Saturday, April 18, 2020

How the rich reacted to the bubonic plague has eerie similarities to today’s pandemic

 April 18, 2020 The Conversation


The coronavirus can infect anyone, but recent reporting has shown your socioeconomic status can play a big role, with a combination of job security, access to health care and mobility widening the gap in infection and mortality rates between rich and poor.

The wealthy work remotely and flee to resorts or pastoral second homes, while the urban poor are packed into small apartments and compelled to keep showing up to work.

As a medievalist, I’ve seen a version of this story before.

Following the 1348 Black Death in Italy, the Italian writer Giovanni Boccaccio wrote a collection of 100 novellas titled, “The Decameron.” These stories, though fictional, give us a window into medieval life during the Black Death – and how some of the same fissures opened up between the rich and the poor. Cultural historians today see “The Decameron” as an invaluable source of information on everyday life in 14th-century Italy.

Giovanni Boccaccio.
Leemage via Getty Images

Boccaccio was born in 1313 as the illegitimate son of a Florentine banker. A product of the middle class, he wrote, in “The Decameron,” stories about merchants and servants. This was unusual for his time, as medieval literature tended to focus on the lives of the nobility.

“The Decameron” begins with a gripping, graphic description of the Black Death, which was so virulent that a person who contracted it would die within four to seven days. Between 1347 and 1351, it killed between 40% and 50% of Europe’s population. Some of Boccaccio’s own family members died.

In this opening section, Boccaccio describes the rich secluding themselves at home, where they enjoy quality wines and provisions, music and other entertainment. The very wealthiest – whom Boccaccio describes as “ruthless” – deserted their neighborhoods altogether, retreating to comfortable estates in the countryside, “as though the plague was meant to harry only those remaining within their city walls.”

Meanwhile, the middle class or poor, forced to stay at home, “caught the plague by the thousand right there in their own neighborhood, day after day” and swiftly passed away. Servants dutifully attended to the sick in wealthy households, often succumbing to the illness themselves. Many, unable to leave Florence and convinced of their imminent death, decided to simply drink and party away their final days in nihilistic revelries, while in rural areas, laborers died “like brute beasts rather than human beings; night and day, with never a doctor to attend them.”
Josse Lieferinxe’s ‘Saint Sebastian Interceding for the Plague Stricken’ (c. 1498).
Wikimedia Commons

After the bleak description of the plague, Boccaccio shifts to the 100 stories. They’re narrated by 10 nobles who have fled the pallor of death hanging over Florence to luxuriate in amply stocked country mansions. From there, they tell their tales.

One key issue in “The Decameron” is how wealth and advantage can impair people’s abilities to empathize with the hardships of others. Boccaccio begins the forward with the proverb, “It is inherently human to show pity to those who are afflicted.” Yet in many of the tales he goes on to present characters who are sharply indifferent to the pain of others, blinded by their own drives and ambition.

In one fantasy story, a dead man returns from hell every Friday and ritually slaughters the same woman who had rejected him when he was alive. In another, a widow fends off a leering priest by tricking him into sleeping with her maid. In a third, the narrator praises a character for his undying loyalty to his friend when, in fact, he has profoundly betrayed that friend over many years.

Humans, Boccaccio seems to be saying, can think of themselves as upstanding and moral – but unawares, they may show indifference to others. We see this in the 10 storytellers themselves: They make a pact to live virtuously in their well-appointed retreats. Yet while they pamper themselves, they indulge in some stories that illustrate brutality, betrayal and exploitation.

Boccaccio wanted to challenge his readers, and make them think about their responsibilities to others. “The Decameron” raises the questions: How do the rich relate to the poor during times of widespread suffering? What is the value of a life?

In our own pandemic, with millions unemployed due to a virus that has killed thousands, these issues are strikingly relevant.

Kathryn McKinley, Professor of English, University of Maryland, Baltimore County
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


AP PHOTOS: In Iran, isolated musicians perform from rooftops

TEHRAN, Iran (AP) — On the rooftop terrace of her Tehran apartment building, 28-year-old Mojgan Hosseini’s fingers pluck the strings of her qanun, an ancient stringed instrument, bringing life to an Iranian capital stilled by the coronavirus.

With performance halls closed and many isolated in their homes as a result of the Mideast’s worst virus outbreak, Hosseini and other Iranian musicians now find performance spaces where they can. That includes rooftops dotted with water tanks and littered with debris, empty front porches and opened apartment windows. Their music floats down on others stuck in their homes, fearful of the COVID-19 illness the virus brings.

Their impromptu concerts draw applause and offer hope to their listeners, even as public performances still draw hard-line scrutiny in the Islamic Republic.

“We’re not front-line medical workers, hospital custodians, or grocery workers, but I think many musicians — myself included — have felt an obligation to offer our services of comfort and entertainment in these trying times,” said Arif Mirbaghi, who plays the double bass in his front yard.

Iran has been hard-hit by the virus with more than 76,000 confirmed cases, including more than 4,700 fatalities.

In this Wednesday, April 8, 2020, photo, Behnam Emran, a 28 year-old self-taught musician, plays accordion on the roof of his home during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

Musicians long have been a mainstay in Iranian life, dating back to the ancient Persian empires. Legend has it that King Jamshid, the fourth king of the Pishdadian Dynasty, known as the “king of the world,” created music with a four-stringed lyra.

Over time, Western influence brought with it the symphonies of Europe. Initially after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, pop and Western-influenced music all but disappeared. Classical music slowly re-emerged in the 1990s and has become increasingly popular. But women still cannot sing before audiences including men and hard-liners have broken up concerts that pushed the cultural limits imposed by Iran’s Shiite theocracy. Outside of Tehran, officials increasingly break up performances.
Full Coverage: Photography

But the coronavirus pandemic has loosened some mores, as doctors and nurses dance in social media videos that earlier could have served as grounds for arrest.

Among those taking to the rooftops are female musicians like 36-year-old composer and tar player Midya Farajnejad. A tar is a long-necked stringed instrument

In this Wednesday, April 8, 2020 photo, Behrad Soukhakian, a member of the National Orchestra of Iran and Tehran Symphony, 37, plays violin on the roof of his home during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

“It is not easy for me to stay at home and not be on stage or in studio during quarantine, so I ... play tar on the roof, to share my emotions with the neighbors,” Farajnejad said during a lull in one recent session.

Others, like 26-year-old accordion player Kaveh Ghafari, agree.

“During these quarantine days, the only place that I feel I can share my music is in my yard with my neighbors as my main audience,” he said. “These days I can feel the power of art more than ever.”

For Hosseini, the qanun player, the music gives her an outlet she’d otherwise have as a member of Iran’s National Orchestra. Only the occasional motorbike or bird’s chirp could be heard as she played one recent afternoon.

“Since COVID-19 hit Tehran, the rooftop terrace of my apartment has become my stage to perform and my neighbors have became my main audience these days,” she said.

In this Monday, March 30, 2020, photo, musician Shiva Abedi, 30, plays kamancheh on the roof of her home during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

In this Sunday, April 5, 2020 photo, musician Arif Mirbaghi, 33, plays double bass at the yard of his house during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

In this Wednesday, March 25, 2020, photo, musician Farideh Sarsangi, 28, plays drums on the roof of her home during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

In this Saturday, March 28, 2020 photo, composer and musician Midya Farajnejad, 36, plays tar on the roof of his home during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

In this Thursday, April 9, 2020 photo, musician Yasamin Koozehgar, 22, plays cello on the roof of her home during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

In this Wednesday, April 8, 2020 photo, Mohammad Maleklee, 23, of the National Orchestra of Iran and Tehran Symphony, plays saxophone on his window, during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

In this Sunday, April 5, 2020 photo, musician Kaveh Ghaffari, 26, plays accordion at the yard of his house during mandatory self-isolation due to the new coronavirus disease outbreak, in Tehran Iran. (AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi)

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Hong Kong activists arrested over last year's democracy rallies

AFP / ISAAC LAWRENCEArrested former lawmaker and activist Martin Lee is known as the father of democracy in Hong Kong
Police in Hong Kong carried out a sweeping operation against high-profile democracy campaigners on Saturday, arresting 15 activists on charges related to massive protests that rocked the Asian financial hub last year.
Among those targeted was 72-year-old media tycoon Jimmy Lai, founder of anti-establishment newspaper Apple Daily, who was arrested at his home.
The group also included former lawmakers Martin Lee, Margaret Ng, Albert Ho, Leung Kwok-hung, Au Nok-hin and current lawmaker Leung Yiu-chung.
They are accused of organising and taking part in unlawful assemblies in August and October, according to the police.
Five were arrested on suspicion of publicising unauthorised public meetings in September and October.
"The arrestees were charged or will be charged with related crimes," superintendent Lam Wing-ho said.
All 15 are due to appear in court mid-May.
Media boss Lai was previously detained in February over his participation in another August rally that was banned by police for security reasons.
"Finally I've become a defendant. How do I feel? I'm very much relieved," Lee, known as the father of democracy in Hong Kong, told media after he was bailed.
"For so many years, so many months, so many good youngsters were arrested and charged, while I was not arrested. I feel sorry about it," the 81-year-old barrister and founding chairman of the city's first political party said.
He added he does not regret his actions and is proud to walk with Hong Kong's youngsters in their fight for democracy -- remarks the city's police chief Chris Tang said left him "very worried and surprised".
"As a veteran of the legal profession... he continues to incite youngsters to violate the law. I don't think he should feel proud, he should feel ashamed," Tang said.


AFP/File / Nicolas ASFOURIHong Kong was shaken by widespread and sometimes violent street protests in 2019
The semi-autonomous city was shaken by widespread and sometimes violent street protests in 2019, sparked by a now-abandoned proposal to allow extraditions to the authoritarian Chinese mainland and its opaque judicial system.
"Today's arrests of pro-democracy figures in Hong Kong is another nail in the coffin of 'one country, two systems'," China director at Human Rights Watch Sophie Richardson said, referring to the principle that guarantees freedoms in the city not seen on the Chinese mainland.
"It's hard to know Beijing's next precise move, but it seems Hong Kong officials will further enable abuses rather than defend Hong Kong people's rights."
Last year's rallies morphed into a wider movement calling for greater freedoms in the most concerted challenge to Beijing's rule since the former British colony returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1997.
The protests and clashes with police have since died down, partly due to exhaustion and arrests but also because of the emergence of the deadly coronavirus.
China's leaders have refused to accede to the protesters' demands, which include fully free elections in the city, an inquiry into alleged police misconduct during the protests and an amnesty for more than 7,000 people arrested during the movement -- many of them under the age of 20.
Pro-democracy lawmaker Claudia Mo said Saturday the local government "is trying very hard to introduce a reign of terror".
"They are doing whatever they can do to try to silence, to take down the local opposition, but then united we stand," she said. "It's so obvious they're choreographing all their acts."
Chris Patten, Hong Kong's last colonial governor before the 1997 handover, said the arrests were another step towards burying the city's autonomy.
"This is not the rule of law. This is what authoritarian governments do," he said. "It becomes ever more clear, week by week and day by day, that Beijing is determined to throttle Hong Kong."

Hong Kong police arrest democracy 
activists, media tycoon
By ZEN SOO


1 of 5
Hong Kong media tycoon Jimmy Lai, center, who founded local newspaper Apple Daily, is arrested by police officers at his home in Hong Kong, Saturday, April 18, 2020. Hong Kong police arrested at least 14 pro-democracy lawmakers and activists on Saturday on charges of joining unlawful protests last year calling for reforms. (AP Photo/Vincent Yu)HONG KONG (AP) — Hong Kong police arrested at least 14 veteran pro-democracy lawmakers, activists and a media tycoon on Saturday on charges of joining unlawful protests last year calling for reforms.

Among those arrested were 81-year-old activist and former lawmaker Martin Lee and democracy advocates Albert Ho, Lee Cheuk-yan and Au Nok-hin.

Police also arrested media tycoon Jimmy Lai, who founded the local newspaper Apple Daily.

Lai, Lee Cheuk-yan and Yeung Sum — a former lawmaker from the Democratic Party — were charged in February over their involvement in a mass anti-government demonstration on Aug. 31 last year. The protests in the semi-autonomous Chinese territory against proposed extradition legislation exposed deep divisions between democracy-minded Hong Kongers and the Communist Party-ruled central government in Beijing.


The bill — which would have allowed Hong Kong residents to be sent to mainland China to stand trial — has been withdrawn, but the protests continued for more than seven months, centered around demands for voting rights and an independent inquiry into police conduct.

While the protests began peacefully, they increasingly descended into violence after demonstrators became frustrated with the government’s response. They feel that Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam has ignored their demands and used the police to suppress them.

The League of Social Democrats wrote in a Facebook post on Saturday that its leaders were among those arrested, including chairman Raphael Wong. They were accused of participating in two unauthorized protests on Aug. 18 and Oct. 1 last year.
‘I am so afraid’: India’s poor face world’s largest lockdown
By TIM SULLIVAN and SHEIKH SAALIQ

1 of 26
In this April 3, 2020, photo, Rajesh Dhaikar's children play with balloons in their house in Prayagraj, India. Dhaikar has a small balloon stall in a nearby market, selling plastic bursts of red and blue and yellow one at a time, and rarely earning more than $2.50 a day. His wife, Suneeta, makes about $20 a month cleaning homes. They have five children, ranging in age and a bank account with about $6.50 in it. India has launched one of the most draconian social experiments in human history, locking down its entire population, including hundreds of millions of people who struggle to survive on a few dollars a day. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)




The street peddler watched the prime minister’s speech on a battered TV, with her family of five crowded around her in a one-room house with no toilet and no running water. It’s squeezed into a Mumbai shantytown controlled by an obscure Mumbai organized crime family.

Mina Jakhawadiya knew that outside, somewhere in India, the coronavirus had arrived, wending its way through this sprawling nation of 1.3 billion people. But the invisible danger seemed far away.

Then suddenly it wasn’t.

“Every state, every district, every lane, every village will be under lockdown” for three weeks, Prime Minister Narendra Modi told the nation on March 24, giving India four hours’ notice to prepare. “If you can’t handle these 21 days, this country and your family will go back 21 years.”


As governments around the world try to slow the spread of the coronavirus, India has launched one of the most draconian social experiments in human history, locking down its entire population -- including about 176 million people who struggle to survive on $1.90 a day or less. Modi’s order allows Indians out of their homes only to buy food, medicine or other essentials. No going to work. No school. No playgrounds.




As governments try to slow the spread of the coronavirus, India has launched one of the most draconian social experiments in human history. Its entire population is locked down, including millions who struggle to survive on $1.90 a day or less. (April 17)

India’s handling of the lockdown and the ever-spreading virus is a test for the developing world, offering clues to how countries from Bangladesh to Nigeria can fight COVID-19 without forcing their poorest citizens into even worse hunger and further destitution.

While India’s economy has boomed over the past two decades, pulling vast numbers out of extreme poverty, inequality also has grown.

Those near the top can hunker down in gated apartment complexes, watching Bollywood movies on Netflix and ordering food deliveries online. But not Jakhawadiya, who makes a living selling cheap plastic buckets and baskets with her husband on the streets of Mumbai.

For her, the order means 21 days in a 6-by-9-foot room with five people, no work, a couple days of food and the equivalent of about $13 in cash.

She looked at Modi speaking on their little television, spattered with stickers left over the years by one child or another.

“I am so afraid,” she thought.

___

In this March 31, 2020, photo, Mina Ramesh Jakhawadiya, center, watches news on coronavirus along with her children in her one room house in a slum in Mumbai, India. Jakhawadiya makes a living selling cheap plastic goods with her husband on the streets of Mumbai. For her, the order means 21 days in a 6-by-9 foot room with five people, no work, a couple days of food and very less cash. As governments around the world debate ways to slow the spread of coronavirus, India has launched one of the most draconian social experiments in human history, locking down its entire population, including hundreds of millions of people who struggle to survive on a few dollars a day. (AP Photo/Rafiq Maqbool)


This story was produced with the support of the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

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March 27

Across India

The reasons for the lockdown are clear.

While India had only 536 confirmed coronavirus cases and 10 deaths when Modi gave his speech, it’s also one of the most crowded places on Earth, a nation where social distancing is impossible for millions. The risk is that it could hopscotch from the Himalayas to South India, ravaging cities and villages. Mumbai, for instance, has a population density of 77,000 people per square mile — nearly three times higher than New York City, which crowding helped turn into one of the world’s deadliest epicenters.

Then there’s India’s medical system. Except for private health care for those who can afford it, the medical system barely functions across wide swathes of the country. Public hospitals, especially outside major cities, often have limited supplies, questionable cleanliness and third-rate doctors.

Very few people have been tested, so the true scale of the outbreak is unknown. If India’s hospital system were overrun by COVID-19 cases, it could collapse in days, leaving untold numbers to die.

As a result, many experts say Modi had to act as he did to buy time to prepare.

The lockdown means India has “probably pushed out the epidemic peak by three to eight weeks,” said Ramanan Laxminarayan, an epidemiologist and economist who directs the Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics and Policy in Washington.

But that logic means little for Indians at the bottom of the economic ladder. For these people — for Jakhawadiya in Mumbai, for a maid walking to her home village in the north, for a watchman bicycling his way across the country — three weeks can be an eternity.

“If they stopped the lockdown for just a few days then I could go into town and earn some money,” said Paresh Talukdar, a beggar who supports a family of five in India’s far northeast state of Assam with food supplies down to almost nothing. “One or two days (of lockdown) would be OK, but 21 days is a very long time.”

Now 60, Talukdar lost his left leg and hand more than 30 years ago in a fight over family land. In normal times, he rides a bus from his tiny village to the nearest city, where there are enough people to make a living begging. Most days bring him about $2.50.

But now there’s no bus to take, and few people out on the streets anyway.

Already, he says, the ever-growing hunger has made it hard to sleep. “Thoughts are always coming into my mind, like: What’s going to happen tomorrow?”

___

March 29

Lucknow, north India

For five days after the lockdown began, in a city in the north Indian plains, the maid wondered what she should do.

Ramshri Verma lives in a shantytown on the fringes of Lucknow, a noisy, chaotic city of nearly 4 million people. On the morning after Modi’s speech, she went to the home where she has worked for the past two years.

“I didn’t know what they meant by a ‘lockdown,’” she said.

She knocked. Her employers shouted at her through the closed door.

“They told me to come back after 21 days,” Verma said. They also told her she wouldn’t be paid for those days.

She walked home, stopping at a few small stores. She bought rice, cooking oil, spices and lentils, basic staples for many Indians. That left her with 300 rupees — about $4 — for her, her husband and their two children.

Then the family waited. They don’t own a television, so the children bickered about who could watch videos on their only phone.

By March 29, the family was out of food and there was only one place to go: back to the ancestral village where she and her husband were raised. That morning, with bus and train networks shut down, they joined the swarms of migrants who spilled out of cities to walk, sometimes for hundreds of miles, to their home villages.

It was an epidemiologist’s nightmare - and the last thing India needed as it struggled to stop the coronavirus from spreading. The numbers already were rising with worrying speed, reaching 1,024 cases and 27 deaths.

For Verma, home was some 90 kilometers (55 miles) away in Sanjrabad, a tiny grid of streets surrounded by lush fields of sugarcane.

“There were thousands of people who were walking,” she said. “Along the way I met other people who came from my village and we started to walk together.”

The children were tired. Their feet hurt. They cried.

But she and her husband pushed them on.

Late that night, they reached the edge of Sanjrabad and thought they would go home for dinner. But the village leader came out to stop them.

“’You could be infected with the virus,’” he said, ordering them into quarantine in the village school.

There were no medical checks, and no police to enforce the order. But in the ways of rural India, it’s hard to refuse a village head.

Minutes later, everyone was locked inside.



In this March 31, 2020, photo, Mina Ramesh Jakhawadiya, right with her son Ritik Ramesh in her lap watches news on coronavirus as her daughter Guddi Ramesh brushes her teeth in their one room house in a slum in Mumbai, India. Jakhawadiya, who makes a living selling cheap plastic goods with her husband on the streets of Mumbai. For her, the order means 21 days in a 6-by-9 foot room with five people, no work, a couple days of food and very less cash. As governments around the world debate ways to slow the spread of coronavirus, India has launched one of the most draconian social experiments in human history, locking down its entire population, including hundreds of millions of people who struggle to survive on a few dollars a day. (AP Photo/Rafiq Maqbool)


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March 31

Prayagraj, central India

The balloon seller just couldn’t get used to the lockdown.

“There is a strange stillness in our neighborhood since all this started,” said Rajesh Dhaikar.

Normally, he has a small stall in a nearby market, selling plastic bursts of red and blue and yellow one at a time, and rarely earning more than $2.50 a day. His wife, Suneeta, makes about $20 a month cleaning homes.

They have two rooms with a thatch roof covered with a blue tarpaulin. In the rainy season, water seeps in. The single light dangles from a cord.

Suneeta sleeps on the only bed. The five kids sleep on the floor lined up under blankets. Rajesh sometimes sleeps on the sidewalk out front, stretched out on a cart handmade from wooden planks and bicycle tires.

They have a bank account — with about $6.50 in it.

Nearly half the family’s income comes from their 17-year-old son Deepak, a thin, wiry boy with carefully combed hair and a teenager’s bored slouch. He dropped out of school after 7th grade and now makes about $40 a month working in a neighborhood tea stall. One day, he says, he’ll have his own stall.

When he can, Deepak slips outside to play cricket with friends. They scatter when the police come by, then return to their match a few minutes later.

His mother doesn’t like it. Suneeta doesn’t completely understand coronavirus, but she knows getting near other people can kill you.

“What else do you expect from a 17-year-old? He doesn’t listen to anyone and does whatever he wants,” she said.

___

April 3

Along Highway 48, western India

The watchman confronted the lockdown by buying a bicycle.

A skinny, soft-spoken 30-year-old with a carefully trimmed beard, Mohammed Arif was working as a guard at a Mumbai apartment building when he got a call on April 1. His 60-year-old father had suffered a brain hemorrhage, and was battling for his life in a hospital in Rajouri, a small town in the Himalayan foothills of Kashmir.

By then the lockdown had begun. Buses and trains sat idle. Flights had been cancelled, though he couldn’t have afforded a ticket anyway.

So Arif bought a Hero Ranger bicycle with fading purple paint from a fellow guard for about $8, and set off the next morning with the equivalent of $12 in his pocket and a small rucksack with clothes, a loaf of bread and a water bottle.

His destination was 1,300 miles (2,100 kilometers) away.

“What choice do I have?” Arif said in a phone call at the end of his first day, when he still had more than 2,000 kilometers to go. “He has no one else.”

“Poor people suffer always and face tribulations. There’s no escape,” he said. “But at least my conscience is clear.”

Repeatedly, Arif stumbled onto people who helped him. In one town, a man running a tiny tire-repair shop offered him chicken and rice. A couple days later, a truck driver shared his lunch.

One of the biggest surprises: the police. The Indian poor often fear the police, who regularly demand bribes and beat people with their bamboo staffs. But while police stopped Arif a few times, they always let him pass once he told his story.

He sleeps near gas stations, because they are well lit, or at closed roadside restaurants. Sometimes, he stops when he simply can go no further.

“I reached a highway village last night and wanted to rest there until dawn. But the villagers told me to go away,” he said in one early morning phone call. “They said people might harm me, or even kill me.”

He quickly left and kept pedaling until he reached a small forest.

“I stopped and I’m now waiting for sunrise,” he said.

A few days later, luck won out. After 450 kilometers (300 miles) of cycling, India’s paramilitary police picked him up and, in a public relations display, arranged trucks to take him to the hospital where they were transferring his father.

He brought the bicycle with him.

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April 6

Sanjrabad, north India

For three days, Ramshri Verma and the other migrants remained locked in the school in her ancestral village. Local officials brought them nothing. The group begged passersby for food and water.

Finally, a team of doctors escorted by police opened the school’s doors. The doctors stood well back, talking to the group from a distance.

For Verma and her family, quarantine was over.

The doctors didn’t check anyone’s temperatures or run any tests. “They only told us that we should wash our hands and then we were told to go home,” she said.

The maid and her family moved into her father in-law’s house.

At first it felt like being released from prison, but it quickly became clear things wouldn’t be much easier.

Because they weren’t registered in the village, they were not eligible for the food rations that local officials were occasionally distributing for the poor. They are surviving on handouts from family of flour and rice, and a few dollars her husband earned working as a laborer for a couple of days.

The neighbors avoid them, especially when they walk to the communal tap to get water, fearing they carry coronavirus.

She keeps her children at home. When they aren’t watching phone videos, they join her on the roof.

“We can see a lot of things from the roof: cows, goats, buffaloes,” said Verma.

The children also watch the village kids play. But they never join in.

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April 10

Mumbai, western India

Things were growing tense in the Jakhawadiya house. So many days locked together in a tiny space. So little to do. They watched TV — state television was rebroadcasting The Ramayana, an iconic, 78-episode series based on the Hindu epic that was wildly popular in the 1980s — but that eats up only so much time.

The gangsters who run the neighborhood had come by a few times for their $65 monthly rent, which was due on April 1. But the family didn’t have the money.

Mina Jakhawadiya was worried. The family was hungry, though aid groups were distributing enough food every few days to keep the worst hunger at bay.

“I know we are facing bad days ahead,” said Jakhawadiya, a fierce-eyed 47-year-old woman who, like many in India’s vast slums, is a force of will. She knew how to arrange for a daughter’s heart surgery and can feed her family on her minuscule profits. But she’s never faced anything like this.

When things grew especially difficult, it was her quiet husband, Ramesh, who defused the tension, joking and roughhousing with the kids.

“I saw him laughing today,” Mina said in early April, clearly surprised. “The kids were laughing too. I felt really good inside but I have this perpetual fear of what might happen next. Today we have a roof to sleep under, but what if tomorrow we’re evicted? What if we have no food?”

She refuses to watch the news. By April 10, coronavirus cases had reached 7,598, with 226 deaths.

“There is no good news right now,” she said. “All they talk about on the television is people dying.”

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April 12

Prayagraj, central India

The teenage tea-stall worker, Deepak Dhaikar, was increasingly unhappy.

“The lockdown was not the right decision,” grumbled Deepak, whose friends no longer came out to play cricket. “The rich can survive even if the lockdown stretches for a year, but what will the poor do?”

Without even a television, he had started going to bed earlier, and waking up later. One day was blurring into the next.

But sometimes, a 17-year-old who knows the streets can be useful.

When a call came that his grandparents had run out of bread, his mother turned to Deepak.

His grandparents live a few miles (kilometers) away. She gave him a half-kilo (one pound) of flour and sent him out into the streets. He jogged through roads, alleys and fields, dodging police checkpoints or talking his way through them, until he reached his grandparents and delivered the food.

But like Deepak, many in India were growing frustrated as the lockdown stretched on.

On April 10, as cases kept climbing, hundreds of migrant workers desperate to return home took to the streets in the western city of Surat, burning cars. Police arrested at least 80 people.

Two days later, outside a wholesale vegetable market in the north Indian city of Patiala, police stopped a car of Sikh men, who carry swords as a declaration of their faith. When the police refused to let the men in without curfew passes, the Sikhs injured three policemen, chopping off the hand of one.

Across the country, small towns and villages had started closing themselves off, trying to keep the virus away.

“No outsiders allowed,” said a sign on a makeshift barricade in a village north of New Delhi, where groups of men demanded identification from passersby.

An hour’s drive away, in the barricaded village of Siroli, squads of young people were patrolling in search of Muslims, who increasingly were being blamed for the virus after a large spike in cases from a New Delhi meeting of an Islamic group.

“No Muslim is allowed in our village,” said Mohan Kumar, the leader of Siroli.

Such suspicions have threatened to widen religious fault lines that ripped New Delhi just weeks ago, when Hindu mobs attacked Muslims and dozens were killed.

In early April, the government tightened the lockdown in specific areas, using police to seal off neighborhoods with multiple infections, and ordering all stores closed and residents to remain at home. Government workers would deliver food and medicine.

In New Delhi alone, 23 such hot spots were ordered sealed on April 8. But in Deepak’s neighborhood, social distancing still seemed impossible.

“Poor families like ours live in crowded neighborhoods,” he said. “It’s hard to stay away from each other.”

In this March 30, 2020, photo, Mina Ramesh Jakhawadiya, center, scolds her son Ritik Ramesh, left, not to go out and play because of coronavirus and be in the house in Mumbai, India. Jakhawadiya makes a living selling cheap plastic goods with her husband on the streets of Mumbai. For her, the order means 21 days in a 6-by-9 foot room with five people, no work, a couple days of food and very less cash. As governments around the world debate ways to slow the spread of coronavirus, India has launched one of the most draconian social experiments in human history, locking down its entire population, including hundreds of millions of people who struggle to survive on a few dollars a day. (AP Photo/Rafiq Maqbool)__

April 14

Across India

In the tiny Mumbai house with plastic walls, Jakhawadiya’s family again gathered around the battered television to watch the prime minister.

Three weeks had passed since the lockdown began, and the virus had spread exponentially, from 536 confirmed cases to 11,487. Deaths jumped from 10 to 339. Both numbers, which are widely seen as undercounts, continued to climb.

“You have endured immense suffering to save your country,” Modi told the nation in his speech.

Then he announced the lockdown would continue for two more weeks, though some areas could be reopened next Monday. He gave few details. “It undoubtedly looks costly right now. But measured against the lives of Indian citizens, there is no comparison.”

Modi pleaded for Indians to look out for their neighbors: “Take care of as many poor people as you can.”

Mina Jakhawadiya and her family were stunned. That day, the rent collector had shouted at her and demanded payment. They still had received no government food handouts.

“We will die if people stop giving us food,” she said.

For the poor, hunger had become a worse enemy than COVID-19. People feared the virus — but the larger fear was about simply getting through the next two weeks. And what if the lockdown was extended again?

Elsewhere in Mumbai, thousands of migrants and slum-dwellers, furious over the lockdown extension, charged a train station demanding to go home. Police beat them back with bamboo batons.

In Assam, Talukdar, the beggar, was terrified: “Every day we are eating less food,” he said. His family was surviving on a monthly government food ration of 20 kilos (44 pounds) of rice, and meager handouts.

And in Prayagraj, the balloon seller was furious.

“These big leaders take decisions in their big houses!” said Rajesh Dhaikar.

“Did anyone ask the poor what they are eating?”


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Associated Press journalists Rafiq Maqbool, Rajesh Kumar Singh, Anupam Nath, Channi Anand, Aijaz Hussain, Emily Schmall and Yirmiyan Arthur contributed to this report.
New wave of infections threatens to collapse Japan hospitals

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In this Feb. 5, 2020, photo, an ambulance carrying a passenger onboard cruise ship Diamond Princess arrives at a hospital in Yokohama, near Tokyo. Hospitals in Japan are increasingly turning away sick people in ambulances as the country braces for a surge in coronavirus infections. The Japanese Association for Acute Medicine and the Japanese Society for Emergency Medicine say emergency medicine has already collapsed with many hospitals refusing to treat people including those suffering strokes, heart attacks and external injuries. (Kyodo News via AP)(Sadayuki Goto/Kyodo News via AP)

TOKYO (AP) — Hospitals in Japan are increasingly turning away sick people as the country struggles with surging coronavirus infections and its emergency medical system collapses.

In one recent case, an ambulance carrying a man with a fever and difficulty breathing was rejected by 80 hospitals and forced to search for hours for a hospital in downtown Tokyo that would treat him. Another feverish man finally reached a hospital after paramedics unsuccessfully contacted 40 clinics.

The Japanese Association for Acute Medicine and the Japanese Society for Emergency Medicine say many hospital emergency rooms are refusing to treat people including those suffering strokes, heart attacks and external injuries.

Japan initially seemed to have controlled the outbreak by going after clusters of infections in specific places, usually enclosed spaces such as clubs, gyms and meeting venues. But the spread of virus outpaced this approach and most new cases are untraceable.

The outbreak has highlighted underlying weaknesses in medical care in Japan, which has long been praised for its high quality insurance system and reasonable costs. Apart from a general unwillingness to embrace social distancing, experts fault government incompetence and a widespread shortage of the protective gear and equipment medical workers need to do their jobs.

Japan lacks enough hospital beds, medical workers or equipment. Forcing hospitalization of anyone with the virus, even those with mild symptoms, has left hospitals overcrowded and understaffed.

The “collapse of emergency medicine” has already happened, a precursor to the overall collapse of medicine, the Japanese Association for Acute Medicine and the Japanese Society for Emergency Medicine said in a joint statement. By turning away patients, hospitals are putting an excessive burden on the limited number of advanced and critical emergency centers, the groups said.

“We can no longer carry out normal emergency medicine,” said Takeshi Shimazu, an Osaka University emergency doctor.

There are not enough protective gowns, masks and face shields, raising risks of infection for medical workers and making treatment of COVID-19 patients increasingly difficult, said Yoshitake Yokokura, who heads the Japan Medical Association.

In March, there were 931 cases of ambulances getting rejected by more than five hospitals or driving around for 20 minutes or longer to reach an emergency room, up from 700 in March last year. In the first 11 days of April, that rose to 830, the Tokyo Fire Department said. Department official Hiroshi Tanoue said the number of cases surged largely because suspected coronavirus cases require isolation until test results arrive.
Infections in a number of hospitals have forced medical workers to self-isolate at home, worsening staff shortages.

Tokyo’s new cases started to spike in late March, the day after the Tokyo Olympics was postponed for a year. They’ve been rising at an accelerating pace for a current total of 2,595. Most patients are still hospitalized, pushing treatment capacity to its limits.

With about 10,000 cases and 170 deaths, Japan’s situation is not as dire as New York City’s which has had more than 10,000 deaths, or Italy’s, with more than 21,000 fatalities, according to Johns Hopkins University.

But there are fears Japan’s outbreak could become much worse.

Doctors say they are stretched thin. Since it takes time for COVID-19 to be diagnosed, patients who show up at hospitals can unintentionally endanger those around them. On Thursday, the medical workers’ union demanded the government pay them high-risk allowances and provide sufficient protective gear.

Medical workers are now reusing N95 masks and making their own face shields. The major city of Osaka has sought contributions of unused plastic raincoats for use as hazmat gowns. Abe has appealed to manufacturers to step up production of masks and gowns, ventilators and other supplies.

A government virus task force has warned that, in a worst-case scenario where no preventive measures were taken, more than 400,000 could die due to shortages of ventilators and other intensive care equipment.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has said the government has secured 15,000 ventilators and is getting support of Sony and Toyota Motor Corp. to produce more.

Japanese hospitals also lack ICUs, with only five per 100,000 people, compared to about 30 in Germany, 35 in the U.S. and 12 in Italy, said Osamu Nishida, head of the Japanese Society of Intensive Care Medicine.

Italy’s 10% mortality rate, compared to Germany’s 1%, is partly due to the shortage of ICU facilities, Nishida said. “Japan, with ICUs not even half of Italy’s, is expected to face a fatality overshoot very quickly,” he said.

Japan has been limiting testing for the coronavirus mainly because of rules requiring any patients to be hospitalized. Surging infections have prompted the Health Ministry to loosen those rules and move patients with milder symptoms to hotels to free up beds for those requiring more care.

Calls for social distancing have not worked well enough in crowded cities like Tokyo, experts say, with many people still commuting to offices in crowded trains even after the prime minister declared a state of emergency.

Officials fear people may travel during the upcoming “golden week” holiday in early May.

“From the medical field, we are hearing cries of desperation that lives that can be saved may no longer be possible,” Abe said Friday. “I ask you all again, please refrain from going out.”
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Follow Mari Yamaguchi on Twitter at https://https.twitter.com/mariyamaguchi and Yuri Kageyama at https://twitter.com/yurikageyama
With no school, calls drop but child abuse hasn’t amid virus

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FILE - In this April 10, 2020 file photo, Adams Elementary School third-grade teacher Lisel Corneil, left, and fifth-grade teacher Allie Campbell are among educators who constructed from plastic drinking cups a "We Miss You All-Stars" message to their students in a fence in Spokane, Wash. With schools closed and teachers unable to report suspected cases of abuse and neglect, child welfare agencies have lost some of their best eyes and ears during a highly stressful time for families who have lost jobs and are locked down together at home. April is Child Abuse Prevention Month, but across the country, states are reporting fewer calls to child abuse hotlines, worrying child welfare officials that abuse is going unreported during the coronavirus pandemic. (Dan Pelle/The Spokesman-Review via AP, File)


HELENA, Mont. (AP) — With schools closed and teachers unable to report suspected cases of abuse and neglect, child welfare agencies have lost some of their best eyes and ears during a stressful time for families who have lost jobs and are locked down together during the coronavirus pandemic.

April is Child Abuse Prevention Month, and across the country, states are reporting fewer calls to child abuse hotlines, not because officials believe there are fewer cases but because they’re going unreported.

“When there are large-scale job losses in communities, child maltreatment rates go up,” said Anna Gassman-Pines, a Duke University public policy professor whose expertise includes the effect of unemployment on children. “So we all need to be thinking about, during this time of stay-at-home orders and widespread economic strain, that those are the conditions under which families with preexisting vulnerabilities might be under — a lot of increased strain and stress.”

Calls to Washington state’s child abuse hotline are down about 50%, while Montana, Oklahoma and Louisiana are reporting about a 45% reduction since schools closed last month to slow the spread of the virus. Arizona’s calls are down a third compared with previous weeks, and Nevada has seen a 14% drop compared with March 2019.

“That means many children are suffering in silence,” said Darren DaRonco, spokesman for the Arizona Department of Child Safety.

Agencies are now asking others to fill in the reporting gaps that have emerged with school closures.

“Everyone, whether you’re a store clerk, a mailman, a neighbor or a relative, everyone has the responsibility of reporting child abuse,” said New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, whose state has seen calls drop by half in recent weeks. “While calls have gone down, that doesn’t mean abuse has stopped.”

Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine recently echoed that sentiment, saying “we do not have enough eyes on these children” and asking “everyone else to try to be more vigilant.”

Moira O’Neill, director of New Hampshire’s Office of the Child Advocate, said people being stuck at home and losing their routines likely has increased stresses that contribute to child abuse, such as economic insecurity and limited access to medical and mental health care.

Calls are increasing to domestic violence hotlines, an indication that some children may be trapped in unsafe homes, said Jill Cook, assistant director of the American School Counselor Association in Virginia.

“My concern is children for whom school was a safe space are now perhaps in environments where they really don’t have a lot of leverage to move or go outside or leave — that they’re in unsafe environments,” Cook said.

The organization is encouraging school counselors to make sure school websites list community and national crisis hotlines.

In New Mexico, the Children, Youth and Families Department said it “is increasing communication with domestic violence shelters, youth shelters, hospitals, police, the Department of Health and other partners involved in keeping children safe.”

The decrease in calls is more than the typical drop seen during the summer break, when agencies still receive reports from day care providers or other community members who interact with children.

Now, “not only are they out of school, but they are isolated from everybody else,” said Nikki Grossberg, deputy administrator of Montana’s Child and Family Services Division.

States are encouraging people to reach out to their extended families or others in their community if they are facing challenges that put children at higher risk of abuse and neglect, said Marti Vining, the Montana agency’s administrator.

Vining said families that are overwhelmed can call state hotlines to get referred for help with public assistance, possible child care and a plan to help them deal with stress.

“The message that we want to get out is that the challenges that our families face, they’re not going to stop just because there’s a pandemic,” Vining said. “It’s just really important that we all step up and do what we can to help support families that are maybe facing challenges.”

FILE - In this March 4, 2020 file photo, Wanda Ahasteen stops by a memorial for a 6-year-old boy in Flagstaff, Ariz. With schools closed and teachers unable to report suspected cases of abuse and neglect, child welfare agencies have lost some of their best eyes and ears during a highly stressful time for families who have lost jobs and are locked down together at home. April is Child Abuse Prevention Month, but across the country, states are reporting fewer calls to child abuse hotlines, worrying child welfare officials that abuse is going unreported during the coronavirus pandemic. (Jake Bacon/Arizona Daily Sun via AP, File)

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Associated Press reporters Holly Ramer in Concord, New Hampshire; Andrew Welsh-Huggins in Columbus, Ohio; Susan Montoya Bryan in Albuquerque, New Mexico; Bob Christie in Phoenix and Michelle Price in Las Vegas contributed to this story
10 years after BP spill: Oil drilled deeper; rules relaxed

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FILE - This April 21, 2010 file photo shows oil in the Gulf of Mexico, more than 50 miles southeast of Venice on Louisiana's tip, as the Deepwater Horizon oil rig burns. Ten years after an oil rig explosion killed 11 workers and unleashed an environmental nightmare in the Gulf of Mexico, companies are drilling into deeper and deeper waters where the payoffs can be huge but the risks are greater than ever. (AP Photo/Gerald Herbert, File)


NEW ORLEANS (AP) — Ten years after an oil rig explosion killed 11 workers and unleashed an environmental nightmare in the Gulf of Mexico, companies are drilling into deeper and deeper waters, where the payoffs can be huge but the risks are greater than ever.

Industry leaders and government officials say they’re determined to prevent a repeat of BP’s Deepwater Horizon disaster. It spilled 134 million gallons of oil that fouled beaches from Louisiana to Florida, killed hundreds of thousands of marine animals and devastated the region’s tourist economy.

Yet safety rules adopted in the spill’s aftermath have been eased as part of President Donald Trump’s drive to boost U.S. oil production. And government data reviewed by The Associated Press shows the number of safety inspection visits has declined in recent years, although officials say checks of electronic records, safety systems and individual oil rig components have increased.

Today companies are increasingly reliant on production from deeper and inherently more dangerous oil reserves, where drill crews can grapple with ultra-high pressures and oil temperatures that can top 350 degrees (177 degrees Celsius).

Despite almost $2 billion in spending by the industry on equipment to respond to an oil well blowout like BP’s, some scientists, former government officials and environmentalists say safety practices appear to be eroding. And there are worries that cleanup tactics have changed little in decades and are likely to prove as ineffective as they were in 2010.

In this June 3, 2010 file photo, a Brown Pelican is mired in oil from the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, on the beach at East Grand Terre Island along the Louisiana coast.(AP Photo/Charlie Riedel, File)

“I’m concerned that in the industry, the lessons aren’t fully learned — that we’re tending to backslide,” said Donald Boesch, a marine science professor at the University of Maryland who was on a federal commission that determined the BP blowout was preventable.

Regulators and industry leaders say they’ve employed lessons from the April 20, 2010, disaster to make deep-water drilling safer by setting tougher construction and enforcement standards.

“I think the event 10 years ago really initiated kind of a new day in offshore safety,” said Debra Phillips, of the American Petroleum Institute, a standards-setting trade association.

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Companies have a financial interest in preventing a repeat of the 2010 disaster, which cost BP more than $69 billion in cleanup, fines, fees and settlements. Questions over environmental effects linger, and litigation continues over health problems suffered by cleanup workers.


Competing oil giants joined in the disaster’s wake to create the Marine Well Containment Co., which has equipment and vessels positioned regionwide to quickly corral oil if another major spill occurs.

“All of (the) industry wanted to make sure that nothing like it could ever happen again,” said CEO David Nickerson, at the company’s complex near Corpus Christi on Texas’ coast.

He was dwarfed by “capping stacks”″ — multistory structures of piping, valves and gauges designed to be lowered to halt a major high-pressure blowout.

The hope is that such equipment won’t be needed. Yet the Trump administration has relaxed rules adopted in 2016, including the frequency of drilling rig safety tests. That’s projected to save energy companies roughly $1.7 billion in compliance costs over a decade.

An AP review found the number of safety inspection visits by the U.S. Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement — created after the spill — went down more than 20% over the past six years in the Gulf.

Industry advocates say inspection figures reflect greater emphasis on complex systems that influence safety rather than minor technical matters, and note there are fewer, if bigger, active oil platforms. They say the administration’s rule changes allow companies to deviate from “one-size-fits-all” standards not always suited to water pressure and other conditions at individual wells.

“Sometimes, when the regulations are quite prescriptive, it can actually inadvertently deteriorate safety,” said Phillips, of the American Petroleum Institute.

In this July 13, 2017, released by the U.S. Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement, An oil industry facility in the Gulf of Mexico is seen. (U.S. Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement via AP)

Environmentalists and critics say the changes appear to be eroding safety practices adopted after the spill.

“The industry itself is in the lead in trying to reduce its risk and protect its workers,” said Bob Deans of the National Resources Defense Council, one of several environmental groups suing over Trump administration changes. “The problem comes when you’re behind schedule, over budget and pressure comes from on top to get the job done and move on to the next project. That was the problem on Deepwater Horizon.″

The federal commission that studied the accident and the federal judge who oversaw myriad lawsuits put the blame on BP for poor management. In a key court ruling, U.S. District Judge Carl Barbier said “profit-driven decisions” on the rig were made in “conscious disregard of known risks.”

Debate over the strength of regulation and industry safety consciousness goes on as wells close to shore run dry and companies drill in deeper waters farther offshore.

The average depth of deep water drilling steadily increased, from about 3,500 feet (1,070 meters) beneath the surface in 1999 to more than 4,600 feet (1,400 meters) in 2019, according to an AP analysis of data from the U.S. Interior Department’s Bureau of Ocean Energy Management.

That’s an increase of about 32%.

Drilling deeper makes well sites harder to reach in a blowout or other accident.

FILE - This April 21, 2010 file photo shows the Deepwater Horizon oil rig burning after an explosion in the Gulf of Mexico, off the southeast tip of Louisiana. Ten years after an oil rig explosion killed 11 workers and unleashed an environmental nightmare in the Gulf of Mexico, companies are drilling into deeper and deeper waters where the payoffs can be huge but the risks are greater than ever. (AP Photo/Gerald Herbert, File)

In the past year, the industry began producing crude for the first time from ultra-high pressure crude reserves in the Gulf. Overall production hit a record 2 million barrels a day before the coronavirus pandemic caused demand to plummet.

Pressures in those wells can approach 20,000 pounds per square inch, compared with almost 12,000 pounds for Deepwater Horizon.

“Higher risk, higher pressure, higher temperatures, more reliance on technology — it’s just a tougher environment to operate in,” said Lois Epstein, a civil engineer at the Wilderness Society who served on a government advisory committee post-spill.

Trump administration changes have intensified debate over how tightly the government should regulate, and what decisions should be left to industry professionals.

Much of the discussion centers on rules intended to keep wells under control, such as requirements for blowout preventers that failed in the spill.

The 2016 rule required companies to test the blowout preventers every 14 days. The Trump administration allows companies to test every 21 days, saying more frequent testing would risk equipment failure.

As deep-water activity has expanded, the number of inspections carried out by the government’s safety bureau has declined.

Inspections fell from 4,712 in 2013 to 3,717 in 2019, according to government data reviewed by AP.

Bureau spokesman Sandy Day said the inspection figures reflect visits by inspectors to rigs, platforms and other facilities. Day said the data doesn’t reflect electronic records reviewed remotely or the increased time spent at each facility and all inspection tasks performed. Those, he said, have increased from 9,287 in 2017 to 12,489 last year. The agency didn’t provide a breakdown.

“While on the facility we did numerous inspections of different items,” Day said, including equipment for preventing blowouts, fires, spills, or other major accidents. He said electronic records allow more work to be done from shore, rather than digging through paperwork on site.

The number of warnings and citations issued to companies for safety or environmental violations peaked in 2012 and has since fallen even faster than inspections. The decline accelerated under the current administration, agency documents show.

Fewer inspection visits and fewer citations suggests the safety improvements that took hold after the 2010 spill are unraveling, said Matt Lee-Ashley, former deputy chief of staff at the Interior Department.

“There is a value in having inspectors on board frequently. You have to establish a culture of enforcement,” said Lee-Ashley, now with the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning advocacy group.


Industry representatives maintain that inspection numbers don’t automatically translate to less effective oversight. Inspectors are less interested than in the past in technical violations and are focused on making sure comprehensive safety systems are in place to prevent major accidents, said Erik Milito, of industry trade group the National Ocean Industries Association.

“If you think about going out with a checklist and see if there are enough eyewash bottles, everybody has steel-toed shoes — you can do that, and bounce around from facility to facility,” he said. “But there’s got to be an emphasis on your more significant potential incidents, potential blowouts.”

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At the center of the debate is the agency formed to enforce offshore safety after Deepwater Horizon, the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement, and its director under Trump, Scott Angelle.

Angelle, a former Louisiana official who was a paid board member for an oil logistics company, has faced criticism from Democratic lawmakers and environmentalists for pushing through the relaxed safety rules against agency staff advice.

During a hearing last month before the House Natural Resources Committee, Rep. Mike Levin, D-Calif., accused Angelle of trying to hide information that didn’t support the administration’s goal of loosening regulations for petroleum companies.

Angelle said initial staff recommendations to keep the two-week testing frequency for blowout preventers “were not ready and ripe.” His office later released an Argonne National Laboratory study that concluded relaxing the testing regimen would have cost benefits and could improve safety, since frequent equipment testing can cause wear and tear that results in accidents.

Michael Bromwich, the safety agency’s director under Obama, credited the industry for taking action after the spill to overhaul drilling. But as time passed, Bromwich said companies became complacent and are now overseen by a man he calls an industry booster.

“You need to have somebody who believes in the regulatory mission and who doesn’t view themselves and doesn’t view their agency as a cheerleader for the industry,” Bromwich said.

Requests over several weeks to interview Angelle were declined. Spokesman Day said the director wants to make the bureau a “do-it-all” agency that can protect safety and the environment while advancing Trump’s goal of U.S. “energy dominance” globally.

Even if companies are prepared for another Deepwater Horizon, they could be overwhelmed by other accidents, such as of one of the Gulf’s frequent underwater mudslides wiping out a cluster of wellheads on the seafloor, said Florida State University oceanographer Ian MacDonald.

That could trigger a blowout that would be harder to stop due to the damaged wellheads being possibly hundreds of feet deep in muddy debris, said MacDonald, who helped determine the magnitude of the 2010 spill.

In addition to having ships and barges standing by to capture oil that escapes from accidents, the industry has stockpiled chemical dispersants to break up oil and it can mobilize thousands of workers to clean up crude that reaches the shore.

But the heavy use of dispersants during Deepwater Horizon stirred controversy both over its effectiveness and biological effects. And scientists say the technology applied to shore cleanups remains as rudimentary as it was 10 years ago.

Crews relied heavily on hand tools such as shovels and absorbent paper towels sometimes called “oil diapers.” Much of the crude was deemed unrecoverable and left to break down over time.

“It’s something you could have done 100 years ago,” said Louisiana State University engineering professor John Pardue. “We’re still moving oil around with minimum wage workers with their hands.”

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Brown reported from Billings, Montana. Janet McConnaughey contributed to this story from New Orleans.

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Follow Kevin McGill on Twitter: @mcgill56 and Matthew Brown on Twitter: @matthewbrownap
White House moves to weaken EPA rule on toxic compounds

FILE - In this June 17, 2019, file photo in Washington, a label states that these pans do not contain PFAS, perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances. The White House has intervened to weaken one of the few public health protections pursued by its own administration. Documents released Friday, April 17, 2020, show the White House stepped in to limit the scope of a pending rule that would target imports of products tainted with PFAS, used in nonstick and stain-resistant frying pans, rugs, and countless other consumer products. (AP Photo/Ellen Knickmeyer, File)


WASHINGTON (AP) — The Trump White House has intervened to weaken one of the few public health protections pursued by its own administration, a rule to limit the use of a toxic industrial compound in consumer products, according to communications between the White House and Environmental Protection Agency.

The documents show that the White House Office of Management and Budget formally notified the EPA by email last July that it was stepping into the crafting of the rule on the compound, perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances, used in nonstick and stain-resistant frying pans, rugs, and countless other consumer products.

The White House repeatedly pressed the agency to agree to a major loophole that could allow substantial imports of the PFAS-tainted products to continue, greatly weakening the proposed rule. EPA pushed back on the White House demand for the loophole, known as a “safe harbor” provision for industry.

Pushed again in January, the agency responded, “EPA opposes proposing a safe harbor provision, but is open to a neutrally-worded request for comment from the public” on the White House request.

The rule is one of the few concrete steps that the Trump administration has taken to deal with growing contamination by PFAS industrial compounds. The EPA has declared dating back to 2018 that consumer exposure to the substances was a “national priority” that the agency was confronting “aggressively.”

Delaware Sen. Tom Carper, the ranking Democrat on the Environment and Public Works Committee, who obtained the documents revealing the White House intervention, and public-health advocates say the White House action was led by Nancy Beck, a former chemical industry executive now detailed to President Donald Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers.

In a letter sent Friday to the EPA, Carper charged the White House pressure amounts to unusual intervention in what had been the EPA’s in-house efforts to regulate imports tainted with the compound. Trump has nominated Beck to lead the Consumer Product Safety Commission, a government panel charged with protecting Americans from harm by thousands of kinds of consumer goods.

Asked about the White House actions, EPA spokeswoman Corry Schiermeyer said in an email that “consulting with other federal agencies on actions is a normal process across government,” and that “EPA is often required to engage in an interagency review process led by OMB.”

“It is routine for the agency to receive input from all of our stakeholders, including our federal partners,” Schiermeyer wrote.

The EPA did not respond to a question about whether Beck led the White House intervention. Emails sent for comment to the White House, the White House Office of Management and Budget and Beck were not immediately answered.

Carper obtained pages of back-and-forth proposed changes, redline drafts and other communications between the White House Office of Management and Budget, the EPA and others on the draft rule. No authors are listed in many of the final rounds of White House edits, drafts and proposals and EPA’s responses.

Carper wrote to EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler on Friday to object to the White House push for weakening of the rule, newly revealed in the documents. Carper said it appeared that Beck, who was moved to the White House from a top regulatory job at the Trump EPA, “sought to make it more difficult for EPA to use its authority ... to protect Americans from these harmful substances.”

While thousands of kinds of PFAS compounds are still in use in the United States, the new EPA rule would set up agency oversight of imports of products that use a few kinds of the compounds that manufacturers agreed to phase out in this country starting in 2006. Those versions remain in production in some parts of the world.

In addition to the safe harbor loophole, another change sought by the White House would raise the technical bar for EPA to consider blocking any of the tainted products.

The agency agreed to rewrite the rule to include a third White House request, narrowing the range of imported products that would fall under the rule.

The official public comment period for the current form of the rule ends Friday, moving the proposal close to crafting of its final form. Congress, impatient for the Trump administration to start bringing the PFAS compounds under federal regulation, has ordered the administration to get a final rule out by mid-summer.

Even if the rule goes out in its current form, applying to fewer kinds of product imports, “it would certainly be better than where we are without it,” although “scaled back significantly from what it was originally,” said Richard Denison, lead senior scientist at the Environmental Defense Fund advocacy group, and a longtime monitor of the EPA’s regulation of toxic substances.

But if the final rule includes the other two key changes being pushed by the White House “it could even do more damage than good,” Denison said.

Industries also would be likely to push for those two exceptions in regulations of future substances, Denison said. “Those two provisions would establish precedence that the EPA has never used for 40 years..”

Industries produce thousands of versions of the man-made compounds. They are used in countless products, including nonstick cookware, water-repellent sports gear, cosmetics, and grease-resistant food packaging, along with firefighting foams.

Public health studies on exposed populations have associated them with an array of health problems, including some cancers, and weakened immunity. The advent of widespread testing for the contaminant over the past few years found it in high levels in many public water systems around the country. The administration initially sought in 2018 to suppress a federal toxicology warning on the danger of the compounds, then publicly vowed action.

Racial toll of virus grows even starker as more data emerges

By KAT STAFFORD, MEGHAN HOYER and AARON MORRISON

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People wait for a distribution of masks and food from the Rev. Al Sharpton in the Harlem neighborhood of New York, after a new state mandate was issued requiring residents to wear face coverings in public due to COVID-19, Saturday, April 18, 2020. "Inner-city residents must follow this mandate to ensure public health and safety," said Sharpton. The latest Associated Press analysis of available data shows that nearly one-third of those who have died from the coronavirus are African American, even though blacks are only about 14% of the population. (AP Photo/Bebeto Matthews)

As a clearer picture emerges of COVID-19’s decidedly deadly toll on black Americans, leaders are demanding a reckoning of the systemic policies they say have made many African Americans far more vulnerable to the virus, including inequity in access to health care and economic opportunity.

A growing chorus of medical professionals, activists and political figures is pressuring the federal government to not just release comprehensive racial demographic data of the country’s coronavirus victims, but also to outline clear strategies to blunt the devastation on African Americans and other communities of color.

On Friday, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released its first breakdown of COVID-19 case data by race, showing that 30% of patients whose race was known were black. The federal data was missing racial information for 75% of all cases, however, and did not include any demographic breakdown of deaths.

The latest Associated Press analysis of available state and local data shows that nearly one-third of those who have died are African American, with black people representing about 14% of the population in the areas covered in the analysis.

Roughly half the states, representing less than a fifth of the nation’s COVID-19 deaths, have yet to release demographic data on fatalities. In states that have, about a quarter of the death records are missing racial details.





Health conditions that exist at higher rates in the black community -- obesity, diabetes and asthma -- make African Americans more susceptible to the virus. They also are more likely to be uninsured, and often report that medical professionals take their ailments less seriously when they seek treatment.

“It’s America’s unfinished business -- we’re free, but not equal,” civil rights leader Rev. Jesse Jackson told the AP. “There’s a reality check that has been brought by the coronavirus, that exposes the weakness and the opportunity.”


This week, Jackson’s Rainbow PUSH Coalition and the National Medical Association, a group representing African American physicians and patients, released a joint public health strategy calling for better COVID-19 testing and treatment data. The groups also urged officials to provide better protections for incarcerated populations and to recruit more African Americans to the medical field.

Jackson also expressed support for a national commission to study the black COVID-19 toll modeled after the Kerner Commission, which studied the root causes of race riots in African American communities in the 1960s and made policy recommendations to prevent future unrest.


Daniel Dawes, director of Morehouse College’s School of Medicine’s Satcher Health Leadership Institute, said America’s history of segregation and policies led to the racial health disparities that exist today.

“If we do not take an appreciation for the historical context and the political determinants, then we’re only merely going to nibble around the edges of the problem of inequities,” he said.

The release of demographic data for the country’s coronavirus victims remains a priority for many civil rights and public health advocates, who say the numbers are needed to address disparities in the national response to the pandemic.

The AP analysis, based on data through Thursday, found that of the more than 21,500 victims whose demographic data was known and disclosed by officials, more than 6,350 were black, a rate of nearly 30%. African Americans account for 14.2% of the 241 million people who live in the areas covered by the analysis, which encompasses 24 states and the cities of Washington D.C., Houston, Memphis, Pittsburgh and Philadelphia — places where statewide data was unavailable.

The nation had recorded more than 33,000 deaths as of Thursday.

In some areas, Native American communities also have been hit hard. In New Mexico, Native Americans account for nearly 37% of the state’s 1,484 cases and about 11% of the state’s population. Of the 112 deaths where race is known in Arizona, 30 were Native Americans.

After Democratic lawmakers introduced legislation this week to try to compel federal health officials to post daily data breaking down cases and deaths by race, ethnicity and other demographics, the CDC released only caseload data that — similar to the AP’s analysis of deaths —show 30% of 111,633 infected patients whose race is known were black. African American patients in the 45-to-64 and 65-to-74 age groups represented an even larger share of the national caseload.

The lawmakers sent a letter last month to Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar urging federal release of the demographic data. And Joe Biden, the former vice president and presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, also called for its release.

Meanwhile, some black leaders have described the Trump administration’s response to COVID-19 as inadequate, after what they said was a hastily organized call with Vice President Mike Pence and CDC Director Robert Redfield last week.

According to a recording of the call obtained by the AP, Redfield said the CDC has been collecting demographic data from death certificates but that the comprehensiveness of the data depends on state and local health departments, many of which are overburdened by virus response. No plan was offered to help health officials in hard-hit communities collect the data, leaders who were on the call said.

Kristen Clarke, president of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, which took part in the call, said African Americans “have every reason to be alarmed at the administration’s anemic response to the disproportionate impact that this crisis is having on communities of color.”

Mistrust runs deep among residents in many communities.

St. Louis resident Randy Barnes is grappling not just with the emotional toll of losing his brother to the coronavirus, but also with the feeling that his brother’s case was not taken seriously.

Barnes said the hospital where his brother sought treatment initially sent him home without testing him and suggested he self-quarantine for 14 days. Five days later, his brother was back in the hospital, where he was placed on a ventilator for two weeks. He died April 13. Barnes’ brother and his wife also were caring for an 88-year-old man in the same apartment, who died from the virus around the same time.

“Those people are not being tested. They’re not being cared for,” Barnes said.

Eugene Rush lives in one of the areas outside large urban cities that have been hit hard with coronavirus cases. He is a sergeant for the sheriff’s department in Michigan’s Washtenaw County, west of Detroit, where black residents account for 46% of the COVID-19 cases but represent only 12% of the county’s population.

Rush, whose job includes community engagement, was diagnosed with COVID-19 near the end of March after what he initially thought was just a sinus infection. He had to be hospitalized twice, but is now on the mend at home, along with his 16-year-old son, who also was diagnosed with COVID-19.

“I had a former lieutenant for the city of Ypsilanti who passed while I was in the hospital and I had some fraternity brothers who caught the virus and were sick at the hospital,” Rush said. “At that point, I said, ‘Well, this is really, really affecting a lot of people’ and they were mostly African American. That’s how I knew that it was really taking a toll a little bit deeper in the African American community than I realized.”

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Stafford and Morrison are members of the AP’s Race and Ethnicity team. Stafford reported from Detroit, Morrison from New York and Hoyer from Washington. Associated Press writers Noreen Nasir in Chicago, Claudia Lauer in Philadelphia, Regina Garcia Cano in Washington, Chris Grygiel in Seattle and Kimberlee Kruesi in Nashville, Tennessee, contributed.