China’s Lithium Push Deepens Latin America’s Strategic Dependence – Analysis

The Centenario-Ratones lithium plant in the Salta province, Argentina. Photo Credit: Eramet

 September 2, 2026

By Diálogo Américas

Key Takeaways:

• Diálogo cites Evan Ellis: Chinese firms now seek the full lithium chain—mine, process, export, and rules—not just ore. A Collective on Chinese Financing report and Wood Mackenzie’s 39% of global output by 2030 forecast warn Latin America stays a raw-material supplier.
• Beijing’s Mineral Resources Law rules (in force June 15, 2026) tighten state control of strategic minerals; Argentina’s May 2026 RIGI incentives for Ganfeng’s Cauchari-Olaroz JV show hosts rewriting law to let China in, María Isabel Puerta says.
• Opacity and crime are the other costs: OjoPúblico cites a ~$12m Peru tailings-to-China fraud probe; the piece treats confidentiality and weak oversight as sovereignty leak, not only commercial risk.

The expansion of Chinese companies in Latin America’s lithium sector has evolved from a purely commercial enterprise into a source of geopolitical leverage. Beijing’s ambitions extend well beyond mining. Chinese firms are increasingly seeking influence across the entire lithium value chain — from extraction and processing to exports, and, increasingly, the regulatory frameworks that govern these resources.

Evan Ellis, research professor of Latin American Studies at the U.S. Army War College Institute for Strategic Studies, told Diálogo that “for the Chinese state, there is a strategic interest in ensuring that its own companies have access to the materials they need to support industrial development, supply their industries, and possess the technology to extract added value on their own.”

The report, China’s Presence in the Lithium Sector in Latin America and the Caribbean, produced by the Collective on Chinese Financing and Investments, Human Rights, and the Environment, warns that this model risks relegating producer countries to the role of raw material suppliers, with limited technology transfer or participation in higher-value stages of the supply chain. According to commodities analysis firm Wood Mackenzie, Chinese companies are expected to control 39 percent of global lithium production by 2030. In this scenario, Latin America supplies the resource while capturing only a fraction of its economic value

Beijing strengthens its grip on critical minerals

China has also strengthened its legal framework governing strategic minerals. New regulations implementing the country’s Mineral Resources Law took effect on June 15, 2026, reinforcing state oversight of the exploration, extraction, processing, and management of strategically important minerals. The regulations complement China’s broader system of export controls and national security measures designed to safeguard access to critical mineral supply chains.

Ellis believes this framework has significant geopolitical implications. “The Chinese state uses not only its access to minerals but also its processing capacity as a tool of leverage against other countries. Particularly in certain critical sectors, Beijing that uses that dominance as a strategic weapon,” Ellis said.

Regulatory changes open the door

China’s influence has expanded not only where regulatory gaps exist but also where legal frameworks have been modified to facilitate investment.

“China is making inroads in contexts where it was believed that the notion of danger would prevail — in cases where regulatory frameworks are not only weak but have been altered precisely to legalize that participation,” María Isabel Puerta, a political analyst and adjunct professor in Orlando, Florida, told Diálogo. “It’s not just a matter of vulnerable frameworks; they go so far as to modify them to facilitate this type of intervention.”

Argentina illustrates this dynamic. In May 2026, the government approved incentives under its Large Investment Incentive Regime (RIGI) for the expansion of the Cauchari-Olaroz lithium project, operated by a joint venture that includes China’s Ganfeng Lithium Group alongside Lithium Argentina and Jujuy Energía y Minería Sociedad del Estado (JEMSE). The decision reflects Argentina’s willingness to encourage China’s participation in strategic projects.

Puerta argues that viewing Chinese investment as less risky is a strategic mistake. “It may have decreased in some cases, but it has increased in others, such as in Brazil and even in Central America — and I’m not just talking about regimes aligned with China, like Nicaragua.”

Opacity, organized crime, and sovereignty

Beijing’s growing presence in Latin America’s mining sector is also accompanied by another concern: limited transparency. Contracts, bidding processes, and memorandums of understanding between governments and Chinese companies are often protected by confidentiality clauses that restrict public oversight and weaken accountability. This lack of transparency can create opportunities for corruption and criminal activity.

An investigation by OjoPúblico found that Peruvian authorities are investigating representatives of eight companies allegedly linked to a criminal network that illegally extracted, stole, and exported mining tailings containing gold, copper, and silver to China using fraudulent permits in an operation valued at nearly $12 million.

The cumulative effect is a gradual erosion of national sovereignty. Countries risk losing greater control over strategically important resources, limiting opportunities for industrial development while increasing their exposure to geopolitical pressure beyond their control.

The trend extends beyond mining policy. It reflects a long-term strategy that combines investment, legislation, commercial influence, and limited transparency to strengthen China’s position across critical mineral supply chains, making lithium an increasingly important factor in the region’s strategic landscape.

• This article was published by Diálogo Américas 

About Diálogo Américas

Diálogo Américas is a professional magazine published by U.S. Southern Command as an international forum for security issues in Latin America.

View all posts by Diálogo Américas →

 

When Foreign Investment Connects: Africa, Asia And The Geography Of Global Production – Analysis

 September 2, 2026

By Danilo Desiderio

Key Takeaways:

• The issue for Africa is not only how much FDI arrives but how deeply MNEs embed: local suppliers, domestic value added, and regional production chains versus export enclaves.
• ADB’s 2026 comparison shows foreign firms can bulk large in exports without matching GVA; East/Southeast Asia linked affiliates into component trade, Latin America sits in between, Africa is more uneven—Morocco autos/aerospace, Ethiopia apparel, Kenya agribusiness as pockets, extractives as the common weak-link case.
• Fragmented markets and thin intermediate-input systems limit spillover; the next frontier is turning isolated plants into continental production networks, not just more capital.

The debate on foreign investment in Africa tends often to focus on how much capital the continent attracts. Yet the volume of investment says little about its developmental impact. Firms invest abroad for different reasons and through different models, but multinational enterprises (MNEs) are particularly important because of their capacity to organise production across borders, connect suppliers to international markets and transfer technology and know-how. The critical question, therefore, is not simply whether foreign firms invest in Africa, but how deeply that investment becomes embedded in the economies where it operates. Does it generate local suppliers, domestic value added and regional production linkages, or does it remain relatively disconnected from the wider productive economy?

The Asian Development Policy Report 2026 provides a useful comparative lens because it examines the contribution of foreign MNEs to gross value added and exports. The comparison points to important differences between Africa and the economies of Asia and the Pacific, while also revealing substantial variation within the Asian region. The report suggests that Africa’s challenge is not only quantitative (in terms of the volume of foreign capital it attracts), but also qualitative: the extent to which that investment becomes embedded in domestic and regional productive networks.

This is, however, not a uniform story. The continent contains markedly different patterns of MNE integration. Morocco, for example, has become an important production base for European automotive and aerospace companies, with foreign firms increasingly connected to local suppliers and export markets. Ethiopia and Kenya have also developed pockets of integration into apparel, agribusiness and other value chains. These cases demonstrate that African economies can become platforms for internationally connected production. The broader problem is that such integration remains relatively concentrated and uneven across countries and sectors, and less extensive than the dense production networks that characterize much of East and Southeast Asia.

The regional comparison provides a useful way of putting this unevenness into perspective.  The graphic below, extracted from the Asian Development Policy Report 2026, compares the contribution of MNEs to domestic production and exports across regions. The comparison reveals an important distinction: the foreign-MNE footprint in exports does not necessarily translate into a commensurate contribution to domestic gross value added (GVA). This is particularly relevant for Africa, where foreign firms can account for a significant share of exports while their contribution to economy-wide value added remains comparatively more limited. The gap points to a deeper question about the nature of foreign investment: how far is it connected to the wider productive economy through domestic suppliers, value creation and regional production networks, rather than operating primarily through relatively self-contained export-oriented activities? The figure does not by itself answer this question, but it provides a useful starting point for examining the extent to which foreign investment becomes embedded in the economies in which it operates.

Figure 1: Share of Foreign MNEs in Gross Value Added and Exports (% GDP)

The experience of the more deeply integrated Asian economies (indicated in the graphic with the acronym AAP) helps explain why this distinction matters. In many Asian economies, foreign MNEs became central actors in export-oriented production systems. They did not merely establish factories; they connected economies through trade in components, intermediate inputs and services. Foreign affiliates became embedded in supplier networks and regional production chains, linking domestic firms to international markets. The result was a close relationship between MNE presence, exports and domestic productive transformation.

The question of embeddedness is ultimately inseparable from the broader question of how regional production systems develop. In “Emerging States and Economies”, Sugihara argues that Asian industrialization was associated with a mutually reinforcing relationship between intra-regional trade and industrialization, a dynamic that developed much less extensively in Africa and Latin America. Accordingly, the significance of the Asian experience lies not simply in its ability to attract foreign firms, but in its ability to embed those firms within dense regional production networks, where capital, technology, intermediate goods and production stages move across borders.

Latin America presents a different configuration. Foreign MNEs play a substantial role in production and exports, and several economies have developed sophisticated export industries. Yet the region has generally developed denser regional production networks than Africa, but less extensive ones than those found in East and Southeast Asia. Foreign investment has therefore been important without generating the same degree of cross-border fragmentation of production found in many Asian value chains. The relevant divide, therefore, is not between regions that attract MNEs and those that do not, but between different degrees and forms of productive integration.

Africa’s internal diversity makes this distinction particularly important. Morocco’s automotive industry, Ethiopia’s apparel sector, and Kenyan agro-processing and horticultural exports demonstrate that African economies can become effectively integrated into international value chains. Yet these successes coexist with a much larger group of economies where foreign investment remains concentrated in extractive industries or other activities with relatively limited linkages to domestic suppliers and regional production. The result is an uneven landscape, with pockets of deep integration alongside large areas of relatively weak productive embeddedness.

The distinction is crucial. An MNE that sources locally, transfers technology, develops suppliers and exports through regional production networks can generate effects that extend well beyond its own balance sheet. An investment operating largely as an enclave generates far fewer such linkages. The issue, therefore, is not whether foreign companies are present in Africa. They clearly are. The question is whether their presence helps create broader production ecosystems.

This is where Africa’s structural disadvantage becomes apparent. Many economies still lack the dense combination of domestic firms, intermediate-input markets, infrastructure, finance and regional connectivity that allows foreign investment to generate cumulative productive effects. Fragmented national markets reinforce the problem. Even where an individual African country has successfully attracted an MNE, the absence of efficient regional trade can limit the scope for developing cross-border supplier networks and production specialization.

The comparative lesson from Asia, Latin America and Africa is not that foreign investment is inherently transformative, but that its impact depends on what it connects to. Where foreign firms become embedded in dense networks of domestic suppliers, regional trade and cross-border production, investment can become a powerful engine of structural transformation. Africa already offers examples of this model. The challenge is to turn these pockets of integration into a much broader continental pattern. 

After decades of attracting foreign capital, the next frontier for Africa is therefore not simply more investment, but investment that builds lasting links between firms, suppliers, skills and production across African economies, turning individual projects into building blocks of an integrated African production system.

About Danilo Desiderio

Danilo Desiderio is a trade policy specialist focusing on customs systems, trade facilitation, and regional integration, with particular emphasis on trade and logistics dynamics in Africa. He is the Founder and CEO of Desiderio Consultants, a Nairobi-based advisory firm in Kenya. His research adopts an interdisciplinary approach, combining institutional economics, trade theory, and behavioural analysis to examine the operational and systemic dimensions of trade governance, contributing both to practitioner-oriented reforms and to emerging conceptual frameworks in trade analysis. He is also a trade policy expert and Senior Associate at the Horn Economic and Social Policy Institute (HESPI).

View all posts by Danilo Desiderio →

Feds And 22 States Sue Amazon, Alleging Deceptive Advertising Scheme


An Amazon warehouse near Newport, Delaware. (Photo by Jacob Owens/Spotlight Delaware)

September 1, 2026
Stateline

By Alex Brown

Key Takeaways:

The FTC and 22 state AGs sued Amazon Monday in W.D. Wash., alleging an “invented auction participant” and reserve-price design inflated sponsored-product and placement bids for more than a million sellers over 7+ years, with costs passed to shoppers.

Ferguson and Rhode Island AG Neronha want penalties, restitution, and an injunction; Amazon calls the theory a misread of relevance-weighted auctions and says inflation-adjusted CPC was flat 2019–2024 after a 1.5-million-page review.

Context: Amazon is the world’s No. 3 digital ad seller (~$68bn last year); it separately paid $2.5bn last year to settle FTC Prime-enrollment claims.

(Stateline) — The Federal Trade Commission and attorneys general from 22 states sued Amazon Monday, claiming the online retail company used artificial bids to inflate costs for advertisers, bringing in tens of billions of dollars.

The complaint alleges that Amazon used an “invented auction participant” to drive up prices for advertising placements and sponsored product spots on its online store. The lawsuit quotes a former company employee who said the system allowed the company to charge prices “beyond what [can] be achieved through advertiser competition.”


“Amazon has millions of advertising customers who were misled into paying significantly higher prices,” FTC Chairman Andrew Ferguson said in a statement. “These higher costs were largely passed on to American consumers.”

The complaint says that Amazon has carried out the scheme for more than seven years, increasing prices for more than a million brands and sellers.

The FTC’s lawsuit was filed along with the attorneys general of Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Nebraska, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Vermont and Washington.

“As alleged, this is a textbook example of illegal behavior by a corporation which places profits above all else,” Rhode Island Attorney General Peter Neronha, a Democrat, said in a statement. “The ubiquity of Amazon in American society pushes small- and medium-sized businesses to engage with the Company in order to stay afloat.”

Per Neronha’s statement, the coalition is pursuing “civil penalties, restitution, costs and fees, and injunctive relief.”

In a blog post responding to the lawsuit, Amazon said that “the FTC’s claim fundamentally misunderstands how advertisers operate.” The company asserted that the average cost-per-click for sponsored product search ads remained flat adjusted for inflation from 2019 to 2024.

“After reviewing approximately 1.5 million pages spanning six years, the FTC leans on a handful of simplified communications to allege a companywide effort to deceive,” Amazon wrote in its blog. “That is patently false.”

The company claims its “soft reserve prices” allowed it to award advertisements to the most relevant bids, rather than the highest bid amount, while still charging the true market value of an ad placement.


The complaint was filed in U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington. Amazon is headquartered in Seattle.

Amazon is the third-largest digital advertising business worldwide, according to CNBC, behind only Google and Meta, with more than $68 billion in ad revenue last year.

Last year, Amazon and the FTC agreed to a $2.5 billion settlement over separate allegations that the company deceptively enrolled customers in Prime subscriptions and made it difficult for them to cancel.

Stateline reporter Alex Brown can be reached at abrown@stateline.org


About Stateline

Stateline journalists illuminate the big challenges and policy trends that cross state borders. We cover health care, education, the environment and other issues that shape our daily lives — and can be influenced by unseen forces. Stateline is part ofStates Newsroom, the nation’s largest state-focused nonprofit news organization, with reporting from every capital.
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What's behind France's plan to survey school children on sexual violence?

By Estelle Nilsson-Julien

Published on 02/09/2026 - EURONEWS

For the first time, France's annual school questionnaire on bullying — which has been handed out to pupils since 2023 — will include questions on sexual violence. Pupils will be able to choose whether or not they wish to remain anonymous in this questionnaire, to be distributed in November.

Ringing school bells marked the start of the new year academic year in France on Tuesday. This year, the government has introduced a string of unprecedented measures, including a ban on mobile phones in primary and secondary schools, as well as new steps to tackle sexual violence.

For the first time, France's annual school questionnaire on bullying — which has been handed out to pupils since 2023 — will include questions on sexual violence. Pupils will be able to choose whether or not to they wish to remain anonymous in this questionnaire, which will be distributed in November.

Speaking to French broadcaster BFMTV on 25 August, France's education minister Édouard Geffray, said that around 10 million pupils, ranging from primary to secondary school, would complete the form, designed "with school staff, parents' associations and a committee of experts, including child psychiatrists". According to the minister, the results could be "seismic".

Teachers will collect the forms first. If any responses raise concerns, school leaders are then expected to step in, either by reporting the case to the relevant regional education authority or, in more serious situations, referring it to the justice system.

This initiative comes in the wake of numerous child sexual violence scandals in France, particularly in supervised childcare services. In Paris alone, there are 203 criminal investigations underway into alleged acts of violence, including sexual violence, in schools and in after-school settings, according to the latest official figures dated 26 August.

Despite these alarming figures, schools are still the main place where child sexual abuse reports are filed, with on average 80,000 reports a year, according to France's education minister.

Estimates made in 2023 by the CIIVISE (the Independent Commission on Incest and Sexual Violence against Children) assessed that around 160,000 children are victims of sexual violence every year in France, with 77% of this abuse occurring in a family environment. That amounts to one child being raped or sexually assaulted every three minutes.

Parents divided on the matter: "School must be a sanctuary"

According to France's education minister, questions about sexual violence will be tailored to pupils' ages. Despite this, parents have mixed feelings.

For Samuel Bougnat, a father of a three-year-old, the measure is a step in the right direction, "I think school has a role to play in providing support and in reporting possible violence, because school should be a sanctuary, a place where children can feel confident enough to talk about things that may be happening at home"."

Another father of two young children who preferred to remain anonymous also backed the measure, "personally, I think it is pragmatic given that all children are supposed to go through school at some point; so if there is one place where we can spot things that are problematic and dangerous for children, it is there."

"As a parent, I will be paying close attention to how these forms are rolled out through, especially to ensure that they are appropriate for younger children", he added.

Others, like Caroline Varas, who has a four-and-a-half-year-old son, are less convinced. "I am not entirely sure that school should be responsible for this. I think it should be collaborative work: with independent parents' associations, the local council and the school."

"If it is only the school dealing with it, they will cover themselves, protect themselves. I found out afterwards that there had been violence – not sexual violence, but violence – in my child's school. There is a missing intermediary between the school and parents", she added.

Child protection organisations express concerns

Laura Morin-Baudet, who heads L'Enfant Bleu, a Paris-based non-profit that fights child abuse, says she "welcomes" the fact that the education ministry is taking up the issue of child sexual violence, but also voiced doubts about the practical side of things.

"It all depends on the conditions children answer these questions in. If the child feels comfortable, has the feeling that their friend sitting next to them cannot necessarily see their answers, then perhaps, indeed, they will end up saying something. But on the other hand, if they have the slightest doubt, if they are afraid, if they are unsure where these documents will go, we unfortunately know that they will not necessarily confide."

For Laura Morin-Baudet, alongside any such questionnaires, it is still key to carry out prevention and raise awareness in schools.

"We know just how poorly trained teachers and childcare professionals are in this area. Our organisation regularly receives calls from professionals who tell us: 'I have observed this and that, what can I do, how should I act?' So we know there is that need."

"Sometimes signs can manifest themselves through words, but it can also be through behaviour. It may be a child who suddenly becomes very agitated when they were not before, or conversely a child who withdraws completely. And that is where an adult's gaze can interpret things and build upa relationship of trust."

Differing stances from teachers' unions

According to Jean-Rémi Girard, president of the National Union of Lycées and Collèges, schools and higher education (SNALC), "the vast majority" of teachers support the initiative.

"For us, the most important thing is that school should be a safe place for our pupils and, in fact, for everyone. That does not mean we are the ones who will do the work of the justice system, quite clearly. But we are nonetheless able to talk to pupils, to go and see a little what is happening, to take an interest in children's living conditions and to gather information so that we can then pass the baton to the police and the justice system."

"Sometimes very young children are not aware of how serious what has happened to them is. With the form, very simple questions will allow us not to make a diagnosis, but at least to identify a first point that needs attention."

For her part, Béatrice Laurent, secretary of the education union UNSA Éducation, speaks of a "dilemma".

"We cannot be against a programme that allows children to report violence they may have suffered. But the immediate question is whether a written questionnaire is the right format."

"Our concern also relates to how these questionnaires will be processed. Is there enough staff in the education system to deal with the reports that children are going to make? It would be truly tragic for children to disclose what has happened to them and for nothing to happen afterwards."

France's education ministry did not respond to Euronews' questions about the specific details of the questionnaire, or about how the justice system would intervene if the results turned out to be "seismic", as the country's minister has suggested.

The ministry said that work to prepare the questionnaire is underway and that it was therefore premature to provide more precise answers.

 

Signs before puberty could predict painful periods, study finds

Copyright Cleared/Canva

By Marta Iraola Iribarren

Published on 02/09/2026 - EURONEWS

A new study has found that non-painful symptoms in young girls, such as fatigue and dizziness, could help predict who is at risk of painful periods later on.

Experiencing non-painful symptoms, such as fatigue and dizziness, before the first period might signal a higher risk of dysmenorrhoea — painful menstruation for the years to come, according to a new study published in The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health.

Many women struggle with period pain, which starts in adolescence and can affect their lives for years after. Researchers hope that addressing some of the symptoms before a person's first menstrual period could reduce the burden of dysmenorrhoea on young women.

“Identifying risk factors for dysmenorrhoea, especially severe dysmenorrhoea, has the potential to improve outcomes for female adolescents through early and more targeted treatment,” the authors wrote.

The researchers analysed data from over 2,000 adolescents and found that non-painful somatic symptoms – such as fatigue, dizziness, gastrointestinal problems, nightmares or sensory changes – and advanced pubertal development at ages nine to ten are strong indicators of future menstrual pain.

Dysmenorrhoea is common in adolescence and is often dismissed as inevitable or left untreated, the authors wrote. It can interfere with daily functioning and lead to other chronic pain conditions; however, little is known about its risk factors, and the lack of research before the first period is hindering efforts to identify those at risk.

Previous research has found that approximately 70% of female adolescents experience menstrual pain, and in 20% of cases it has a significant impact on their daily activities.

Related

• Women missing work due to painful periods and endometriosis costing UK €13 billion a year
• Girls with healthier diets tend to get their first periods later, researchers say

The study also found that sleep problems were strongly associated with a greater impact of pain on daily activities. Researchers say that addressing sleep disturbances before the first period could help to reduce the pain burden.

For example, cognitive behavioural therapy targeting this issue in adolescents with chronic pain shows promise for easing both the sleep problems and the resulting pain interference.

“These findings raise the possibility of identifying at-risk individuals before pain becomes a lifelong issue,” the authors wrote.

 

British energy giant BP names Ian Tyler as chair after boardroom turmoil

Copyright BP/All rights reserved

By Doloresz Katanich

Published on 02/09/2026 - EURONEWS

British energy giant BP has appointed Ian Tyler as its permanent chair following the abrupt removal of his predecessor over governance and conduct concerns in May.

BP has appointed Ian Tyler as its permanent chair after months of upheaval at the top of the British energy giant.

Tyler takes up the position immediately following a search that considered both internal and external candidates, BP said on Wednesday.

BP shares were little changed in early London trading. They have gained around 25% since the beginning of the year, broadly matching the rise in rival Shell’s shares.

Tyler had served as interim chair since 26 May, when BP abruptly dismissed his predecessor, Albert Manifold, after less than eight months in the role.

At the time, BP said the board had identified “governance oversight and conduct issues it deems unacceptable”. Manifold has disputed the company’s account and sought legal advice.

BP shares fell as much as 9% following the announcement of his departure before recovering some of those losses.

Tyler joined BP’s board as a non-executive director in April 2025. He is a former chief executive of construction group Balfour Beatty and currently chairs building materials company Grafton Group.

Related

• BP profit more than doubles as Middle East conflict boosts oil prices
• BP returns to Venezuela with Gulf partners as post-Maduro energy opening speeds up

BP said Tyler had worked alongside more than 15 chief executives during a non-executive career spanning listed and privately owned companies in the oil and gas, natural resources and engineering sectors.

“Ian brings significant experience providing challenge and support to executive teams, while maintaining strong governance and oversight on behalf of shareholders,” said Dame Amanda Blanc, BP’s senior independent director.

Tyler will lead the board as it oversees chief executive Meg O’Neill’s restructuring programme. Her priorities include simplifying BP’s portfolio, strengthening its balance sheet and imposing tighter investment discipline.

BP is seeking to reduce net debt to between $14 billion (€12bn) and $18 billion (€15.4bn) by the end of 2027. The company estimated in July that its net debt stood at between $22 billion and $23 billion at the end of June.

The debt target formed part of a strategic reset announced in February 2025, when BP shifted investment back towards oil and gas, reduced planned spending on low-carbon businesses and promised tighter capital allocation.

BP also announced that Blanc, who oversaw the searches that led to the appointments of both Manifold and Tyler, would not seek re-election at next year’s annual general meeting. She will leave the board once a successor has been appointed.