement and was on stage at the Moscow event, wrote in a statement to Baptist News Global that the confession was problematic in its timing.

“I worry, in light of Peter Bell’s post, we’re losing the thread,” Stankorb wrote. “It blindsided a lot of survivors and other advocates whose trust is already fragile. It also has created a huge distraction from the work of making Wilson’s impact visible.”

Stankorb also noted a troubling pattern in responses to abuse allegations.

“Women have been declaring the damage for years,” she said. “But something about a man holding the mic — even when it was women survivors talking into it — made the warnings more palatable to people who were steeped in Christian patriarchy.”


Bell acknowledged uncertainty about his continued role as the podcast’s host, saying he serves “at the behest of the volunteers and those who support the work.” He suggested Bader could lead the podcast.

“Whether or not I lead this podcast in the future has no bearing on my own personal desire to see movements founded and influenced by Doug Wilson to be toppled,” he said. “This is personal for me, and I care, regardless of a microphone being in front of me or not.”

However, supporters believe the “Sons of Patriarchy” mission remains vital. Meshginpoosh said the podcast serves as a “force multiplier” for survivors who have waited years for someone to advocate for them.

“Ultimately, they are doing good work,” he said. “They are exposing the abuses and systemic dynamics within the Presbyterian/Presbyterian-ish world. I want SoP to continue to do good work.”

Attempts to reach Bader for comment were unsuccessful.



Sunday, March 10, 2024

From cast to teens, 'Barbie' film's view on patriarchy resonated

Story by Lisa Richwine and Rollo Ross
 • 
FILE PHOTO: Actor Simu Liu (in blue suit) poses next to director Greta Gerwig and the cast of the film "Barbie" during the World Premiere of the film "Barbie" in Los Angeles, California, U.S., July 9, 2023. REUTERS/Mike Blake© Thomson Reuters

By Lisa Richwine and Rollo Ross

LOS ANGELES (Reuters) - Actor Simu Liu, who played one of the Kens in the Oscar-nominated "Barbie" movie, experienced a revelation when he first read the script and its commentary about the harm inflicted by patriarchy.

"We all like to think that we're different, that we're progressive," Liu said in an interview with Reuters. "And then we read a scene that calls us out so fully and utterly, that I'm like, 'Oh yeah, I'm part of the problem.'"


Actor Simu Liu poses on the pink carpet during the World Premiere of the film "Barbie" in Los Angeles, California, U.S., July 9, 2023. 
REUTERS/Mike Blake/File Photo© Thomson Reuters

The "Barbie" movie, which will compete for best picture and other honors at Sunday's Oscars, generated a chart-topping $1.4 billion at global box offices in 2023. Co-written by married couple Greta Gerwig and Noah Baumbach, it also changed some attitudes about men and women.

Reuters
'Barbie' movie's feminism continues to resonate
View on Watch    Duration 2:14

The film moves between Barbie Land, run by President Barbie and other female dolls, and the Real World - a patriarchy ruled by men who provide few opportunities to women.

Liu pointed to scenes in which the Kens try to impress the Barbies by playing Matchbox Twenty song "Push" on guitar while the women stare into their eyes. "I'll play guitar at you," Ryan Gosling's Ken says to Margot Robbie's Barbie.

"My mind instantly flashed to 19-year-old me in college," Liu said of the scene. "Yeah, that's definitely me."

The actor said he felt the movie's aim was to show that patriarchy "is just bad for everyone."

"It affects men because it puts this weird shit in our minds about what we have to be and who we have to be," he said. "And then, obviously, makes it really tough for women."

Dr. Ellen Rome, head of adolescent medicine at Cleveland Clinic Children's Hospital, sought reactions to the film from about 100 tweens, teens and their parents who visited her clinic after the movie came out.

TEENS GET IT

Most of the kids "picked up on how normative society's patriarchy is, and how it can negatively impact both women and men," Rome said. "Kids at 11, 12 and 13 got this."

Boys "saw and could pick up on how inappropriate it was to treat women as objects, or to make negative comments about them," she said.

The boys also wanted a more empowered Ken, she said.

"That he was an accessory wasn't lost on the boys," Rome said. "They wanted Ken to be able to have his own agenda."


Rome said she appreciated that the movie tackled mental health directly. The "stereotypical Barbie" played by Robbie dealt with depression and thoughts of death and worked her way through it.

"They did beautifully addressing the fact that mental health challenges can affect anybody, and that you can do a hero's journey to face that depression and figure out how to empower yourself," she said.

Rome did have some critiques. She said the movie showed little body diversity among the Barbies or the Kens. There were no Kens with obesity, for example.

And, the "weird Barbie" played by Kate McKinnon, "is valued but isolated," Rome said.

Barbie maker Mattel Inc said its consumer research showed that 87 percent viewed the Barbie brand as empowering for girls after the movie's release, and 80% said the brand "showcased body diversity."

One outside survey found the film altered some perceptions about men and women in the workplace.

Resume Builder, a website for job seekers, commissioned a poll of 300 Americans who had seen "Barbie." Fifty-three percent of all viewers said the film improved their opinion of women in the workplace, and 63% of men said the film made them more aware of the partriarchy at work.

Actor Ariana Greenblatt, who played a Barbie-skeptical teen in the film, said girls have thanked her for putting a spotlight on the issues they face.

"I think people will look at things differently forever," she said. "And that's the coolest thing in the world. Hopefully we change the journey of society."

(Reporting by Lisa Richwine and Rollo Ross; Editing by Mary Milliken and Jonathan Oatis)