LGBTQ USA 

Diverse group of cities have highest rates of gay households

ORLANDO, Fla. — Once known for singer Anita Bryant's anti-gay rights campaign and a ban on gay and lesbian adoptions, Florida is now home to two metro areas with among the highest concentrations of gay and lesbian coupled households in the U.S., according to a new report released by the U.S. Census Bureau.© Provided by The Canadian Press

Orlando and Miami had the fourth and sixth highest percentages respectively of same sex coupled households in the U.S., according to the report released this week using data from the bureau's 2019 American Community Survey.


San Francisco, Portland and Seattle topped the list. Austin was No. 5 and Boston came in at No. 7. But they were joined in the top 10 by some unexpected metro areas like Baltimore, Denver and Phoenix. Noticeably absent were three of the nation's largest metros: New York, Los Angeles and Chicago. Though they have some of the nation's most visible LGBTQ communities, the vastness of their metro areas dilutes the concentration.

The appearance of these metros on the list shows that tolerance isn’t limited to large coastal cities, gay rights advocates said.

“You often think of LGBTQ people in large cities like San Francisco, but we're everywhere," said Jeremy LaMaster executive director of FreeState Justice, a Baltimore-based LGBTQ advocacy organization for Maryland.

The report focused on same sex couples, both married and unmarried, and not gay and lesbians who are single. About 1.5% of all coupled households nationwide were same sex. The cities on the top 10 list ranged in concentration from San Francisco's 2.8% to Baltimore's 2%.

In the District of Columbia, which was categorized along with states in the report, 7.1% of coupled households were same sex.

In Florida, acceptance of LGBTQ communities has been driven at the local level, with passage of human rights ordinances, fast-growing populations from all over the world and gay-friendly companies from the hospitality and entertainment industries, said Nadine Smith, executive director of Equality Florida, an LGBTQ advocacy group.

While Orlando already had a visible gay community with out elected officials and workforces like Disney World with large numbers of gays and lesbians, the collective grief from the massacre at the gay Pulse nightclub in 2016 helped push that acceptance into more conservative corners of civic life such as local churches.

“Miami is a port city and Orlando is the epicenter of amusement parks and hospitality, so it makes perfect sense," Smith said of the high concentrations of same sex households. “The cities have led the way for sure, rebuilding Florida's image from a really hateful history."

That history stretches back to the 1970s. That's when Bryant, an early-1960s pop singer and brand ambassador for the Florida Citrus Commission, headed a campaign that led to the repeal of an ordinance in Miami-Dade County prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation in one of the earliest organized fights against gay rights. Florida also was the last state in the U.S. to end its ban on gay and lesbian adoption when a court ruled it violated equal protection rights in 2010.

Austin, Orlando and Phoenix have been among the metropolitan areas with the largest population growth in recent years.

Phoenix's general meritocracy, which comes from being a relatively young community with a constant influx of new arrivals, has made it welcoming to gay and lesbians, said Angela Hughey, president of ONE Community, a business coalition that advocates for inclusion and equality.

“It's a very broad city and we are in every neighbourhood," Hughey said Thursday.

In Baltimore, residents have had an appreciation for a camp esthetic that now would overlap with queer culture. A favourite son, after all, is filmmaker John Waters, and the city celebrates the unconventional, as evidenced by the annual HONFest where celebrants sport beehive hairdos and cat-eye sunglasses. The city also has a vibrant vogue ball scene.

“Part of me feels like I need to give a shout-out to John Waters," said LaMaster, referring to the filmmaker behind cult movies made in Baltimore, such as “Pink Flamingos" and “Hairspray." “But it's not just John Waters. There is a rich heritage and history that can be found here.”

LaMaster, who lived in New York City before moving to Baltimore, said the Maryland city lacked the visible gay scene found in a neighbourhood like Chelsea in New York City. But Baltimore made sense for same sex couples wanting to set up households in a state that has been a leader in laws prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, as well as allowing second-parent adoptions, he said.

“The work isn't done. That's my takeaway," La Master said. “Even though there has been tremendous progress, I think there's always room for improvement."

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Follow Mike Schneider on Twitter at https://twitter.com/MikeSchneiderAP

Mike Schneider, The Associated Press

Opinion: States need to ensure student journalists have press freedom

 February 26 is Student Press Freedom Day.

Opinion by Rhamil Aloysius Taguba

For many young journalists across the US, there is a roadblock to publishing the truth.

© BRITTA PEDERSEN/DPA/DPA/AFP via Getty Images

It's the 1988 Supreme Court Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier decision, which allows schools to regulate content for high school and college newspapers they sponsor. The decision says that a school has a right to exercise editorial control if it has "legitimate pedagogical concerns."

Since the decision does not specify what those concerns can entail, it's easy to see how this puts our freedom of speech under attack. During Student Press Freedom Day on Friday, it's important to highlight what's at stake when student journalists are censored in this way and what can be done.

It has taken a toll on student voice and freedom of speech overall. For example, in Westside High School in Omaha, Nebraska, student journalists are self-censoring after the school district began enforcing a "prior review" requirement, which would allow administrators to review articles before they are published. This delay also causes an issue with publishing relevant topics in a timely manner. In a statement to a local news outlet, the superintendent said that "Articles should not flow from students straight to building administrators like many of them have been. Instructors need to own their program's content and can send to administration only if they feel they need help and support."

However, states do have a choice to counteract Hazelwood laws by passing what is known as "New Voices" legislation, named after the grassroots movement started by the Student Press Law Center -- a non-profit organization that supports and defends the rights of student journalists.

So far, 14 states, including Nevada, where I live, have passed New Voices legislation.

But in other states, such as Missouri, students continue to fight to report the truth within the limits imposed by Hazelwood. Mitch Eden, an adviser at Kirkwood High School in St. Louis and an advocate for student press freedom, talked to me about the importance of the campaign.

"There are people opposed to granting students and advisers first amendment freedoms students have in school," Eden said. "I think for some politicians, it's losing control. But for me, it's telling kids you believe in them, you trust them, and in a free open journalistic society, we can educate, we can spur positive discussion, maybe we can get somewhere."

So why are governments so reluctant to extend First Amendment protections to students even when the articles that they want to print have already been reviewed by newspaper advisers at the school?

Some might say that it's a liability concern, which should always be taken seriously, but the restraints placed on student journalists around the country seem to be more about censoring what truths are reported. In the end, it's an example of having the wrong priorities. And after four years of the media being bashed by former President Donald Trump and his supporters, the relationship between politicians and the media -- at any level -- is strained.

Some might also say that what is published in a school newspaper does not hold the same power as what is reported in mainstream media, but there are several examples of student journalists making national headlines because their work helped to break stories.

Whatever the reason, it is up to us, the general public to pressure elected officials to right this wrong. "We need to step up and have our voices heard. We need to contact our politicians and tell them that this matters to us, that this isn't a political issue," Eden said. "It's the First Amendment for a reason, written by our founding fathers. We need to understand it, protect it, and use it, or we're going to lose it."

Unfortunately, the opportunity to save these press rights only stays at the state level for now. Student press freedom should be a federal discussion. However, while focus is primarily on fighting a deadly pandemic and a bitter political division, it's unlikely that student press freedom would even be brought up in Congress at this time.

As student journalists continue to push for the passage of New Voices legislation in states, we also have to gain the trust of adults and administrators by good communication, agreed terminology, and accurate reporting in order to cover more sensitive topics. At times, covering certain topics won't be easy, and we need school officials to understand this. It may require cold, hard evidence or brutal, scathing commentary that may not be appealing to administrators, prompting them to want to censor us. Yet, it's the truth. To censor the truth from the general public is one of the most dangerous threats to American democracy.

I think it's so important to show students that their thoughts and ideas matter. The First Amendment is a right and a guarantee that our founding fathers wanted for everyone, and it shouldn't be taken away from student journalists. Student press rights and freedoms should be protected.

These freedoms allow us to report the truth effectively and inform our peers -- and, as history has shown, the nation.

It empowers the way we think, we feel, we work. As Eden said, "It's the First Amendment for a reason."

The exclusion of women in Myanmar politics helped fuel the military coup

Gabrielle Bardall, Research Fellow, International Policy Studies, 

L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa 

and Elin Bjarnegård, Associate Professor in Political Science, 

Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study

 5 days ago

On Feb. 1, 2021, Myanmar’s military seized power. While a dramatic event, the coup was a continuation of old power structures

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© (AP Photo) Anti-coup protesters flash the three-fingered salute during a rally in downtown Yangon, Myanmar on Feb. 19, 2021.

Myanmar’s decade-long period of political transition, peace-building and democratic elections fell short of freeing the country from military control. Despite its female leader, the exclusion of women throughout the failed transition to democracy is partly why Myanmar was unable to create deep institutional change.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s image as “mother of the nation” depicted her as a caring matriarch. This image stood in contrast with the harsh patriarchy of military rule. But politics in Myanmar defy stereotypes and simple classifications.

Suu Kyi may have been the face of the era of democratic reforms, but in reality, the transition was initiated and controlled by the military. Suu Kyi’s legacy as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate was permanently stained by her handling of the Rohingya genocide, and her projected femininity and democratic idealism should not be confused for feminism or inclusive democracy

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© (AP Photo/Peter Dejong) Aung San Suu Kyi addresses judges of the International Court of Justice in The Hague, Netherlands, in December 2019. She was defending Myanmar against allegations of genocide in its campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Gender can still help us understand politics in Myanmar, however — just not along these lines. Instead, a different story emerges by looking at the exclusion of women in key stages of the transition process. It is a tale of the persistence of patriarchal power throughout the decade of democratization.
Constitution kept men in charge

The governing patriarchy is on full display in the 2008 constitution that spurred Myanmar’s decade of democracy. According to one provision of the constitution, certain positions are suitable for men only. Women are excluded from key ministerial positions, and a major government agency, the Union Civil Service Board, regularly uses this clause of the constitution to block applications from women for both mid- and junior-level positions. This caps decades of extreme repression of women.

The Myanmar army is infamous for its systematic targeting of ethnic minority women and girls for sexual violence, and the militarization of the country has contributed to widespread discriminatory practices.

Read more: Internet blackouts in Myanmar allow the military to retain control

The peace process (2011-15) between the Tatmadaw — Myanmar’s military — and ethnic armed groups that have long challenged its hold on the country was a deal involving men. Only four women served inconsistently on senior negotiation delegations (less than six per cent). Women were also largely excluded from ceasefire structures and monitoring teams.

Other important institutions also failed to modernize during the transition. Instead, they generally mirrored conservative and traditional attitudes. Women’s representation in parliament gained roughly five per cent in both the 2015 and 2020 elections, growing from less than five per cent in 2014 to just over 15 per cent in November’s contested election. Important as this progress was, equality was ultimately handcuffed by the embedded patriarchy of the military.

The military orchestrated the democratic transition according to rules designed to give them continued influence. In so doing, they hamstrung women’s political inclusion.

© (AP Photo/Aung Shine Oo) Police stand guard behind barbed wire as they attempt to stop protesters outside Union Election Commission office in November 2020, in Naypyitaw, Myanmar after the military said it did not accept the election results.

The Tatmadaw also retained the right to appoint 25 per cent of legislative seats. A military background is required for certain ministerial positions. Since women were only recently allowed to serve in the military, the requirement effectively makes them ineligible to hold these offices.

There were only two women among the 166 military appointees following the 2015 elections. The military appointed only 10 per cent of women to national, state and regional legislative chambers in 2020. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) only elected one woman to both the 2015 and 2020 parliaments. The military quota makes reform unlikely because any constitutional amendment to address discrimination requires 75 per cent approval.

The patriarchy of the military is reflected in the non-military political parties, notwithstanding Suu Kyi’s leadership. The parties are gatekeepers to women’s representation. But they have generally not taken steps to improve women’s political participation.
No quick fix

We are not arguing more women in Myanmar politics would have prevented the coup. There is no such thing as a quick fix to eliminate the country’s history of militarization.

But we do suggest that women’s relative absence from positions of influence helped enable the military to maintain its grip on power.

© (AP Photo/Aung Ko San) Ethnic Entha women display placards during a protest against the military coup in Inle Lake, Taunggyi, Myanmar, on Feb. 11, 2021.

Understanding this connection is important for three reasons. First, giving women a seat at the table makes a difference. Research shows that equality and inclusion foster sustainable peace, meaning that the attitudes of the participating men are also required. Rather than just armed organizations, civil society groups and women’s organizations should be included in transitions from war to peace.

Second, the women’s movement in Myanmar offers new models for collaborative governance. Relegated to the shadows, women’s groups nonetheless organized to contribute to the peace process through informal channels, including back-channel negotiation. They have shown a path for bridging ethnic differences to work towards common goals.

Finally, by tracing the path of patriarchy in Myanmar, we can better understand what brought about the coup. As we grapple with why the military staged a coup at this particular moment in time, it should be seen in light of the country’s militarized recent history and the power dynamics of the transition. Women’s rights organizations are currently mobilizing and are putting it out there quite simply: a militarized Myanmar is a threat for women.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Gabrielle Bardall has consulted for The Carter Center Myanmar project in the past.

Elin Bjarnegård receives funding from the Swedish Research Council.

Alberta woman appeals 18-year sentence for killing abusive husband

© Provided by Edmonton Journal Helen Naslund, seen in 2015, was sentenced to 18 years for shooting her husband twice in the head and disposing his body in a dugout.

An Alberta woman sentenced to 18 years behind bars for killing her abusive husband is appealing her punishment.

On Thursday, 56-year-old Helen Doris Naslund filed a notice asking the Alberta Court of Appeal to review her sentence.

Naslund pleaded guilty last October for shooting her husband Miles Naslund while he slept in their Holden, Alta. farmhouse. She later sunk the body in a pond with help from her son Neil, who was sentenced to three years .

A lengthy agreed statement of facts detailed the years of abuse Naslund suffered at the hands of her husband. He threw wrenches at her in the lead up to the killing, threatened her, and hurled the family dinner to the floor, saying it was not fit for a dog.

The appeal argues Justice Sterling Sanderman failed to consider the history of domestic abuse Naslund suffered in agreeing to the sentence. It also argues the sentence “brings the administration of justice into disrepute.”

The appeal took particular issue with Sanderman’s characterization of the case as a “callous, cowardly act on a vulnerable victim in his own home.”

Naslund’s sentence generated considerable controversy. An online petition calling for an appeal garnered more than 10,000 supporters. Alberta Sen. Paula Simons (a former Edmonton Journal columnist), spoke about the case in parliament. Elizabeth Sheehy, a University of Ottawa professor emerita of law, told Postmedia Naslund’s was one of the longest sentences in a “battered woman” case in Canadian history.

Reached by text Thursday, Wesley Naslund, Naslund’s eldest son, said the appeal was a “good move,” adding “the courts system has been very unfair with her.”

The 18-year sentence was part of a joint submission by Crown lawyer Dallas Sopko and defence lawyer Darin Sprake.

Representing Naslund in the appeal is senior Edmonton lawyer Mona Duckett.

Semenya taking case to European Court of Human Rights

CAPE TOWN, South Africa — Caster Semenya is going to the European Court of Human Rights to challenge “discriminatory” rules that prohibit her from competing in certain track events because of her high natural testosterone, her lawyers said Thursday.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

The two-time Olympic champion in the 800 metres has already lost two legal appeals against World Athletics' regulations that force her to medically lower her natural testosterone level if she wants to run in women's races from 400 metres to one mile.

The South African's lawyers said there's been a “violation of her rights” and wants the human rights court to examine the rules.

Semenya has one of a number of conditions known as differences of sex development. Although she has never publicly released details of her condition, World Athletics has controversially referred to her as “biologically male” in previous legal proceedings, a description that angered Semenya.

Semenya has the typical male XY chromosome pattern and levels of testosterone that are much higher then the typical female range, World Athletics says. The track and field body says that gives her and other athletes like her an unfair advantage over other female runners.

The 30-year-old Semenya was legally identified as female at birth and has identified as female her whole life. She says her testosterone is merely a genetic gift.

The regulations have been fiercely criticized, mainly because of the “treatment” options World Athletics gives to allow affected athletes to compete. They have one of three options to lower their testosterone levels: Taking daily contraceptive pills, using hormone-blocking injections, or having surgery.

“The regulations require these women to undergo humiliating and invasive physical examinations followed by harmful and experimental medical procedures if they wish to compete internationally in women’s events between 400m and one mile, the exact range in which Ms. Semenya specializes,” Semenya's lawyers said.

World Athletics, which was then known as the IAAF, announced in 2018 it would introduce the rules. Semenya challenged them and lost at the Court of Arbitration for Sport in 2019. She also lost a second appeal to the Swiss Federal Tribunal last year. That second case will be central to her appeal to the European Court of Human Rights.

“Caster asks the Court to find that Switzerland has failed in its positive obligations to protect her against the violation of her rights under the European Convention on Human Rights," her lawyers said.

They said the track body's rules were “discriminatory attempts to restrict the ability of certain women to participate in female athletics competitions.”

Because of her refusal to lower her natural testosterone, Semenya has been barred from running in the 800 since 2019, when she was the dominant runner in the world over two laps. She is currently not allowed to run her favourite race — the race she has won two Olympic golds and three world titles in — at any major event.

Semenya is not the only athlete affected. Two other Olympic medallists from Africa, Francine Niyonsaba of Burundi and Margaret Wambui of Kenya, have said they are also bound by the rules. They also said they would refuse to undergo medical intervention to reduce their testosterone levels.

“I hope the European court will put an end to the longstanding human rights violations by World Athletics against women athletes," Semenya said in a statement. "All we ask is to be allowed to run free, for once and for all."

Semenya, Niyonsaba and Wambui finished 1-2-3 in the 800 metres at the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics, strengthening World Athletics' argument that their medical conditions gave them an athletic advantage over other women.

It's unclear if the human rights court would be able to hear Semenya's case before the delayed Tokyo Olympics, which might be Semenya's last. The games are set to open on July 23. Previous sports cases that have gone to the European Court of Human Rights have taken years to be decided.

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More AP sports: https://apnews.com/hub/apf-sports and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

Gerald Imray, The Associated Press

Woman shot with rubber bullet at protest not surprised to see officer exonerated

LaToya Ratlieff, a Florida woman who was shot in the face by a police officer's rubber bullet during a Black Lives Matter protest, said her "heart dropped" when she learned the officer was exonerated but said she wasn't surprised.

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Florida city commissioner apologizes months after woman was injured by police

"It was expected," Ratlieff said at a news conference Friday. "We've seen this happen too many times ... when it comes to Black life."

"If nothing else, it's invigorating because it reaffirms why we were in the streets marching ... and why this doesn't end today," she added

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© WPLG LaToya Ratlieff talks about being shot by police with rubber bullet at Black Lives Matter protest in May of 2020, during a press conference on Feb. 26, 2021, in Fort Lauderdale, Fla.

On May 31, 2020, Ratlieff was at a George Floyd protest in Fort Lauderdale that turned violent. She was heading to her car to go home when a rubber bullet struck her face, a half-inch above her right eye, shattering her eye socket.

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Video showed Ratlieff walking about 30 feet from a group of officers who were wearing riot gear and firing tear gas canisters and rubber bullets. The footage showed Ratlieff screaming and blood gushing from her wound. The injury nearly cost Ratlieff her eye.

© Lynne Sladky/AP, FILE LaToya Ratlieff looks at a photograph of herself, June 12, 2020, in Lauderhill, Fla.

© Lynne Sladky/AP, FILE LaToya Ratlieff poses for a photograph, June 12, 2020, in Lauderhill, Fla.

The officer who struck Ratlieff has been exonerated, Fort Lauderdale Police Interim Police Chief Patrick Lynn announced Thursday.

The officer "identified and targeted an individual who hurled a projectile at our officers with an intent to cause them harm" and it was not the officer's "intent" to hit Ratlieff, Lynn said at a news conference.

© Miami Herald/TNS via Getty Images, FILE LaToya Ratlieff talks about her experience, June 2, 2020

The department's office of internal affairs conducted an "extensive" review and an external review was conducted as well, Lynn said.

"The department has made every effort to learn from this incident," Lynn said.MORE: Florida official apologizes to woman months after police shot her with rubber bullet at Black Lives Matter protest

"On behalf of the men and women of the Fort Lauderdale Police Department, I want to express my sincerest apology," Lynn said to Ratlieff.

Ratlieff on Friday called Lynn's apology "disingenuous ... as if I had a bad dinner at a restaurant."

© WPLG LaToya Ratlieff talks about being shot by police with rubber bullet at Black Lives Matter protest in May of 2020, during a press conference on Feb. 26, 2021, in Fort Lauderdale, Fla.

Ratlieff on Friday also advocated against legislation endorsed by Gov. Ron DeSantis, which she said would suppress Black Floridians and allies from protesting for civil rights.

DeSantis is "working to criminalize the first amendment rights of Black people and those who stand with us," she said.

The HB1 bill aims to combat riots with proposals including: prohibiting inciting or encouraging a riot; creating "affirmative defense to civil action where plaintiff participated in riot or unlawful assembly"; revising penalties for burglary or theft during a riot; revising the penalty for assault or battery committed in furtherance of a riot; and revising the minimum sentence for battery on an officer in furtherance of a riot.

"HB1 would criminalize the action of law-abiding citizens simply because strangers attending the same demonstrations might break the law," Ratlieff said. "If HB1 had been the law on May 31, the organizers of that event could have been criminally liable, and even myself as a victim could've been criminally liable."

"My message to the governor is this: You have to take your knees off of our necks. We are tired," Ratlieff said.

DeSantis' office did not immediately respond to ABC News' request for comment.

ABC News' Bill Hutchinson contributed to this report.

STOP MURDERING PREDATORS
Hunters and trappers blow past Wisconsin's wolf kill target

© Provided by The Canadian Press

MADISON, Wis. — Hunters and trappers blew past Wisconsin's wolf kill target in less than 72 hours, forcing a premature end to a hunt that initially wasn't supposed to happen for another nine months and raising the ire of animal rights activists.

The Department of Natural Resources closed the season Wednesday afternoon after hunters and trappers had killed 178 wolves, which was 59 more than the state's target of 119. Hunters and trappers exceeded their target in all six of the state's management zones.

The agency estimated that about 1,000 wolves roamed the state before the hunt began. The department's population goal is 350.

The season began Monday and had been scheduled to run through Sunday. DNR officials announced Tuesday that the hunt would end Wednesday afternoon because so many animals had been killed in the first two days.

The wolf season has been one of the most contentious outdoors issues that Wisconsin has grappled with in the last 20 years.

Animal rights advocates have argued that wolf populations are too small to support hunting and that the animals are too majestic to kill. Farmers and rural residents, though, say wolves are killing their livestock and pets.

FARMERS GRAZE THEIR ANIMALS ON PUBLIC LANDS FOR NO FEE, BUT BITCH WHEN THE WOLVES ON THOSE LANDS EXERT THEIR NATURAL RIGHTS

Wisconsin law hands wolf hunters and trappers significant advantages during the season. Unlike with deer hunting, wolf hunters and trappers can operate at night and use dogs to corner wolves. Snow cover also aids tracking.

Wayne Pacelle, president of animal rights group Animal Wellness Action, said in a statement Wednesday that killed Wisconsin wolves didn't stand a chance.

“Traps are set like landmines for unsuspecting animals and the hunters are deep into the woods and out of the range of communication, and they can easily claim they didn't get the ‘stop the hunt’ notice before they killed their wolf,” he said.

Collette Adkins, carnivore conservation director for the Center for Biological Diversity, an Arizona-based non-profit that works to protect endangered species, issued a statement calling the Wisconsin hunt “a reckless slaughter.”

Hunters and trappers exceeded the state’s kill target during Wisconsin's 2012, 2013 and 2014 seasons, which were held before the wolf was placed back on the federal endangered species list.

Wisconsin law requires the DNR to give 24-hour notice of wolf hunting zone closures, which means hunters and trappers can keep killing wolves for another day after a closure is announced. If they kill a wolf after the zone is closed, they would face a $330 fine.

The DNR announced on Tuesday that three zones would close at 10 a.m. Wednesday and the remaining three would close at 3 p.m.

The Trump administration removed federal protections for wolves in January, returning management to the states. Wisconsin law requires the DNR to hold an annual hunt between November and February. The department was preparing for a November hunt when Republican lawmakers demanded the season start before the end of February, saying they were worried the Biden administration might re-list wolves before November and deny Wisconsin hunters a season.

The DNR resisted, but hunter advocacy group Hunter Nation won a court order earlier this month that forced the immediate launch of a wolf hunting season.

The DNR still plans to hold a November wolf hunting season.

Keith Warnke, the department's fish, wildlife and parks administrator, told the agency's policy board during a meeting Wednesday that hunters had exceeded the limit.

None of the board members expressed any reaction to the news. The board's chairman, Fred Prehn, said the target was too low given the population goal of 350 wolves and that the November target should be set to get closer to that goal.

Warnke said he didn't know if that would be safe for the overall population, but that the department would use that 350-animal goal to inform its decisions. He said new population estimates are expected in April.

Lawmakers in neighbouring Minnesota have introduced dueling bills that would ban wolf hunting and establish a season.

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Follow Todd Richmond on Twitter: https://twitter.com/trichmond1

Todd Richmond, The Associated Press

No consent, no exploration, FSIN tells North Sask. miner

A First Nation with some of the richest uranium deposits in northern Saskatchewan wants an exploration company off its land.

Birch Narrows Dene Nation, with support from the Federation of Sovereign Indigenous Nations (FSIN), told Baselode Energy Corp. "to cease and desist further resources exploration and vacate their lands," in a prepared statement on Tuesday.

The First Nation alleges it found the company's workers on its land without the band council's consent. While the company received a permit from the province, Birch Narrows Dene Nation Chief Jonathon Sylvestre said that doesn't "give them the green light to run roughshod over our Inherent and Treaty Rights.”

The First Nation has since removed a blockade it built to stop exploration, but continues to patrol the area. Sylvestre said he expects "meaningful and proper consultation prior to any resource development" on the First Nation's land.

"It’s been especially difficult to meet deadlines during COVID-19, while our efforts are keeping our communities safe — not on rubber stamping resource development activities in our territories," he said.

Baselode has paused work to consult with the community. In a prepared statement on Monday, the company said it "believes a near-term solution is achievable and (that it) will continue with its exploration activities in due course."

Baselode's survey was a low-impact environmental survey conducted by snowmobile and on foot, a Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment spokeswoman said in a statement. Following delays related to COVID-19, Baselode officials met with the community on Jan. 20 and Feb. 9 to answer questions, the spokeswoman said.

Exploration is expected to be followed by a sampling survey that requires a separate consultation process, she said, adding that the province extended the original process to give the community more time to share concerns.

The dispute over the community's consent drew support from First Nation leaders.

In a statement, Treaty 10 leadership urged the province to follow the course set federally by Bill C-15, which aims to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It commended Baselode for pausing work, but said it was "misleading, inaccurate and disingenuous" for the province to say that Birch Narrows had ample time to voice concerns.

Underfunded First Nations need more resources to meaningfully participate in the consultation process, said Meadow Lake Tribal Council Chief Richard Ben.

“Otherwise, many First Nations will be left out of the process. We can’t undertake studies at our own expense in order to be consulted on resource development within our territory," he said.

Treaty rights override the provincial permit process, FSIN Chief Bobby Cameron said. Without gaining consent or input from the First Nation, "stay off our lands," he added.

“These kinds of bad business practices won’t be tolerated anymore as our connections to the land, water, animals and environment is paramount,” FSIN Vice Chief Heather Bear said.

“Resource exploration and extraction within our territories presents our Treaty hunters and gatherers with real problems, especially when it impacts their ability to exercise their Inherent and Treaty rights to hunt, fish, trap and gather.”

Nick Pearce, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, The StarPhoenix

Canadian Medical Association elects first Indigenous president

Richard Raycraft CBC


  

© Marni Kagan/CMA 

Dr. Alika Lafontaine practices anesthesia in Grande Prairie, AB and is of Anishinaabe, Cree, Metis and Pacific Islander ancestry.

The Canadian Medical Association (CMA) has elected its first Indigenous president.

Members selected Dr. Alika Lafontaine, an anesthesiologist in Grande Prairie, Alberta, as CMA president for 2022-23. He will serve as president-elect until August 2022, after which he will become the official CMA president, says a news release from the CMA.

Lafontaine is from Treaty 4 Territory in southern Saskatchewan, and is of Cree, Anishinaabe, Metis and Pacific Islander ancestry.

His nomination comes as the health care sector in Canada grapples with issues of inequity, including racism.

Earlier this year, the federal government committed to legislation that would aim to ensure Indigenous control over the development and delivery of Indigenous health services.

Lafontaine said he will focus on addressing issues of inequity during his tenure, and on establishing national licensing for physicians.

"Mobility, employability and collaboration should exist in a post-pandemic world, along with the decreased stress, burnout and improved wellness that will result," Lafontaine said in the media release.

"It's also time to eliminate racism, sexism, ableism, classism and all other '-isms' that permeate health system culture."

The nomination is waiting on confirmation by the CMA General Council in August 2021.

TORIES DISCOVER INDIGENOUS ISSUE

Address anti-Indigenous racism in health care before expanding MAID: advocates, MP

THEY CAN USE TO THEIR ADVANTAGE

OTTAWA — The federal government should not expand access to medical assistance in dying to those suffering solely from severe mental illness while Indigenous people live in conditions linked to higher rates of mental illness and suicide, says Tyler White of Siksika Health Services in Alberta.

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White, the organization's chief executive, joined Conservative MP Michael Cooper at a news conference to oppose proposed reforms to Canada's rules on medically assisted death. He argued it is unjust to offer access to medical assistance in dying to Indigenous people when basic care and compassion have not been provided.

"Vulnerable persons must be protected from being induced, in moments of weakness, to end their lives," he said.

He said such a move does not take into account the inequalities that Indigenous people face.

He described the Liberal government's consultation with Indigenous leaders on the new law as trivial, and said the government should know many Indigenous people do not feel safe getting health care due to stigma and racism.

Parliament is working on Bill C-7, which would expand access to medically assisted death.

It would extend access to assisted dying to intolerably suffering people who are not approaching the natural ends of their lives, bringing the law into compliance with a 2019 Quebec Superior Court ruling.

The House of Commons passed a version of the bill in December; the Senate has since amended it to widen access even further, including eventually to people whose only affliction is grievous, irremediable mental illness, and sent the revised text back to the Commons.

The Liberals have agreed with the Senate that certain people suffering solely from mental illnesses should be entitled to receive medical assistance in dying — but not for another two years, so the issue can be studied.

Cooper, the MP for St. Albert-Edmonton, said the government's acceptance of the Senate's amendment is "reckless."

"This radically expands Canada's medical assistance in dying regime and will with certainty put even more vulnerable Canadians at risk," he said.

He said the most important criterion for qualifying for medical assistance in dying, as set out by the Supreme Court of Canada, is that one must suffer from a grievous and irremediable condition.

"When we're talking about mental health, it's not possible to determine, it's not possible to predict, whether someone will get better, or will recover," he said.

Cooper said the government is moving ahead with the amendment despite a lack of consensus within the medical community and despite that there has been no formal study by Parliament of such a drastic change.

"This government is seeking to ram through Bill C-7 legislation that is now substantively different than the bill that was passed in the fall and sent to the Senate, in a cynical effort to avoid parliamentary scrutiny."

The Bloc Québécois has said it will support the minority Liberal government's response to the Senate's amendment, assuring it will pass.

Dr. John Maher, president of the Ontario Association for ACT & FACT, which promotes "assertive community treatment" for people with severe mental illnesses, said the Liberal government is pushing C-7 when Canadians are struggling with a pandemic that has worsened social disparity and pushed many to the depths of hopelessness.

"How can any human being in good conscience ignore the loud cries of hundreds of disability organizations, mental-health organizations, medical associations, Indigenous Peoples, religious organizations, the United Nations and our citizens who know the wounds inflicted by racism, ageism and ableism?" he said.

"Offering death to people who are impoverished, undertreated and suicidal is discriminatory."

Maher said medical assistance in dying should only be offered to people suffering terminal illness.

"(Medical assistance in dying) for non-terminal illness is suicide using a sanitized gun in a white coat," he said.

White said the new law threatens Indigenous Peoples' efforts to combat the youth suicide crisis in Indigenous communities.

"It sends a wrong message to those who are not coping, that the only way to improve their suffering is to choose death," he said.

"Our message to our youth is that suicide is not the answer."

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Feb. 26, 2021.

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This story was produced with the financial assistance of the Facebook and Canadian Press News Fellowship.

Maan Alhmidi, The Canadian Press