Monday, January 03, 2022

BALOCHISTAN IS NOT PAKISTAN
THE BALOCH SPRING IN GWADAR

After the protests

Muhammad Akbar Notezai
Updated a day ago

When thousands came out to protest in Gwadar in November, demanding resolution of long-festering local issues, those on the outside did not take immediate notice. But as the protests in the economically and politically sensitive city stretched for over a month, the government was forced to buckle and accept all the protesters’ demands. How did this mobilisation come about? Why are people speaking up now? And who is Maulana Hidayatur Rehman, the leader whose name is on everyone’s lips?


On an early December Saturday, the bus terminal at Karachi’s Yousuf Goth is busy as usual.

People get on colourful buses heading to Gwadar, Turbat and Panjgur. Nothing has changed here over the years. One still sees the same tea shops, conductors and cleaners. The sights and sounds are familiar to me. The Al-Javed Bus office is located at the same spot where it was back in 2017, when I last took one of their buses to Gwadar.

But Gwadar has changed over the past few years and so has the conversation surrounding the area. Newspapers covering the region no longer only carry picturesque visuals of the seaport. They are finally writing about the massive protests by locals and about the prime minister taking notice of these demonstrations. The conversation on the bus has also changed in the wake of the recently concluded protests.

At 10am, the bus is ready to head off on the 10-hour journey to Gwadar. I am seated in the second row of the bus. I first tried to sit next to a local from Gwadar, but he requested I move back so he can sit next to another local from the region. His friend, who finally takes the other seat, is wearing dark glasses that he doesn’t take off at all.

Both the friends naturally start talking about the protests and Maulana Hidayatur Rehman, the local Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) leader who became the face of the protests. While the following of the Maulana has seen a remarkable growth, some are still clearly suspicious of this meteoric rise.

“Had Mullah [Maulana Hidayatur Rehman] really been a leader, he would not have called off the protests in Gwadar after [Chief Minister Quddus] Bizenjo’s guarantees that he would meet the protesters’ demands,” says the friend in the dark glasses. But the thirty-something man, who is clearly a sceptic, goes on to acknowledge that Maulana Hidayat has made the locals in Gwadar see that they can stand up for their rights and challenge the administration.
Thousands of women came out for the demonstrations 

While the local in the glasses is talking, the bus cleaner walks by. He peels a banana and hands it to the bus driver to eat. The local discreetly looks at the cleaner from his glasses and lowers his voice. He moves closer to his friend. “Mullah has got the army’s support,” he declares. “That is why he called off the protests.”

Their conversation abruptly ends, when the bus driver starts to blast music through his phone connected to bluetooth speakers. We are soon in the presence of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan’s voice: “Dil-i-umeed torra hai kisi ne/ Sahara de ke chhorra hai kisi ne [Someone has broken a hopeful heart/ Someone has given support and then taken it back].”

Nusrat Sahib is interrupted by a phone call on the driver’s phone. But even when the music stops, the friend of the passenger in the dark glasses does not appear interested in continuing their conversation. Maybe he does not agree with his friend’s take. Or maybe he simply does not wish to discuss it on a bus that is likely to be full of the Maulana’s supporters.

Undoubtedly, Maulana Hidayatur Rehman has emerged as an unparalleled leader in Gwadar. And things already feel different after the protests that he headed. For one, passengers are not frisked at different checkpoints throughout the journey, as was the norm in the past.

One of the protesters’ demands was the elimination of ‘unnecessary’ checkposts on major roads. More and more of these checkposts had appeared as CPEC-related ‘development’ started making locals feel like outsiders at their own homes. Besides accepting other demands, the government also agreed to remove all unnecessary checkposts.

I am not the only one pleasantly surprised at the lack of checkposts. Clearly, the Gwadar we are headed to is a different Gwadar. How could it not be? Thousands were chanting “Gwadar ko haq do [Give Gwadar its rights],” just a few weeks ago.

TRAWLERS IN THE SEA
A sea of protestors can be seen on the Gwadar port | File

The Gwadar Fish Harbour, situated adjacent to the main port area, is full of action on Sunday morning when we reach. Boats, big and small, are parked in the harbour. They have many flags, mostly for aesthetic purposes. Some are red, some are green and others black. And then there are many boats with Pakistani flags. There is a lot of foot traffic. Buyers keep pouring in — men and women, and children with their parents — and fishermen compete for their attention and business.

This fish market scene seems like everything is business as usual. But not too long ago, these fishermen were among the thousands who had gathered for the protests, and refused to budge for over a month. Chief among the demands of the protesters, who had come together under the Gwadar Ko Huqooq Do Tehreek [Give Rights to Gwadar Movement] and the leadership of Maulana Hidayat, was the demand to end illegal trawlers.

Trawlers from neighbouring areas such as Sindh and even other countries come to fish in these waters, severely impacting the catch of local fishermen.



Earlier in December, Prime Minister Imran Khan had finally “taken notice” of the “very legitimate demands of the hardworking fishermen of Gwadar,” in a tweet. He had also promised strong action would be taken against illegal fishing by trawlers.

But the issue is not limited to illegal trawlers alone. The government has given Chinese trawlers licences to fish in the waters off the coast. Locals, most of whom operate small boats, are unable to compete with larger, more advanced Chinese boats.

Javed Baloch, one such fisherman, still seems to be in a revolutionary mode, weeks after the protest was called off. He proudly wears a Che Guevara-inspired beret cap with a red star.
A file photo of the Gwadar Port | AFP

Like hundreds of other fishermen of Gwadar, Javed goes to the sea every evening. He rides in his motorboat, which he could afford only after working with a group of fishermen in Iran for three years. Javed and a fellow fisherman stay in the sea for a few hours, waiting for the sun to set so they can fish in the dark.

After his last successful excursion, Javed speaks to me on Sunday morning. “We have caught fish worth over 15,000 rupees today,” he excitedly shares. “And it has been like this for over two weeks,” he adds, pointing out how their catch has increased threefold following strict action against illegal trawlers after the protests.

But this, he believes, is a temporary relief. “We have heard that the trawlers have gone to fish in the Kund Malir area [near Lasbela, towards Karachi],” he says. “These can come back at any time, depriving us of our livelihoods once again.”

His fears are based on an understanding of the region and its history. Fishermen from Sindh and foreign trawlers from countries such as Korea, Japan and China have been fishing in Gwadar’s largely pristine waters for many decades now.

OLD PROBLEMS, NEW SOLUTIONS
Faysal Mujeeb, White Star



KB Firaq, a Gwadar-based poet, columnist and human rights activist is known as an encyclopaedia on Gwadar’s fishermen community. Fittingly, I meet him at his library where he is surrounded by books and other encyclopaedias. He tells me that, according to his research, illegal trawling has been happening in the area since the 1990s.

“At the time, I was a school-going boy,” he says. He says that Gwadar has a lot of fish stock, which is why trawlers from Sindh and outside the country come to the area.

But this long-existing issue cannot be solved overnight.

Officials from the fisheries departments from Quetta and Gwadar share that stopping the practice of illegal trawling in Balochistan is not in their hands. One of the reasons for this is the lack of resources, admits a senior fisheries official in Quetta. According to him, their fisheries department has got only four patrolling boats to stop the practice of illegal trawling in all of Balochistan.

The gravity of the situation becomes apparent to me when, during my brief reporting stint, fishermen start telling me that illegal trawlers have already started to make their way back to the waters of Balochistan. But the power of protest also becomes apparent when I visit Pasni, a tehsil of the Gwadar district, where fishermen are protesting again.

“I felt it and spoke, which is why people have been responding to my call [to join the movement], irrespective of their background,” Maulana Hidayat says. “I have become their spokesman to speak out fearlessly.” The Maulana proudly says that, with a single call, he can get thousands, including women and children, to gather.

One of the protesters’ demands, which was accepted, was that their freedom to go to sea must be ensured. Still, the fishermen in Pasni have been directed to obtain tokens to fish in the sea. “We are not going to the US,” says Inayat Baloch, one of the fishermen who are protesting at the Pasni Fish Harbour. “Then why are we being asked for tokens to fish in our own sea?” The illegal trawlers should be receiving this treatment, not the locals, the fishermen lament.

Maulana Hidayatur Rehman manages to be a part of even this small protest. Inayat calls the Maulana from his phone, and puts the call on loudspeaker for the two dozen fishermen to hear. The Maulana charges up the protesters, roaring in Balochi. “Are you all tired [of protesting]?” he asks. “No!” they respond. He repeats the same question.

“Are you all tired?”

“No, not at all,” they all shout in unison.

Within an hour, officials from the district administration and the Navy come to speak with the fishermen. Soon, the officials tell the fishermen that they are exempt from showing tokens to fish in the sea.

This is the power of demonstrations. And this is the power of the Maulana, a man whose presence can be felt across Gwadar.

THE RISE OF MAULANA HIDAYAT

Maulana Hidayatur Rehman | Twitter

Surbandan, locally known as Sur in Gwadar, is a tiny town at a distance of 25 kilometres from the main Gwadar town. Sur is inhabited mostly by fishermen. On a Monday, the blue sea around the town is calm. The sky is blue and the wind is blowing. We are driving on the G.T. Road, and the sea is flowing next to us. Soon, we take a turn and stop at the Jama Makki Masjid.

I’m taken to a parrot green-coloured room. This is the room for Maulana Hidayatur Rehman’s guests. The Maulana and his brothers, who are also fishermen, live in a house next door. The JI leader is not at home, I am told. He is in Gwadar.

But his presence is all around me. Maulana is the talk of the town. Everyone I meet in the Gwadar district speaks of him and how he has stood up for their rights. Women and children play me songs on their mobiles dedicated to the Maulana.

“A leader is the one who does not fear. And we have found a leader in Maulana,” says Mehboob Baloch, a local fisherman in Surbandan. No conversation about Maulana can be had here without others chiming in. As Mehboob speaks to me, others join in with a chant I have heard many times by now: “We are all Maulana!”

Maulana is an unlikely leader according to many locals and politicians. He does not come from money. And even though he was present everywhere, his voice hardly mattered in the past. These descriptions seem to be in stark contrast with the situation today, where the Maulana is present across Gwadar, even when he is not physically in the vicinity.

A file photo shows a security personnel standing guard in Gwadar | AFP

Born in Surbandan village, Maulana received his primary education in his hometown. He then went to Karachi, where half of his maternal family lives, to complete his education. He received a Masters degree in Islamiat from Karachi.

Maulana Hidayat returned to become a small leader in his town. He understood the woes of his people and was not afraid of raising his voice for them. The Maulana first started making waves a few months ago, when he led a five-day-long demonstration in Surbandan asking for better treatment of local fishermen.

This protest was on the mind of Maasi Zainab, a Baloch woman with no formal education who had been making waves by being at the forefront of protests in Gwadar. Zainab sent Maulana a voice note over WhatsApp during protests at Gwadar’s Eastbay Expressway, where fishermen were not being allowed to go to sea. Soon Maulana, who was nowhere near the protest site, was on the road heading to the protest.

Led by fishermen of the Mullah Band area, he sat in front of three senior security officials and spoke bravely and courageously. In a video that went viral in September, he can be seen telling the officials that Gwadar first belongs to them. He is charged up, speaking bluntly, without a hint of doubt or fear in his voice. This was only the beginning.

AN UNWAVERING VOICE

Fishermen at the Gwadar Fish Harbour | Photo by the writer

Having failed to meet the Maulana in Surbandan, I return to Gwadar and check into Gwadar’s Sadaf Hotel, where I am set to finally meet the Maulana. I receive a message that Maulana, who is still busy in Gwadar town, will visit me after maghrib prayers.

The Maulana arrives accompanied by eight young men. He is wearing a white pakol cap, white clothes and a white chador. He is shorter than he appears in videos and pictures, but he walks tall. He says salaam to me and shakes my hand lightly. Mine is only the first of many handshakes for the Maulana. As we enter the hotel’s restaurants, the entire staff stands up to shake his hand.

Finally we sit down and start our conversation.

“What have Gwadaris seen in an old Maulana after 18 years?” I ask him, referring to the many years he has actively remained in politics without having the same kind of following he enjoys today.

His answer is simple, and one that has been given to me many times by now to explain Maulana Hidayat’s rise and following. In an environment where everybody is afraid to speak, people want someone to be their voice.

“I felt it and spoke, which is why people have been responding to my call [to join the movement], irrespective of their background,” he says. “I have become their spokesman to speak out fearlessly.”

The Maulana proudly says that, with a single call, he can get thousands, including women and children, to gather. “They have seen a ray of hope in despair and helplessness,” he tells me.

The Maulana’s sceptics see him as a right wing political opportunist who has been using issues such as illegal trawling, and problems with electricity, water and checkposts, to pave the way for his own ‘right wing agenda’ under the banner of JI. This, they argue, is why he is being given space in the port town where China has heavily invested.

One of the Maulana’s first demands was putting a ban on ‘wine’ [alcohol] stores in Gwadar, which, according to his critics, has got nothing to do with public issues.

I ask the Maulana about these criticisms, and he smiles. “Everyone wants to say that the ‘mullahs’ are against wine,” he says. “I put the demand forward because it is a public issue, not a private one.”

He says that mothers and sisters have now been sleeping peacefully knowing that their sons are not drinking. “Due to alcohol consumption, mothers and sisters have become psychological patients as their sons used to come home drunk,” he shares. “It had become the source of incidents in Gwadar.”

Boats parked in the harbour | Photo by the writer

Many say the leader has a good sense of humour. He continues talking about the issue with a cup of green tea in his hand. He is always in control of the conversation. He answers questions he wants to, and evades the ones he would rather not comment on. For example, when asked about apprehensions of people who say that the Maulana is ‘backed’ by some institution, and that no one can stage such a large protest in Balochistan unless they are ‘allowed’ to, he refuses to give a straight answer.

Maulana Hidayat’s priorities are the locals, and making sure they are not treated like outsiders in their own land. He is sceptical of the development taking place in the name of CPEC in the region. “Where is CPEC in Balochistan?” he asks. “I have only seen checkposts all around in the name of CPEC, not CPEC itself.”

The Maulana has clearly had these conversations before. After the interview, he is in no hurry to leave. He has found out that I had visited his hometown, Surbandan. He asks me why I did not have tea at his home.

One can clearly see the appeal of having a leader who is so inviting, passionate about his people and accessible on one phone call. It is no wonder thousands came out at his call.

While the government has accepted all the demands, how they are implemented remains to be seen. Nonetheless, many in Gwadar appear confident in the fact that in Maulana Hidayat they have found a voice that will speak up whenever he needs to. If he calls on his supporters to step out again, they surely will.

DEMANDS PUT FORWARD AT THE PROTEST

End illegal trawling

Progress: The headquarters of the Director General of Fisheries was moved from Quetta to Gwadar after the protests. Patrolling increased to check illegal trawlers.

Freedom for fishermen to go to sea

Progress: A token system to go to sea was eliminated. Fishermen are now allowed to go without any permission.

Elimination of unnecessary checkposts on major roads

Progress: All unnecessary checkposts have been removed.

Closure of wine shops in Gwadar

Progress: All wine shops have been closed on government instructions.

Elimination of interference in cross-border trade with Iran

Progress: The government has guaranteed the end to all kinds of interference and establishment of trade markets at the border.

Establishment of a university in Gwadar

Progress: A vice chancellor has been appointed for Gwadar University, classes to start soon.

Appointments on empty seats of education department’s non-teaching staff

Progress: Selection process for appointments completed, officials sent for appointment.

Curtailing the sale of fake medicines

Progress: Inspection of Gwadar’s medical stores completed.

Waivers and subsidies on utility bills

Progress: Policy on issue to be clarified soon. The chief minister has written a letter to Quetta Electric Supply Company.

Release of seized cars and boats by coastguard

Progress: Legal team formed on the issue.

Provision of clean drinking water

Progress: Supply of water initiated, water project to be completed soon.

Priority to locals on jobs for development projects

Progress: Special desk formed on the issue in the district commissioner’s office.

Implementation on agreement with Dar Bela affectees

Progress: Compensation paid to locals impacted, separate area being selected for land compensation.

Compensation paid to Expressway affectees

Progress: Compensation paid to locals impacted, special measures being taken for remaining people.

Removal of cases on protest leaders and names from Fourth Schedule

Progress: Matter sent to the provincial cabinet.

Damages for losses due to storms and illegal trawlers

Progress: Survey completed of fishermen’s losses, matter of compensation sent to the Provincial Disaster Management Authority and orders issued for immediate compensation.

Removal of DG GDA, DC Gwadar and AC Pasni

Progress: Officials changed.

Implementation of quota for disabled people

Progress: Orders issued for strict implementation of quota.

Open Kulki point for transportation of oil and essentials

Progress: Kantani point completely opened for transport and distribution of oil and essentials.

— Based on a dawn.com report

The writer is a member of staff. He tweets @Akbar_notezai

Published in Dawn, EOS, January 2nd, 2022
HISTORY: THE TAJ MAHAL’S MACABRE MYTH
Published January 2, 2022 -
Mughal Emperor Shah Jehan’s most famed legacy, The Taj Mahal | Reuters

Bharatiya Janata Party leaders and a pro-Modi media have drawn a contrast between the popularised myth of Shah Jahan’s brutal act of chopping off the hands of Taj Mahal workers after the completion of the monument and Narendra Modi’s act of showering flower petals on sanitation workers as a gesture of gratitude on the inauguration of the first phase of the Kashi Vishwanath corridor [a project in Varanasi aimed at transforming pilgrims’ experience by connecting the temple there with the ghats along the Ganga].

Shah Jahan is supposed to have committed this ungrateful act so that the workers would not be able to build another monument like the Taj Mahal.

As the Alt News article has made it clear, there appears to be no evidence for this claim that Shah Jahan chopped off the hands of workers and as such it appears to be a tale that has been spun at some point of time in history.

Further, assuming for the sake of argument, that Shah Jahan’s purpose was that he did not want any another similar monument to come up, it does not make sense that such an act serves his presumed purpose. Why?

Legend goes that Shah Jahan chopped off the hands of those who built the Taj Mahal so they could not replicate its beauty. Lately the myth is being bandied about on Indian news channels to compare PM Modi with Muslim Mughal rulers, but how true can it be?

It is because the beauty and grandeur of the Taj Mahal are the outer manifestation of the architect’s conception, imagination and aesthetic sense. Therefore, his target should have been the architect.

The ingenuity of the architect lies in the originality of the plan, design and how much aesthetic sense coupled with imagination he can express through his plan and design. Once this is concretised as a structure of the Taj Mahal, a first of its kind, it is not difficult for other planners and designers with no such skill to bring about similar structures. Masons, artisans, craftsmen and others go by the plan of the architect (though this is not to marginalise the contribution of these workmen, as there are certain intricate skills required for workmanship).

Unesco also mentions that “the uniqueness of Taj Mahal lies in some truly remarkable innovations carried out by the horticulture planners and architects of Shah Jahan.” The arches and domes that are captured by the imagination of the architects enhance aesthetic sense. In fact, the Taj Mahal project had a board of architects, led by the chief architect Ustad Ahmad Lahuri.

If Shah Jahan wanted that a similar monument should not come up, his brutality would have been directed toward the architects as well.

Myths around monuments


Ebba Koch, the Austrian art and architecture historian and a leading authority on Mughal architecture, terms this story, “guides’ tales”, in her book The Complete Taj Mahal and the Riverfront Gardens of Agra. Further, she compares this story with similar myths that are classified by Stith Thompson who has authored the Motif-Index of Folk-Literature.

She mentions three similar myths (different from Shah Jahan’s) drawing upon Thompson’s work as follows:

1- “King kills architect after completion of a great building, so that he may never again build one so great.”

2- “Artisan who has built palace blinded so that he cannot build another like it.”

3- “Masons who build mausoleum of princess lose their right hand so they may never again construct so fine a building.”

A similar story is also associated with St Basil’s Cathedral in Moscow’s Red Square. It was built to commemorate the fall of Kazan to Tsar Ivan the Terrible of Russia.

“Legend has it that Ivan the Terrible blinded the architect Posnik Yakovlev to prevent him from building another church as grand as this, although this is not confirmed by historians.”

Saint Basil’s Cathedral in Moscow

Now the question is, did Shah Jahan extend the brutal act to the architects?

This would have been more important for him if he really did not want another similar structure to come up because it is the architect who has the primary role in the conception and design of the structure.

However, modern writers have done that job of extending the brutal act of Shah Jahan to include the architects also.

The initial story of brutality that was restricted to workers was further spiced up to include the chief architect, recently, lest some people start thinking why the architect had been left out of the act of Shah Jahan.

Justin Huggler [in his 2004 article for The Independent] makes the claim that Lahuri was blinded after the Taj’s completion.

As Koch rightly remarks, these were “presented as historical facts” and by including the architect the “journalists of renowned newspapers… garnish…” their reports.

Convenient legends

The Hindutva leaders and their supporters’ proclivities for Muslim- and Christian-bashing in their thoughts and acts have become increasingly pronounced. They look for such apocryphal tales to depict a certain monstrosity in the kings from these communities.

Meanwhile, a similar unproven legend is associated with the Konark temple. A brutal condition was apparently laid by its builder, the Eastern Ganga dynasty king Narasimhadeva I. He “had set a deadline for the completion of the temple and had threatened to behead all the workers if the deadline [were] not met.”

One would also be curious to know the right-wing Hindutva groups’ response to the Ekalavya story in the Mahabharata where Dronacharya demanded the right thumb of Ekalavya as a guru dakshina (a Hindu tradition of paying an honorarium to the teacher for having imparted knowledge), even though he never formally taught Ekalavya. He was worried that his disciple Arjun would lose the status of the supreme archer if Ekalavya came into prominence. His intention of extracting his dakshina in a cruel form was to make him (Ekalavya) incapable of exercising self-acquired archery skills.

Mythical tales and legends of brutal deeds of Hindu characters are not convenient. But tales like Shah Jahan chopping hands serves a communal purpose.

The writer taught philosophy at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research, Mohali, Punjab

By arrangement with The Wire

Published in Dawn, EOS, January 2nd, 2022
Left with a bitter taste

Aijaz Nizamani
Published January 3, 2022 

PAKISTAN’S economic direction including its agriculture and food policy is characterised by contradictions which could not be more stark than its sugar policy. Sugar is an important part of the household diet in Pakistan but is not consumed more than rice, both in terms of volume and value. Paradoxically, rice is liberally exported and is without price control whereas sugar is subject to various price controls and other administrative machinations. It is a classic case of a conspiracy against the consumers.

Read more: Bitter sweet facts

It would be helpful to understand the sugar business value chain in Pakistan and identify the actors and players conspiring against the consumers who are forced to buy expensive local sugar when it is significantly cheaper in the international market. The sugar cane crop which is the raw material for sugar as a finished product, is cultivated on 2.1 million acres of land in Pakistan, mostly in Punjab and Sindh. Later, sugar is extracted from the crop in 81 sugar mills, again mostly in Punjab and Sindh. These mills are the processing units where farmers and middlemen/contractors sell the sugar cane crop through a highly interventionist method devised by bureaucrats which in the end satisfies no one in the value chain. A tiny portion of the crop is also processed on the farms and gur is produced which is consumed mostly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and exported to Afghanistan.

Sugar cane cultivation and sugar manufacture represent the ‘worst of both worlds’. The price of sugar cane is administratively fixed by the government and the finished product ie sugar is supposedly sold at the ‘market rate’ to wholesale dealers and ultimately to consumers (both households and industries). It is akin to the government ordering a tailor to buy fabric at the price set by the government and sell his finished garment at the market rate! This cannot work and creates significant distortions in the value chain. Very few people in Pakistan are aware that this illogical system of the sugar sector value chain is sustained through a 40 per cent duty on the import of sugar in Pakistan and ultimately it is the poor consumers who bear the brunt of the madness of the sugar policy.

It would be a valid question to ask what justifies government intervention or market rigging for a food commodity such as sugar which has far less value when compared to another food commodity like rice. It is important to know that more than half of the sugar is used in commercial businesses including sweets, biscuits and soft drinks where it functions as an intermediate commodity rather than being consumed by an individual and supposedly a poor household.

Sugar cane cultivation and sugar manufacture represent the ‘worst of both worlds’.

The list of government ‘distortions’ in the sugar sector is long and starts with the issuance of or application for the licence of a sugar mill. It is the government that decides where a sugar mill can or cannot be installed. The government also decides when sugar mills can start the crushing season (in other words when the tailor master will open his shop) and when mills have to make payments to their raw material suppliers for a business which is supposed to be free and liberal in nature in which private parties are supposed to make deals on their own without government intervention. It would not be out of place to ask what justifies government meddling in the sugar sector when invariably every household spends more on rice than sugar.

Sugar cane is a long-gestation crop and takes from 14 to 18 months and is known as a water guzzler requiring a huge quantity of precious irrigation water for maturing. This 14- to 18-month crop period makes sugar cane unsuitable for small growers and only medium- and large-scale farmers cultivate this crop. The dual aberration, that is the lower consumption importance and lower equitability value for the sugar cane crop on the production side (and a large environmental impact in terms of water requirement), makes government intervention even more bizarre. Why does the government intervene and take upon itself the wrath of all stakeholders as it is impossible to satisfy conflicting expectations of the players in the value chain?

To understand the sugar sector mess, it is important to bring into the picture the current sugar mill owners who are also large-scale sugar cane farmers. This is different from the 1960s or the early 1970s when mill owners were mostly industrialists who had little interest in farming and the mill owners hardly had any electoral clout. This sugar mill ownership landscape changed in the 1980s and large-scale farmers, as a form of state patronage (and with public-sector bank financing) got sugar mill licences and entered the business. The rise of these large-scale farmers as mill owners consolidated vested interests. The worst form of this vested interest manifested itself last year when millers were provided large-scale export subsidy and the same year the commodity was imported at almost twice the price of its export. Taxpayers and consumers were doubly robbed with this simultaneous export and import of sugar.

Read more: Ministerial body proposes major reforms in sugar sector

There is no doubt that the sugar policy is most bizarre and cannot be sustained no matter how powerful the sugar lobby is in Pakistan. It invariably results in losses for mill owners when international prices are low and our neighbours, particularly Afghanistan, do not lift our sugar and the local market is suppressed. With the current boom in the international market for commodities such as sugar, it is the best time for the government to deregulate sugar altogether. As household consumers are already conditioned for higher prices, the mill owners would be able to export without substantially impacting the local market. Perhaps currently the biggest hurdle in deregulation are the large-scale sugar cane farmers and not the mill owners.

The writer serves as additional secretary in the forestry department, Sindh.
aijazniz@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, January 3rd, 2022
US defeat tied to Afghan war becoming business

Pajhwok Monitor
3 Jan 2022 - 

KABUL (Pajhwok): US military contractors made fortunes as Washington outpoured money for the Afghan conflict, a media report said on Monday.

The Department of Defense spent 14 trillion dollars for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported.


According to the newspaper, a California businessman running a bar in the Central Asian republic of Kyrgyzstan launched a fuel business that brought in billions in revenue.

An Afghan translator transformed a deal to provide forces with bed sheets into a business empire including a TV station and a domestic airline.

Hailing from Ohio, two Army National Guardsmen initiated a small business providing the military with Afghan interpreters that grew into one of the army’s top contractors. It amassed nearly $4 billion in federal contracts.

The Pentagon spent six million dollars on a project seeking to import nine Italian goats to fuel the Afghan cashmere market. The project, however, failed to reach scale.


Meanwhile, political analysts tied the US defeat in Afghanistan was to the war morphing into a business.


“One of the main things that caused the collapse of the Afghan government and the US defeat in Afghanistan was the war becoming a business,” remarked one analyst Muqadam Ameen.

Sadeq Hameedzui, another analyst, was quoted as saying: “The corruption existed at a high-level, even the salaries of the (Afghan) security forces were being embezzled.”

Christopher Miller, the Trump administration’s acting defense secretary, insisted a lot had to be outsourced to contractors while fighting a war with an all-volunteer military smaller than in past conflicts and without a draft.

In reaction to the WSJ report, the Islamic Emirate said despite pouring a a lot of money into Afghanistan, the country had not been reconstructed.

PAN Monitor/mud

US spent $14tr on wars in 20 years,
 $6m on rearing nine goats
Published January 3, 2022 
US troops patrol at an Afghan National Army base in Logar province, 
Afghanistan, August 7, 2018. — Reuters/File


WASHINGTON: The US military spent $14 trillion during two decades of war in Afghanistan and the Middle East, enriching arm manufacturers, dealers and contractors.

A detailed, full-page report in The Wall Street Journal shows that since Sept 11, 2001, US military outsourcing pushed up Pentagon spending to $14 trillion. One-third to half of that sum went to contractors.

The report includes numerous examples of how American tax-payers’ money was wasted on projects that never came to fruition. On one such project, “the Pentagon spent $6 million on a project that imported nine Italian goats to boost Afghanistan’s cashmere market. The project never reached scale.” Five defence companies — Lockheed Martin Corp, Boeing Co, General Dynamics Corp, Raytheon Technologies Corp and Northrop Grumman Corp — took the lion’s share, $2.1 trillion, for weapons, supplies and other services.

Read more: Casualties in Afghanistan, Iraq much higher than US admitted: NYT

The newspaper collected the data from Brown University’s Costs of War Project, area scholars, legal experts and others who are working on the hidden impact of America’s wars.

The WSJ report also includes some rags-to-riches stories: A young Afghan translator transformed a deal to provide forces with bed sheets into a business empire including a TV station and a domestic airline.

A California businessman running a bar in Kyrgyzstan started a fuel business that brought in billions in revenue. Two Army National Guardsmen from Ohio started a small business providing the military with Afghan interpreters. It grew to become one of the US Army’s top contractors, collecting nearly $4 billion in federal contracts.

The Biden administration has now ordered an inquiry to determine how the reliance on battlefield contractors multiplies the war cost.

The US Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR), created to monitor the almost $150 billion spent on rebuilding the country, collected hundreds of reports of waste and fraud. A SIGAR survey released in early 2021 found that, of the $7.8 billion earmarked for projects, only $1.2 billion, or 15 percent, was spent on new roads, hospitals, bridges, and factories. At least $2.4 billion was spent on military planes, police offices, farming programs and other development projects that were abandoned, destroyed or used for other purposes.

The US Agency for International Development gave $270 million to a company to build 1,200 miles of gravel road in Afghanistan. The USAID canceled the project after the company built 100 miles of road in three years of work that left more than 125 people dead in insurgent attacks.

In 2008, the US had 187,900 troops in Afghanistan and Iraq, the peak of the US deployment, and 203,660 contractor personnel.

When President Barack Obama ordered most US troops to leave Afghanistan at the end of his second term, more than 26,000 contractors were in Afghanistan, compared with 9,800 troops.

By the time President Donald Trump left office four years later, 18,000 contractors remained in Afghanistan, along with 2,500 troops.

More than 3,500 US contractors died in Afghanistan and Iraq and more than 7,000 American service members died during two decades of war.

Read more: Afghan debacle cumulative effect of 20 years of mistakes, says US military chief

The contractors often used Afghans to do their work but paid them only a fraction of what they would pay an American or a European employee. Average monthly income for Afghan linguists fell from about $750 in 2012 to $500 in 2021. Some

Afghan linguists working alongside US soldiers in the toughest parts of the country were paid as little as $300 a month.

In January 2010, an Afghan interpreter working for a contracting firm Mission Essential on an Army Special Forces base near Kabul grabbed a gun and killed two US soldiers.

Published in Dawn, January 3rd, 2022

AMERICA'S LONG WAR OF REVENGE
Some 28,500 children killed in past 16 years in Afghanistan: UNICEF

January 3, 2022

KABUL: Over 28,000 children have been killed in conflicts since 2005 in Afghanistan, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said on Friday.

“Afghanistan, for example, has the highest number of verified child casualties since 2005, at more than 28,500 – accounting for 27 percent of all verified child casualties globally,” the organization 
said in a statement.

Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria and northern Ethiopia are the places where children have paid a devastating price as armed conflict, inter-communal violence and insecurity continued, UNICEF said.

“Year after year, parties to conflict continue to demonstrate a dreadful disregard for the rights and wellbeing of children,” said UNICEF Executive Director Henrietta Fore.

 “Children are suffering, and children are dying because of this callousness. Every effort should be made to keep these children safe from harm.” According to the statement, the UN has verified 266,000 cases of grave violations against children in more than 30 conflict situations across Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Latin America over the past 16 years. The statement says these are only the cases verified by UN-led monitoring and reporting mechanisms, meaning that the true figures may be far higher.

UNICEF says that so far there is no data available about grave violations against children in 2021, but in 2020, 26,425 grave violations against children were verified by the UN.

UNICEF has called on “all parties to conflict” to take concrete measures to protect children.

“Ultimately, children living through war will only be safe when parties to conflict take concrete action to protect them and stop committing grave violations,” said Fore. “As we approach the end of 2021, I call on all parties to conflict to end attacks against children, uphold their rights and strive 
for peaceful political resolutions to war.”

The Kabul Times
Experts warn Covid conspiracy groups may pivot to climate misinformation in 2022

2 January 2022

Ratcliffe on Soar power station stock. Picture: PA

After a year that saw the UK host the Cop26 summit, experts have raised concern over an increase in climate misinformation.

Covid-19 conspiracy groups may pivot to pushing climate misinformation in 2022, experts have warned.

Ciaran O’Connor, an analyst at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), told the PA news agency that coronavirus misinformation on topics such as vaccines and lockdowns could evolve to focus on climate policy.

“‘Green lockdowns’ is a term that’s bandied about in these conspiracy communities… that’s a merging of Covid worlds and climate disinformation worlds,” he said.

Mr O’Connor said conspiracy groups “will frame” climate policy as a “loss of civil liberties and loss of freedoms”.

“If you think about the Covid protest movements – be it anti-mask, anti-lockdown, or anti-vaccines – the branding and the language that’s been used by these kinds of conspiracy units has always been around,” he said.

“This is a civil liberties argument.

“The climate dialogue, rhetoric and discussion is gonna be rolled into that kind of civil liberties discussion, I think (that) is where you’re going to see a lot of these groups go.”

Dr Jonathan Bright, an associate professor at the Oxford Internet Institute, agreed, adding that there “could be more activity” from climate conspiracy groups in 2022.

“I think people are going to be thinking about climate change misinformation quite a lot,” Mr Bright told PA.

Telegram has become the ‘platform of choice’ for conspiracy groups  AND RT
Picture: PA

The experts were also concerned that conspiracy groups and communities have traded mainstream platforms, such as Facebook and Twitter, for Telegram – a platform with comparatively relaxed content guidelines.

“Telegram has… taken a very robust ‘we’re not interested approach’ to any media pressure to get it to moderate its content,” Dr Bright said.

Mr O’Connor added: “Telegram has become the platform of choice for far-right, extreme right wing groups, for conspiracy communities, (and) for extremist communities in general. Facebook and YouTube… they do have community guidelines, they do enforce them.

“Telegram takes largely a hands off approach to this. They have bare bones terms of service. That means that essentially they only take down threats of violence and child pornography and things like this.

“What that means is that Telegram is a safe space for conspiracy communities.”

The experts also pointed to the fact that online conspiracies are increasingly feeding real-world activity.

England’s chief medical officer Sir Chris Whitty is among the public figures who have been targeted by protesters 
(Daniel Leal-Olivas/PA)

In February, footage emerged of a man confronting England’s chief medical officer Sir Chris Whitty on the street, accusing him of lying about coronavirus case numbers.

In October, protesters were filmed entering Colchester Hospital in Essex and serving staff with bogus legal papers accusing them of “crimes against humanity”.

And earlier in December, anti-vaxxer Piers Corbyn was arrested on suspicion of encouraging people to attack MPs’ offices.

“Online actions have offline consequences,” Mr O’Connor said.

“What we’re seeing in relation to that idea… is the increased threat especially towards public health officials, towards politicians, and even towards frontline staff, people who are working to protect people.”

An anti-lockdown protest in London in June 2021 (Aaron Chown/PA)

The Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport is responsible for the Government’s response to disinformation.

It announced a raft of measures over the past year to combat the issue, including funding training for libraries, youth workers, and teachers to help build media literacy in young people.

Tech and digital economy minister Chris Philp said: “Our mission is to make the online world a better and safer place and tackling disinformation is a vital part of this work.

“Our new online safety laws will create clear requirements for tech platforms to tackle disinfo and misinfo and our media literacy strategy will provide people with the skills they need to be able to tell fact from fiction online.”

Telegram had not responded to a PA request for comment at the time of publication.


By Press Association
Your attention didn’t collapse. It was stolen

Illustration by Eric Chow.

Social media and many other facets of modern life are destroying our ability to concentrate. We need to reclaim our minds while we still can

Johann Hari
Sun 2 Jan 2022 

When he was nine years old, my godson Adam developed a brief but freakishly intense obsession with Elvis Presley. He took to singing Jailhouse Rock at the top of his voice with all the low crooning and pelvis-jiggling of the King himself. One day, as I tucked him in, he looked at me very earnestly and asked: “Johann, will you take me to Graceland one day?” Without really thinking, I agreed. I never gave it another thought, until everything had gone wrong.

Ten years later, Adam was lost. He had dropped out of school when he was 15, and he spent almost all his waking hours alternating blankly between screens – a blur of YouTube, WhatsApp and porn. (I’ve changed his name and some minor details to preserve his privacy.) He seemed to be whirring at the speed of Snapchat, and nothing still or serious could gain any traction in his mind. During the decade in which Adam had become a man, this fracturing seemed to be happening to many of us. Our ability to pay attention was cracking and breaking. I had just turned 40, and wherever my generation gathered, we would lament our lost capacity for concentration. I still read a lot of books, but with each year that passed, it felt more and more like running up a down escalator. Then one evening, as we lay on my sofa, each staring at our own ceaselessly shrieking screens, I looked at him and felt a low dread. “Adam,” I said softly, “let’s go to Graceland.” I reminded him of the promise I had made. I could see that the idea of breaking this numbing routine ignited something in him, but I told him there was one condition he had to stick to if we went. He had to switch his phone off during the day. He swore he would.


When you arrive at the gates of Graceland, there is no longer a human being whose job is to show you around. You are handed an iPad, you put in little earbuds, and the iPad tells you what to do – turn left; turn right; walk forward. In each room, a photograph of where you are appears on the screen, while a narrator describes it. So as we walked around we were surrounded by blank-faced people, looking almost all the time at their screens. As we walked, I felt more and more tense. When we got to the jungle room – Elvis’s favourite place in the mansion – the iPad was chattering away when a middle-aged man standing next to me turned to say something to his wife. In front of us, I could see the large fake plants that Elvis had bought to turn this room into his own artificial jungle. “Honey,” he said, “this is amazing. Look.” He waved the iPad in her direction, and began to move his finger across it. “If you swipe left, you can see the jungle room to the left. And if you swipe right, you can see the jungle room to the right.”
If you read your texts while working, you lose that time, but also the time it takes to refocus afterwards, which is a lot

His wife stared, smiled, and began to swipe at her own iPad. I leaned forward. “But, sir,” I said, “there’s an old-fashioned form of swiping you can do. It’s called turning your head. Because we’re here. We’re in the jungle room. You can see it unmediated. Here. Look.” I waved my hand, and the fake green leaves rustled a little. Their eyes returned to their screens. “Look!” I said. “Don’t you see? We’re actually there. There’s no need for your screen. We are in the jungle room.” They hurried away. I turned to Adam, ready to laugh about it all – but he was in a corner, holding his phone under his jacket, flicking through Snapchat.

At every stage in the trip, he had broken his promise. When the plane first touched down in New Orleans two weeks before, he took out his phone while we were still in our seats. “You promised not to use it,” I said. He replied: “I meant I wouldn’t make phone calls. I can’t not use Snapchat and texting, obviously.” He said this with baffled honesty, as though I had asked him to hold his breath for 10 days. In the jungle room, I suddenly snapped and tried to wrestle his phone from his grasp, and he stomped away. That night I found him in the Heartbreak Hotel, sitting next to a swimming pool (shaped like a giant guitar), looking sad. I realised as I sat with him that, as with so much anger, my rage towards him was really anger towards myself. His inability to focus was something I felt happening to me too. I was losing my ability to be present, and I hated it. “I know something’s wrong,” Adam said, holding his phone tightly in his hand. “But I have no idea how to fix it.” Then he went back to texting.

Johann Hari at his home in London. 
Photograph: Antonio Olmos/The Observer

I realised then that I needed to understand what was really happening to him and to so many of us. That moment turned out to be the start of a journey that transformed how I think about attention. I travelled all over the world in the next three years, from Miami to Moscow to Melbourne, interviewing the leading experts in the world about focus. What I learned persuaded me that we are not now facing simply a normal anxiety about attention, of the kind every generation goes through as it ages. We are living in a serious attention crisis – one with huge implications for how we live. I learned there are twelve factors that have been proven to reduce people’s ability to pay attention and that many of these factors have been rising in the past few decades – sometimes dramatically.

I went to Portland, Oregon, to interview Prof Joel Nigg, who is one of the leading experts in the world on children’s attention problems, and he told me we need to ask if we are now developing “an attentional pathogenic culture” – an environment in which sustained and deep focus is harder for all of us. When I asked him what he would do if he was in charge of our culture and he actually wanted to destroy people’s attention, he said: “Probably what our society is doing.” Prof Barbara Demeneix, a leading French scientist who has studied some key factors that can disrupt attention, told me bluntly: “There is no way we can have a normal brain today.” We can see the effects all around us. A small study of college students found they now only focus on any one task for 65 seconds. A different study of office workers found they only focus on average for three minutes. This isn’t happening because we all individually became weak-willed. Your focus didn’t collapse. It was stolen.

When I first got back from Graceland, I thought my attention was failing because I wasn’t strong enough as an individual and because I had been taken over by my phone. I went into a spiral of negative thoughts, reproaching myself. I’d say – you’re weak, you’re lazy, you’re not disciplined enough. I thought the solution was obvious: be more disciplined, and banish your phone. So I went online and booked myself a little room by the beach in Provincetown, at the tip of Cape Cod. I announced triumphantly to everyone – I am going to be there for three months, with no smartphone, and no computer that can get online. I’m done. I’m tired of being wired. I knew I could only do it because I was very lucky and had money from my previous books. I knew it couldn’t be a long-term solution. I did it because I thought that if I didn’t, I might lose some crucial aspects of my ability to think deeply. I also hoped that if I stripped everything back for a time, I might start to be able to glimpse the changes we could all make in a more sustainable way.

In my first webless week, I stumbled around in a haze of decompression. Provincetown is a little gay resort town with the highest proportion of same-sex couples in the US. I ate cupcakes, read books, talked with strangers and sang songs. Everything radically slowed down. Normally I follow the news every hour or so, getting a drip-feed of anxiety-provoking facts and trying to smush them together into some kind of sense. Instead, I simply read a physical newspaper once a day. Every few hours, I would feel an unfamiliar sensation gurgling inside me and I would ask myself: what is that? Ah, yes. Calm.

Later, I realised when I interviewed the experts and studied their research that there were many reasons why my attention was starting to heal from that first day. Prof Earl Miller, a neuroscientist at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, explained one to me. He said “your brain can only produce one or two thoughts” in your conscious mind at once. That’s it. “We’re very, very single-minded.” We have “very limited cognitive capacity”. But we have fallen for an enormous delusion. The average teenager now believes they can follow six forms of media at the same time. When neuroscientists studied this, they found that when people believe they are doing several things at once, they are actually juggling. “They’re switching back and forth. They don’t notice the switching because their brain sort of papers it over to give a seamless experience of consciousness, but what they’re actually doing is switching and reconfiguring their brain moment-to-moment, task-to-task – [and] that comes with a cost.” Imagine, say, you are doing your tax return, and you receive a text, and you look at it – it’s only a glance, taking three seconds – and then you go back to your tax return. In that moment, “your brain has to reconfigure, when it goes from one task to another”, he said. You have to remember what you were doing before, and you have to remember what you thought about it. When this happens, the evidence shows that “your performance drops. You’re slower. All as a result of the switching.”

This is called the “switch-cost effect”. It means that if you check your texts while trying to work, you aren’t only losing the little bursts of time you spend looking at the texts themselves – you are also losing the time it takes to refocus afterwards, which turns out to be a huge amount. For example, one study at the Carnegie Mellon University’s human computer interaction lab took 136 students and got them to sit a test. Some of them had to have their phones switched off, and others had their phones on and received intermittent text messages. The students who received messages performed, on average, 20% worse. It seems to me that almost all of us are currently losing that 20% of our brainpower, almost all the time. Miller told me that as a result we now live in “a perfect storm of cognitive degradation”.

For the first time in a very long time, in Provincetown I was doing one thing at a time, without being interrupted. I was living within the limits of what my brain could actually handle. I felt my attention growing and improving with every day that passed, but then, one day, I experienced an abrupt setback. I was walking down the beach and every few steps I saw the same thing that had been scratching at me since Memphis. People seemed to be using Provincetown simply as a backdrop for selfies, rarely looking up, at the ocean or each other. Only this time, the itch I felt wasn’t to yell: You’re wasting your lives, put the damn phone down. It was to yell: Give me that phone! Mine! For so long, I had received the thin, insistent signals of the web every few hours throughout the day, the trickle of likes and comments that say: I see you. You matter. Now they were gone. Simone de Beauvoir said that when she became an atheist, it felt like the world had fallen silent. Losing the web felt like that. After the rhetorical heat of social media, ordinary social interactions seemed pleasing but low volume. No normal social interaction floods you with hearts.

Provincetown: a place to switch off. 
Photograph: Maddie Meyer/Getty Images

I realised that to heal my attention, it was not enough simply to strip out distractions. That makes you feel good at first – but then it creates a vacuum where all the noise was. I realised I had to fill the vacuum. To do that, I started to think a lot about an area of psychology I had learned about years before – the science of flow states. Almost everyone reading this will have experienced a flow state at some point. It’s when you are doing something meaningful to you, and you really get into it, and time falls away, and your ego seems to vanish, and you find yourself focusing deeply and effortlessly. Flow is the deepest form of attention human beings can offer. But how do we get there?

I later interviewed Prof Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi in Claremont, California, who was the first scientist to study flow states and researched them for more than 40 years. From his research, I learned there are three key factors which you need to get into flow. First you need to choose one goal. Flow takes all your mental energy, deployed deliberately in one direction. Second, that goal needs to be meaningful to you – you can’t flow into a goal that you don’t care about. Third, it helps if what you are doing is at the edge of your abilities – if, say, the rock you are climbing is slightly higher and harder than the last rock you climbed. So every morning, I started to write – a different kind of writing from my earlier work, one that stretched me. Within a few days, I started to flow, and hours of focus would pass without it feeling like a challenge. I felt I was focusing in the way I had when I was a teenager, in long effortless stretches. I had feared my brain was breaking. I cried with relief when I realised that in the right circumstances, its full power could come back.

At the end of every day, I would sit on the beach and watch the light slowly change. The light on the cape is unlike the light anywhere else I have ever been and in Provincetown, I could see more clearly than I ever had before in my life – my own thoughts, my own goals, my own dreams. I was living in the light. So when the time came to leave the beach house and come back to the hyperlinked world, I became convinced I had cracked the code of attention. I returned to the world determined to integrate the lessons I had learned in my everyday life. When I was reunited with my phone and laptop after taking a ferry back to where they were stashed in Boston, they seemed alien, and alienating. But within a few months, my screen time was back to four hours a day, and my attention was fraying and breaking again.

In Moscow, the former Google engineer James Williams – who has become the most important philosopher of attention in the western world – told me I had made a crucial mistake. Individual abstinence is “not the solution, for the same reason that wearing a gas mask for two days a week outside isn’t the answer to pollution. It might, for a short period of time, keep certain effects at bay, but it’s not sustainable, and it doesn’t address the systemic issues.” He said that our attention is being deeply altered by huge invasive forces in wider society. Saying the solution was to just adjust your own habits – to pledge to break up with your phone, say – was just “pushing it back on to the individual” he said, when “it’s really the environmental changes that will really make the difference”.

Nigg said it might help me grasp what’s happening if we compare our rising attention problems to our rising obesity rates. Fifty years ago there was very little obesity, but today it is endemic in the western world. This is not because we suddenly became greedy or self-indulgent. He said: “Obesity is not a medical epidemic – it’s a social epidemic. We have bad food, for example, and so people are getting fat.” The way we live changed dramatically – our food supply changed, and we built cities that are hard to walk or cycle around, and those changes in our environment led to changes in our bodies. We gained mass, en masse. Something similar, he said, might be happening with the changes in our attention.

I learned that the factors harming our attention are not all immediately obvious. I had been focused on tech at first, but in fact the causes range very widely – from the food we eat to the air we breathe, from the hours we work to the hours we no longer sleep. They include many things we have come to take for granted – from how we deprive our children of play, to how our schools strip learning of meaning by basing everything on tests. I came to believe we need to respond to this incessant invasion of our attention at two levels. The first is individual. There are all sorts of changes we can make at a personal level that will protect our focus. I would say that by doing most of them, I have boosted my focus by about 20%. But we have to level with people. Those changes will only take you so far. At the moment it’s as though we are all having itching powder poured over us all day, and the people pouring the powder are saying: “You might want to learn to meditate. Then you wouldn’t scratch so much.” Meditation is a useful tool – but we actually need to stop the people who are pouring itching powder on us. We need to band together to take on the forces stealing our attention and take it back.

Illustration by Eric Chow.

This can sound a bit abstract – but I met people who were putting it into practice in many places. To give one example: there is strong scientific evidence that stress and exhaustion ruin your attention. Today, about 35% of workers feel they can never switch off their phones because their boss might email them at any time of day or night. In France, ordinary workers decided this was intolerable and pressured their government for change – so now, they have a legal “right to disconnect”. It’s simple. You have a right to defined work hours, and you have a right to not be contacted by your employer outside those hours. Companies that break the rules get huge fines. There are lots of potential collective changes like this that can restore part of our focus. We could, for example, force social media companies to abandon their current business model, which is specifically designed to invade our attention in order to keep us scrolling. There are alternative ways these sites could work – ones that would heal our attention instead of hacking it.

Some scientists say these worries about attention are a moral panic, comparable to the anxieties in the past about comic books or rap music, and that the evidence is shaky. Other scientists say the evidence is strong and these anxieties are like the early warnings about the obesity epidemic or the climate crisis in the 1970s. I think that given this uncertainty, we can’t wait for perfect evidence. We have to act based on a reasonable assessment of risk. If the people warning about the effects on our attention turn out to be wrong, and we still do what they suggest, what will be the cost? We will spend less time being harassed by our bosses, and we’ll be tracked and manipulated less by technology – along with lots of other improvements in our lives that are desirable in any case. But if they turn out to be right, and we don’t do what they say, what’s the cost? We will have – as the former Google engineer Tristan Harris told me – downgraded humanity, stripping us of our attention at the very time when we face big collective crises that require it more than ever.

But none of these changes will happen unless we fight for them. Just as the feminist movement reclaimed women’s right to their own bodies (and still has to fight for it today), I believe we now need an attention movement to reclaim our minds. I believe we need to act urgently, because this may be like the climate crisis, or the obesity crisis – the longer we wait, the harder it will get. The more our attention degrades, the harder it will be to summon the personal and political energy to take on the forces stealing our focus. The first step it requires is a shift in our consciousness. We need to stop blaming ourselves, or making only demands for tiny tweaks from our employers and from tech companies. We own our own minds – and together, we can take them back from the forces that are stealing them.

The above is an edited extract from Stolen Focus: Why You Can’t Pay Attention by Johann Hari, published by Bloomsbury on 6 January.

Why Nova Scotia's fossil fuel energy megaprojects are going bust

Changing attitudes, financial hurdles posed challenges for

troubled projects

Pieridae Energy's proposed liquefied natural gas project in Goldboro, Guysborough County, was abandoned in July. (Pieridae Energy)

Several of Nova Scotia's energy megaprojects have fizzled in recent months and years, and some say the societal shift toward renewables is the reason.

AltaGas, the company with a plan to store up to 10 billion cubic feet of natural gas in underground caverns alongside the Shubenacadie River, announced in October it was pulling the plug on the project due to the "repositioning of the business and the challenging nature of the storage project economics."

In July, Pieridae Energy announced it would not proceed with its proposal to build a processing plant and export facility for liquefied natural gas in Goldboro, Guysborough County, citing cost pressures and time constraints.

The future of the Bear Head LNG project, a proposal to bring in natural gas to Port Hawkesbury from Western Canada or the U.S., and then import it to Europe, is uncertain after the company behind the project tried to sell it last year.

The province's offshore oil and gas future looks less than rosy after a call for exploration bids this year yielded no interest.

Encana Corp.'s Deep Panuke project drills for natural gas off the coast of Nova Scotia in this file photo. The province's offshore oil and gas industry has waned in recent years. (SBM Offshore)

Last year, the Donkin coal mine — which produced both thermal coal for electricity generation and metallurgical coal for steelmaking — closed permanently, with the company blaming geological conditions in the underground mine.

Transition away from fossil fuels

Jennifer Tuck, the CEO of the Maritimes Energy Association, said the industry's transition away from fossil fuels is affecting the energy landscape in Nova Scotia.

"Focus on climate change, achieving global emissions reductions targets, all of those things, I think, make it challenging in the fossil fuel sector," she said.

Tuck said investment funds have been pulling out of funding oil and gas projects, and federal policy changes are focusing more on clean energies and technologies. 

The Donkin coal mine in Cape Breton closed permanently in 2020. (Radio-Canada)

Pieridae Energy had requested nearly $1 billion from the federal government to support its plan to send liquefied natural gas to Europe, but the funding failed to materialize.

Community and global resistance to fossil fuels also likely played a role in the demise of some of Nova Scotia's energy megaprojects, said Noreen Mabiza, an energy co-ordinator at the Ecology Action Centre in Halifax.

"It is definitely a factor, not a factor to be ignored," said Mabiza. "People have been on the ground for years saying they don't want these sorts of projects."

AltaGas, the company behind the proposed natural gas storage project along the Shubenacadie River, pulled the plug in October. (AltaGas Ltd.)

When AltaGas announced it was abandoning its natural gas storage plan, it said the project had received "mixed support, challenges and experienced delay." Mi'kmaw protestors and other opponents have long spoken out against the project, setting up a camp next to the river and launching court challenges.

"It takes years. It wasn't an overnight effort to get these projects to leave, but it's just that continued fight of people who want to fight and protect our land, and people who do recognize we are in a climate emergency and just certain things won't pass anymore," Mabiza said.

'Constant wishful thinking'

Larry Hughes, who teaches energy systems analysis at Dalhousie University and is a founding fellow of the MacEachen Institute for Public Policy and Governance, said there were different factors — including finances, logistical hurdles and opposition — involved in the demise of the different energy projects in Nova Scotia, but what was consistent was the hype behind each.

Hughes said Nova Scotia has a "colonial mentality" when it comes to energy projects, primarily thinking about exporting resources such as gas or coal to other areas instead of using them at home first.

"These projects get so hyped up by the province, that this is going to set us on the course to riches, we will become a have province, no more equalization payments.… There's a constant wishful thinking."

Hughes believes the province is at the beginning of a transition more toward renewables.

"Unless BP went out and found a megafield that nobody had realized was out there and we did become Houston of the North, but unless something like that happens, there's nothing really on the non-renewable side on the cards that I can see," he said.

So what's next?

In October, the Nova Scotia government tabled legislation that would see coal-fired electricity generation phased out and 80 per cent of the province's power coming from renewables by 2030.

Nova Scotia Power president Peter Gregg said the utility expects to meet the 80 per cent target largely through two renewable megaprojects, the Maritime Link and the Atlantic Loop.

Nova Scotia started receiving some electricity from Labrador's Muskrat Falls hydro project one year ago through the Maritime Link subsea cable. The Muskrat Falls project has been beset by difficulties, but is expected to deliver up to 60 per cent of Nova Scotia's electricity needs by the first half of 2022, Gregg said.

The Atlantic Loop project would see hydroelectric energy from Quebec and Labrador flow to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick through upgraded transmission grids. Gregg declined to estimate how long it may take to get the Atlantic Loop up and running, or how much of Nova Scotia's power would come from the project once it's completed.

A close-up shot of the Maritime Link cable that connects Nova Scotia to the Muskrat Falls hydroelectric project in Newfoundland and Labrador. Once the project overcomes current challenges, it would significantly boost the amount of renewable energy flowing into Nova Scotia's power grid. (Nic Meloney/CBC)

He said talks are ongoing between the relevant provincial governments, the provinces' utility companies and the federal government.

"There are a lot of moving parts, a lot of people involved in the discussions. And so I guess it starts with having everyone agree to what the plan looks like and then commit to making it happen."

Gregg said he's confident that even if the Atlantic Loop doesn't come to fruition by 2030, Nova Scotia Power will be able to meet the target through other means, noting the utility has a "portfolio of solutions" that includes onshore wind and grid-scale batteries to store wind energy.

In 2020, 48 per cent of the utility's power came from coal, about 29 per cent came from renewable sources, 17 per cent came from natural gas and six per cent came from imports, according to Gregg.