Thursday, September 10, 2020

 

America Needs To Stop Pretending The Broadband 'Digital Divide' Isn't The Direct Result Of Corruption

from the we-didn't-get-here-by-accident dept

Last week, a tweeted photo of two kids huddled on the ground outside of a Taco Bell -- just to gain access to a reliable internet connection -- made the rounds on social media. The two found themselves on the wrong side of the "digital divide," forced to sit in the dirt just to get online, just 45 minutes from the immensely wealthy technology capital of the United States:

America's broadband access and affordability issues have long been a problem. But they're taking on greater urgency in the COVID-19 era, with millions of Americans being forced to learn, teach, work, and socialize from home. In that climate, it didn't take long for the photo to garner attention and public sympathy, resulting in outlets like CNN reporting that the local school district wound up giving the family a mobile hotspot so they could actually do homework at home:

"The district gave the family a hotspot so the students could access classroom instructions from their home, according to Gebin...In a statement, a spokesperson for Taco Bell Corp. told CNN that "the photo of two young girls outside of a Salinas, CA Taco Bell is a tough reminder of basic inequalities facing our communities."

While a kind gesture, the episode is fairly representative of our relationship to the digital divide and America's patchy, expensive broadband networks. As in, we've let telecom giants dictate state and federal policy for 30 years, resulting in geographic monopolies where the primary objective is maintaining the status quo (high prices, little competition, zero real accountability for market failure). Then, in the rare instance where the problem can hold our attention for more than thirty seconds, we throw a band aid on the byproduct of this corruption and pat ourselves on the back for a job well done.

Granted CNN, like so many major news outlets, covers this problem in a way that implies that expensive, mediocre, patchy broadband networks are just some thing that magically happened, and not the obvious byproduct of state and federal corruption. The kind of corruption that usually involves companies like AT&T burying competition crushing language in unrelated ordinances, literally writing state laws banning creative local community broadband alternatives, or convincing the FCC to effectively self-immolate upon request, gutting not only the agency's authority over telecom, but most meaningful consumer protections.

American broadband doesn't suck because America is big, or because we haven't thrown enough money at the problem (giants like AT&T have received countless billions in tax breaks, subsidies, and regulatory favors, usually in exchange for bupkis). American broadband sucks because giant monopolies literally write state and federal telecom law, and have completely corrupted the legislative process from the town level on up.

It takes thirty seconds watching state and federal legislatures before it becomes clear that the majority of our lawmakers have prioritized Verizon, Comcast, and AT&T campaign contributions above anything even vaguely resembling the public interest. It's simply undeniable, and it should be the bedrock upon which all U.S. broadband policy conversations and news coverage is built upon. Fail to acknowledge this reality and you're allowing the problem to perpetuate. There's an entire cottage industry of telecom-linked think tankers, economists, and consultants whose mortgage payments depend on pretending American broadband isn't a monopolized mess. It's hard to look at coverage from the likes of CNN and not come away realizing how effective they've been at shaping the discourse.

Despite its reputation as a haven for "the socialisms," California is certainly no exception to this corruption (just ask the EFF). Several recent legislative proposals have been pushed to help lessen the digital divide, including expanding fiber networks, funding "middle-mile" broadband projects, and boosting the standard speed of what's considered broadband in California from a pathetic 6 Mbps down, 1 Mbps up -- to 25 Mbps in both directions. But more than a few consumer advocates have been complaining to me that the broadband speed bill was never even allowed to come to a vote despite widespread support. Why? AT&T didn't like it:

"Senate bill 1130, authored by senator Lena Gonzalez (D – Los Angeles), would have raised the bar to symmetrical 25 Mbps down/25 Mbps up speeds. The California senate approved it in June, but it died in the assembly as democratic leaders refused to allow a full floor vote on it.

Had they done so, SB 1130 would have easily won the majority needed to pass. That wasn’t acceptable to assembly speaker Anthony Rendon (D- Los Angeles). Backed up by majority floor leader Ian Calderon (D- Los Angeles), Rendon pulled the bill, caving in to pressure – and loads of money – from AT&T and a solid line of cable companies, including Comcast and Charter Communications. Frontier Communications was against it too, but the relative pittance it directly puts in legislative pockets – $61,000 over the years versus $7.4 million from AT&T alone – doesn’t buy much influence. AT&T’s indirect payoffs to Californian democrats and republicans are more than five times that."

This isn't some one-off. Unless beneficial telecom legislation can somehow garner massive public attention (difficult to do since telecom wonkery doesn't generate ad impressions), it's trivially easy for a giant like AT&T to covertly kill pretty much any legislation that even remotely challenges the status quo, attempts something new, or opens the door to more serious competition. As such it's not particularly surprising that AT&T-owned CNN examines the lack of broadband as a heart-warming fable -- without explaining to its readers/viewers why U.S. broadband has been mired in mediocrity for the better part of a generation.

42 million Americans lack broadband, nearly double the FCC's official, rose-colored-glasses estimates. Another 83 million or so live under a monopoly, ensuring they see terrible customer service, high prices, and little effort to seriously improve. Millions more live under duopolies where their only choice is either Comcast or a phone company that hasn't updated its DSL lines since 2002. It's the result of corruption. It's the end result of a wholesale failure in ethical governance. Ignoring this reality, denying this reality, or painting this American failure as just quirky happenstance -- ensures we'll never set about truly fixing it.


 ELON MUSK 

POSTMODERN ROBBER BARON IN SPACE

Astronomers Say Space X Astronomy Pollution Can't Be Fixed

from the blinded-by-the-light dept

We recently noted how the Space X launch of low orbit broadband satellites is not only creating light pollution for astronomers and scientists, but captured U.S. regulators, eager to try and justify rampant deregulation, haven't been willing to do anything about it. While Space X's Starlink platform will create some much needed broadband competition for rural users, the usual capacity constraints of satellite broadband mean it won't be a major disruption to incumbent broadband providers. Experts say it will be painfully disruptive to scientific study and research, however:

While Space X says it's taking steps to minimize the glare and "photo bombing" capabilities of these satellites (such as anti-reflective coating on the most problematic parts of the satellites), a new study suggests that won't be so easy. The joint study from both the National Science Foundation's NOIRLab and the American Astronomical Society (AAS) found that while Space X light pollution can be minimized somewhat, it won't be possible to eliminate:

"Changes are required at both ends: constellation operators and observatories. SpaceX has shown that operators can reduce reflected sunlight through satellite body orientation, Sun shielding, and surface darkening. A joint effort to obtain higher-accuracy public data on predicted locations of individual satellites (or ephemerides) could enable some pointing avoidance and mid-exposure shuttering during satellite passage. Observatories will need to adopt more dynamic scheduling and observation management as the number of constellation satellites increases, though even these measures will be ineffective for many science programs."

Granted, in March, Space X boss Elon Musk predicted there would be no impact whatsoever from his Starlink project:

"I am confident that we will not cause any impact whatsoever in astronomical discoveries. Zero. That's my prediction. We'll take corrective action if it's above zero."

The report, which was first spotted by Ars Technica, notes that enough data has been collected to clearly indicate the impact is well above zero. Worse, they note that companies have only just started launching low-orbit satellite constellations. OneWeb and Space X have only just begun their efforts, and Amazon is expected to join the fray in a major way. Collectively, these launches will create some significant problems for scientists around the planet, the report concludes:

"If the 100,000 or more LEOsats proposed by many companies and many governments are deployed, no combination of mitigations can fully avoid the impacts of the satellite trails on the science programs of current and planned ground-based optical-NIR [near-infrared] astronomy facilities. Astronomers are just beginning to understand the full range of impacts on the discipline. Astrophotography, amateur astronomy, and the human experience of the stars and the Milky Way are already affected."

While Space X's lower altitude satellite are problematic, higher altitude satellites being eyed by the likes of Amazon are notably worse, the experts found. In a press release the groups detailed several ways of minimizing the impact of low-orbit satellite constellations (including launching less of them). But that's going to require a lot of collaboration between researchers and industry. Collaboration that would be easier if we had U.S. regulators actually interested in helping coordinate that collaboration.






Our 'Collusion Reading Diary' is Now a Lawfare E-book

By David PriessTia Sewell
 Tuesday, September 8, 2020, 10:55 AM

A new Lawfare Institute e-book, "A Collusion Reading Diary" is now available on Kindle.

After the Senate Intelligence Committee released the final volume of its bipartisan report on Russian interference in the 2016 election, our team read through the 966-page document and serially generated summaries on each section of the report. This “reading diary,” which was originally published here on the site, encapsulates what the committee found about the engagements between the Trump campaign and the Russian government in 2016.

Whether one describes this activity as collusion or not, there’s a lot of it. The Senate Intelligence Committee’s report describes hundreds of actions by Trump, his campaign, and his associates in the run-up to the 2016 election that involve some degree of participation by Trump or his associates in Russian activity. In this piece, our team attempts to summarize, precisely and comprehensively, what the eight Republicans on the committee, along with their seven Democratic colleagues, report that the president, members of his campaign and his associates actually did.

The text was written by Todd Carney, Samantha Fry, Quinta Jurecic, Jacob Schulz, Tia Sewell, Margaret Taylor and Benjamin Wittes and edited by Lawfare. It is available here.

Contents:

  • Introduction

  • A. Paul Manafort

  • B. Hack and Leak

  • C. The Agalarovs and the June 9, 2016 Trump Tower Meeting

  • D. Trump Tower Moscow

  • E. George Papadopoulos

  • F. Carter Page

  • G. Trump's Foreign Policy Speech at the Mayflower Hotel

  • H. Maria Butina and Alexander Torshin

  • I. Allegations, and Potential Misinformation, About Compromising Information

  • J. Influence for Hire

  • K. Transition

  • L. Other Incidents and Persons of Interest

  • Conclusion

READ ONLINE
A Collusion Reading Diary: What Did the Senate Intelligence Committee Find?

 

Emails Show How Trump Official at HHS Tried to Get Fauci to Downplay Covid-19 Threat to School Children

"This sort of story will be recalled years from now as an example of the government interfering with science, with predictably disastrous results."


Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Dr. Anthony Fauci as President Donald Trump dismisses a question during an unscheduled briefing after a Coronavirus Task Force meeting at the White House on April 5, 2020, in Washington, D.C.

Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Dr. Anthony Fauci as President Donald Trump dismisses a question during an unscheduled briefing after a Coronavirus Task Force meeting at the White House on April 5, 2020, in Washington, D.C. (Photo: Eric Baradat/AFP via Getty Images)

Reporting from Politico Wednesday revealed that a Trump-allied official within the Department of Health and Human Services tried to censor Dr. Anthony Fauci from communicating to the press dangers the coronavirus may pose to school children.

According to Politico, the messaging directives came from Paul Alexander, a Trump administration appointee at the Department of Health and Human Services. Alexander is a senior adviser to Michael Caputo, a Trump ally and assistant HHS secretary for public affairs.

Politico obtained multiple emails from Alexander that reflect his responses to what Fauci—director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID)—planned on telling outlets including Bloomberg and HuffPost. They included messages that "are couched as scientific arguments" but "often contradict mainstream science," according to the reporting.

The outlet cited as one example an Aug. 27 email in which Alexander wrote that he continues "to have an issue with kids getting tested and repeatedly and even university students in a widespread manner…and I disagree with Dr. Fauci on this. Vehemently."

In another email from Tuesday, Alexander suggested children have "essentially zero" risk if they are exposed to the coronavirus and pushed Fauci's press team to make sure Fauci told MSNBC that children should not wear masks at school. From Politico:

"Can you ensure Dr. Fauci indicates masks are for the teachers in schools. Not for children," Alexander wrote. "There is no data, none, zero, across the entire world, that shows children especially young children, spread this virus to other children, or to adults or to their teachers. None. And if it did occur, the risk is essentially zero," he continued — adding without evidence that children take influenza home, but not the coronavirus.

Alexander's repeated efforts at push Fauci to parrot the adminsitration's anti-science line, however, may have been for naught.

"No one tells me what I can say and cannot say," Fauci said. "I speak on scientific evidence."

It did not, however, mark Alexander's first attempts at controlling the narrative from federal health experts.

The Washington Post reported in July that he made similar efforts with CDC officials. In a June email to CDC officials, Alexander wrote that the agency's warning about Covid-19 impacts on women "reads in a way to frighten women . . . as if the President and his administration can't fix this and it is getting worse."

Virologist Dave O'Connor weighed in on the new reporting on Twitter, writing, "This sort of story will be recalled years from now as an example of the government interfering with science, with predictably disastrous results."

Shannon Watts, founder of gun control advocacy group Moms Demand Action, also shared Politico's new reporting, and had harsh words for the Trump administration.

"They don't care if our kids die. They don't care if we die," wrote Watts. "They just want power."


Canada is wrong to welcome the UAE-Israel deal

Far from bringing ‘peace,’ normalization is on track to accelerate military spending and militarism in the Middle East


Michael Bueckert / September 9, 2020 CANADIAN DIMENSION


The first direct El-Al flight to the United Arab Emirates departs Ben Gurion Airport, August 31, 2020. In this photo, National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien (right), Senior Advisor Jared Kushner (middle) and a delegation of Israeli officials headed by Meir Ben-Shabbat (left) travel to Abu-Dhabi to advance the Abraham Accord. Photo by Matty Stern/US Embassy Jerusalem/Flickr.


When the “Abraham Agreement” between the United States, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) was announced on August 13, it was widely celebrated in pro-Israel circles as an “historic peace deal” and the start of a “New Middle East.”

While the exact details of the agreement have not yet been finalized, at a high level the UAE and Israel agreed to establish full bilateral economic and diplomatic ties (a process known as “normalization”), and agreed that together with the US they would launch a “Strategic Agenda for the Middle East to expand diplomatic, trade, and security cooperation.” It was also announced that Israel would “suspend” its plans to annex portions of the West Bank to focus on normalization.

Like many countries, Canada welcomed the deal as a “positive step toward peace and security in the region,” with Minister of Foreign Affairs François-Philippe Champagne noting that he was “pleased” with the suspension of Israel’s annexation plans.

However, Canada’s optimistic reaction is a mistake. Far from ushering in peace and security, the deal is bound to increase militarism in the region while cementing the status-quo apartheid reality of the Palestinian people.
A no peace “peace deal”

What makes the celebration over the UAE-Israel “peace deal” so misplaced is that peace has nothing to do with it. While it is true that the UAE will become only the third Arab country to recognize Israel (following Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994), unlike those nations, the UAE does not share a border with Israel, and the UAE and Israel have never been at war.

Far from being enemies, Israel and the UAE have been quietly cultivating unofficial relations for years, including in defence cooperation, intelligence, surveillance, and trade in weapons. Together with the US, they are interested in counterbalancing the influence of Iran in the region by expanding military cooperation, and the UAE sees the deal as a way to fulfill its aspiration to become a regional power. In recent years, the UAE has contributed to brutal military offensives, particularly in Yemen and Libya where it has been involved in air strikes and arming militias—with horrific results.

Indeed, the largest benefactor from this deal is likely to be the international arms trade. The UAE is a major purchaser of US weapons, on which it spends an estimated $20 billion out of its annual defence budget of $23 billion. For its part, Israel looks forward to greater access to the UAE arms market that normalization will provide.

Reports also suggest that a potential US sale of F-35 warplanes to the UAE may be the central motivator behind normalization. For years, the US has been looking to sell F-35s and armed drones to the UAE, but such a sale has been opposed by Israel on the grounds that it could erode its “qualitative military edge.” UAE believes the normalization deal will allow it to go ahead with its purchase of the F-35s, and although Israel still publicly opposes any sale, behind the scenes Israeli officials are looking to approve the sale in return for compensation from the US (most likely in terms of military aid).

As researcher Anthony Fenton points out, Canadian weapons manufactures will also likely benefit from such a sale.

It is also important to note that the UAE-Israel agreement has been accompanied by instances of state repression against those who criticize the deal, including by the UAE, Jordan, and Egypt. Most outrageously, an Israeli newspaper reported that the UAE threatened to immediately expel 250,000 Jordanian workers over a single critical tweet from Jordan’s Prince Ali bin Hussein, who promptly deleted it.




US Special Representative for Iran Brian Hook met with His Highness Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the United Arab Emirates Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates on June 27, 2020. Photo courtesy of UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs/Flickr.


Selling out Palestine

If the UAE-Israel deal is not about peace, there is at least one reason why so many have rushed to celebrate it: with the UAE, Israel believes that it has found a shortcut to normalizing relations in the region while circumventing the issue of Israel’s occupation of Palestine.

Since Israel was established in 1948, most Arab states have refused to enter into normalized relations with Israel pending a just resolution for the Palestinians. This was the case for the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative led by Saudi Arabia, which insisted that a Palestinian state must be created before normalization could take place.

The UAE-Israel deal contradicts this longstanding position, effectively “decoupling” the Arab-Israel conflict from the Israel-Palestine conflict.

For this reason, the deal is widely recognized by the Israeli leadership as confirmation that they do not need to give up occupied territory. As Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu boasted about the deal, Israel has “not withdrawn from so much as one square meter.”

Unsurprisingly, Palestinians of all backgrounds have expressed outrage over the deal. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called it a “betrayal of Jerusalem, Al-Aqsa and the Palestinian cause,” and the Palestinian Authority recalled its ambassador to UAE. Hamas xcondemned the deal as “a reward for the Israeli occupation’s crimes,” and a “stabbing in the back of our people.”
Is annexation dead?

The UAE has boasted that its deal has stopped Israel’s annexation plans and saved the two-state solution in Israel-Palestine—insisting that it has received assurances from Israel on this. However, this is wishful thinking. The deal has not stopped the threat of annexation. What Israel has actually agreed to is a temporary “suspension” or pause on any formal announcement.

As a matter of fact, Netanyahu has repeatedly said that annexation remains on the table. This has been echoed by both Israeli officials and key US figures, the latter including US Senior Presidential Advisor Jared Kushner, who noted that “President Trump likes to keep his options open,” and US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman who described the suspension of annexation as a “temporary halt,” and clarified that “it’s not off the table permanently.”

At a more fundamental level, Israel’s annexation plans remain consistent with Trump’s so-called “Deal of the Century,” which gives a greenlight to substantial annexation while locking Palestinians into non-state Bantustans. As Netanyahu was quick to remind us: “this plan has not changed.”

Simply put, the Israelis could revive their annexation plans at any time. In the meantime, Netanyahu is pushing the creation of 3,500 new settlement homes in the contentious E-1 area (which is splitting the West Bank into two pieces), and Alternate Prime Minister Benny Gantz is preparing to approve the creation of 5,000 new settlement homes throughout the West Bank. As Hagai El-Ad of Israeli NGO B’Tselem warns, the “Israeli state has [already] effectively annexed Palestinian lives,” making the significance of any formal announcement secondary to Israel’s real actions on the ground.

Without any progress for justice for the Palestinians, or for stability in the region, Canada is wrong to applaud the UAE-Israel agreement. Far from bringing “peace,” normalization is on track to accelerate military spending and militarism in the Middle East, emboldening a group of countries who have consistently violated human rights in the region. Moreover, the deal completely avoids the core issue of Israel’s occupation of Palestine and lessens the incentive for Israel to respect Palestinian human rights.

The truth is that there is no shortcut to peace, and there will be no progress without the Palestinians. Instead of easing diplomatic restrictions on Israel, the international community should be imposing economic and diplomatic sanctions on Israel as an incentive to dismantle the occupation and come to the negotiating table. As such, the UAE’s opportunistic path is not likely to end division and conflict in the region and may in fact intensify and prolong it. This is not something that Canada should encourage.

Michael Bueckert is Vice President of Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME). He has a PhD in Sociology and Political Economy from Carleton University. Follow him on Twitter @mbueckert.

 

Peace Through Weapons Sales to the UAE

If the American people really want to pursue peace in the Middle East, we must pressure Congress to make sure that the U.S.-UAE weapons sales deal does not go through. 

"Less than a week after Trump announced the Abraham Accord on August 13, the story broke that Trump’s senior advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner and National Security Council senior director for the Middle East Miguel Correa had been secretly pushing for the U.S. to sell F-35 stealth fighters, weaponized drones, and other advanced military equipment to the Emiratis," writes Gold. (Photo: U.S. Air Force/Madelyn Brown)

Next week, on September 15, Trump will host Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan for a ceremonial signing of the Israel-United Arab Emirates deal to normalize relations between the two countries. Termed the Abraham Accord, the deal has been condemned by many for failing to secure even a single concession for Palestinians. But shortly after the deal was announced, another downside—and perhaps the U.S.’s primary motivation for pursuing the deal—came sharply into focus: tens of billions of dollars in UAE weapons sales. 

Less than a week after Trump announced the Abraham Accord on August 13, the story broke that Trump’s senior advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner and National Security Council senior director for the Middle East Miguel Correa had been secretly pushing for the U.S. to sell F-35 stealth fighters, weaponized drones, and other advanced military equipment to the Emiratis. Anwar Gargash, the UAE’s minister of foreign affairs, said that his country had placed their request for the F-35 jets six years prior. He denied that the normalization deal was connected to his country finally being granted their request, but Trump administration officials later admitted that the deal had paved the way. On August 18, leading Israeli newspaper YNet News reported that the Abraham Accord included a "secret clause" wherein the UAE would get to buy billions of dollars in advanced U.S. military hardware.

Netanyahu, ever the prince of political drama, feigned outrage that the UAE might get to purchase F-35 stealth fighters from the U.S., thereby threatening Israel’s position as the most mighty armed air force in the Middle East.

Following Netanyahu bluster and claims that he hadn’t known about the arms sale, the deal between Israel and the UAE seemed to be on shaky ground. “Fake news,” Netanyahu cried when Yedioth Ahronoth, the New York Times and other outlets reported that the U.S.-UAE arms sale deal had been the driving force behind the Israel-UAE normalization deal and that Netanyahu had been in the know from the start. But then, after Netanyahu met with Secretary of State Pompeo in Jerusalem during the Republican National Convention, he came to heel and stopped all public complaining about the UAE getting to buy new U.S. arms. 

Anyone who follows Middle East news knows what a shrewd politician Netanyahu is. So it should be of no surprise that Netanyahu has parlayed the very deal he agreed to, then lambasted and denied knowledge of, to his own country’s military advantage (as well as to the further advantage of U.S. weapons companies). On September 6, Yedioth Ahronoth reported that Netanyahu will be requesting additional U.S. weapons for Israel to offset the impact of the new U.S. weapons sales to the Emirates. These additional weapons will pile on top of the $3.8 billion the U.S. already gives Israel annually in military assistance (100% of which must be used for purchases from U.S. weapons manufacturers). 

On September 7, Trump spoke out against the revolving door of U.S. weapons sales and endless wars. Pushing back against a report in the Atlantic that he had disparaged fallen U.S. soldiers as “suckers” and “losers,” he accused Pentagon leaders of wanting “to do nothing but fight wars so that all of those wonderful companies that make the bombs and make the planes and make everything else stay happy.” But Donald Trump himself is making these “wonderful companies” happy by cutting a deal for them to sell tens of billions in weapons to the Emirates, a country that is mired in the war in Libya and was, until recently, one of the leaders of the brutal war in Yemen.

It isn’t just the White House’s current arms-for-peace deal that contradicts Trump’s new claim that he is the white knight candidate who will finally put a damper on the military-industrial complex. Less than six months after taking office, Trump signed an agreement with Saudi Arabia—the main perpetrator of the war in Yemen—for $110 billion in immediate U.S. weapons sales and $350 billion in sales over the following 10 years. On April 16, 2019, Trump used his veto power to quash a bipartisan Congressional resolution that would have mostly ended American military involvement in the war in Yemen—a war that has killed thousands of civilians, created the worst humanitarian crisis on the planet, and helped companies like Raytheon, Boeing, and Lockheed Martin increase their already enormous piles of wealth. Not only did Trump continue U.S. involvement in the war in Yemen, but the following month, in May 2019, his administration used an emergency declaration to push through—without congressional approval—an $8.1 billion arms deal with Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and the UAE. 

With Trump touting himself as the anti-war candidate, Fox News host Laura Ingraham said on her show, The Ingraham Angle: “If you want to rein in the Pentagon, Trump is your only option.” But the Pentagon budget has increased annually every year over the past five years. The fiscal year 2020 saw a colossal $738 billion for the Department of Defense, and for the fiscal year 2021, Trump is seeking a whopping $750 billion DoD budget. 

Although the Abraham Accord to formally normalize relations between Israel and the UAE will be signed next week at the White House, the issue of U.S. weapons sales to the UAE isn’t yet set in stone. Such sales will require congressional approval and, according to congressional aides speaking with CNN, the relevant committees in Congress have yet to even be notified. If the American people really want to pursue peace in the Middle East and instead use our taxes to build up U.S. infrastructure, healthcare, education and address the climate crisis, then we must immediately pressure our Congressional representatives to make sure that the U.S.-UAE weapons sales deal does not go through. 

Ariel Gold

Ariel Gold is the national co-director and Senior Middle East Policy Analyst with CODEPINK for Peace.

 

Something Is Rotten at Big Meat Inc.

The industry's sole priority is to funnel revenues into shareholders' pockets.

"A century ago, Sinclair condemned the 'unspeakable' practices that went on in 'packing houses all the time.' But today's conditions would leave him no less appalled," writes Hightower. (Photo: Shutterstock)

Upton Sinclair's landmark 1905 book, The Jungle, exposed the food contamination and worker exploitation hidden in the fetid stockyards and meatpacking plants of Chicago and other major American cities. The muckraking journalist dubbed the nasty and brutish meat factories "a monster...the Great Butcher...the spirit of capitalism made flesh."

The nauseating details of worker and consumer abuses that Sinclair exposed were so horrific that the ensuing public revulsion and outrage were transformative. Congress quickly passed a food purity law (the 1906 Federal Meat Inspection Act), and union organizing drives sparked nationwide contract bargaining that eventually gave long-oppressed meatpacking workers the clout to improve factory conditions and pay. Indeed, by 1970, the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and the United Packinghouse Union had won enforceable safety rules and solid middle-class wages—about $25 an hour in today's dollars. Now the median wage for hourly workers in meatpacking plants is down to about half that—$13.23 per hour—some 30% less than production workers in other manufacturing jobs.

Around 1970, just when working families, consumers, environmentalists, and others were making real progress against corporate powers, the baronies of industry and high finance initiated a radical counteroffensive. One of their core efforts was a long-term propaganda campaign to legitimize unethical, anti-social corporate behavior. "Shareholder primacy," as they dubbed their malevolent principle, asserted that the corporate hierarchy's SOLE purpose and overarching moral duty is to maximize stockholder profits.

"When a corporation sets up a workplace that routinely results in maiming, mangling, sickening, disabling, and even killing workers, those outcomes are not 'accidents.' "

Under this self-serving theory, CEOs and board members must do everything legally possible to lower wages, shortcut safety, squeeze out competitors, cheapen quality, minimize environmental protections, dodge taxes, avoid scrutiny and safety, and otherwise manipulate the system to funnel revenues into shareholders' pockets.

When a corporation sets up a workplace that routinely results in maiming, mangling, sickening, disabling, and even killing workers, those outcomes are not "accidents." They are intentional, immoral decisions by executives and investors to increase profits by treating the human beings who produce the corporate product as disposable. 

To cover up this wholly unethical, cost-of-doing-business approach, meatpacking profiteers put out a stream of B.S. to extol their industry's commitment to the well-being of its beloved family of employees.

Shareholder primacy is, of course, pure hokum, a mumbo-jumbo mandate for greed with no basis in law, economics or ethics. Yet, over the past 50 years, the shareholders-made-me-do-it dictum has ruled nearly every industry, none more than meatpacking. By 1980, the largest meatpackers were buying up smaller competitors, relocating plants from unionized urban areas to anti-union rural counties, dehumanizing and de-skilling workplaces, slashing wages, setting injury-causing work processes and imposing strict labor rules that leave workers with little power to complain about, much less to stop, abuses.

A century ago, Sinclair condemned the "unspeakable" practices that went on in "packing houses all the time." But today's conditions would leave him no less appalled. While unions and other reformers have set higher standards for cleanliness and safety, there's a big difference between what's put on paper and what actually occurs. Progress in standards, it turns out, has been efficiently canceled out by the sheer enormity of today's facilities; the massive volume of animals slaughtered and butchered day and night; and the treacherous work speeds corporate bosses demand.

The Big Three multinational giants dominating the U.S. meat market (Brazil's JBS, Arkansas' Tyson Foods and the Chinese-owned Smithfield Foods) run factories typically covering hundreds of acres. There, 1,000 or more low-paid workers stand elbow to elbow in "The Chain"—high-speed "disassembly" lines that snake through the factories. Slogging through 10- to 12-hour shifts, they wield assorted saws, knives, hammers, cleavers and other sharp and heavy tools for animal dissection made slippery by gore as they kill, gut, pluck, skin, cut, split, strip, bleed, debone and package thousands of animals every single day. Periodically, industry lobbyists get government OKs to squeeze in more workers and speed up The Chain to force more "product throughput"...and profit.

Inevitably and constantly, stuff happens to the workers. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration official injury reports show an average of 17 severe injuries a month including two amputations a week. The extent of the bloody toll, however, remains hidden since corporations are allowed to largely self-report injuries. Local, state and federal regulators' standard practice is to treat industry executives and investors as esteemed clients to be coddled, not as safety violators to be sanctioned. So, The Chain keeps running and nothing changes—except maybe the appearance of another "safety first" poster in the break room.

Jim Hightower

Jim Hightower is a national radio commentator, writer, public speaker, and author of the book, Swim Against The Current: Even A Dead Fish Can Go With The Flow. Hightower has spent three decades battling the Powers That Be on behalf of the Powers That Ought To Be - consumers, working families, environmentalists, small businesses, and just-plain-folks.