Tory Rebels Sink Housebuilding Targets In Blow To Rishi Sunak

PM appears to reject warning that ditching 300,000-home goal will “make the recession worse”.

By Graeme Demianyk
23/11/2022 


Prime minister Rishi Sunak during the ceremonial welcome for the state visit to the UK by South African president Cyril Ramaphosa.
KIRSTY WIGGLESWORTH VIA PA WIRE/PA IMAGES

A rebellion of more than 40 Tory MPs has reportedly delayed Rishi Sunak’s plan for a housebuilding target.

The prime minister was due to face the first major test of his leadership next Monday when MPs were set to vote on the flagship levelling up bill.

But Conservative backbenchers – including former cabinet ministers – have signed an amendment to the bill that would ban councils from taking housing targets into account when deciding on planning applications.

The government on Tuesday night appeared to pull the vote, blaming the congested parliamentary timetable, according to the Telegraph and i newspapers.

But Labour accused Sunak of “running scared of your own backbenchers”.

The rebels had been warned they will “make the recession worse” by scrapping the housebuilding targets.

The amendment is one of several proposed by former environment secretary Theresa Villiers that would bring wholesale changes to the planning system, including making it easier for councils to ban building on greenfield land and providing more incentives to develop brownfield sites.

Villiers’ proposals have been criticised by some, including 2019 Tory manifesto co-author Robert Colville, who said they would “enshrine ‘nimbyism’ as the governing principle of British society”.

Colvile earlier tweeted: “Up to 46 signatories now on the Destroy the Planning System and Make the Recession Worse Amendment 2022.”

But her supporters have insisted that they do not want to stop housebuilding, only give communities more say over where homes are built.

Support for the amendment scrapping housing targets has increased over the past week, rising from nine MPs on November 15 to at least 46 on Tuesday, including prominent figures such as former party leader Iain Duncan Smith and former cabinet ministers John Redwood, Chris Grayling, Damian Green, Wendy Morton and Priti Patel.

The Telegraph put the number of signatories at 50 on Tuesday night.

This would be enough to leave the government reliant on Labour votes to defeat the amendment.

Other amendments proposed by Villiers would see tighter restrictions on homes being converted into holiday lets, more financial penalties for failing to build once planning permission was granted, and allowing councils to take a developer’s character into account when deciding on a planning application.

Downing Street said Sunak was still committed to the government’s target of building 300,000 homes a year.

The prime minister’s official spokesperson said: “We want to work constructively to ensure we build more of the homes in the right places. That’s something that the department and the secretary of state are very focused on.

He added that the housing secretary, Michael Gove, would continue to discuss how the 300,000-home target was delivered.

Labour’s shadow levelling up secretary Lisa Nandy said: “This is a complete shambles. The government cannot govern, the levelling up agenda is collapsing and the housing market is broken. Pulling flagship legislation because you’re running scared of your own backbenchers is no way to govern.

“There is a case for reviewing how housing targets are calculated and how they can be challenged when disputed, but it is completely irresponsible to propose scrapping them without a viable alternative in the middle of a housing crisis.”

British economy to suffer biggest hit from energy crisis among G7, OECD finds



The royal exchange and the bank of England, London. Picture date: Thursday September 29, 2022.

LABOUR slammed “12 years of Tory failures on energy and economic security” today after warnings that worker shortages and “untargeted” energy support will see Britain’s economy contract more than any other G7 nation.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) latest forecast suggests the economy is expected to shrink by 0.4 per cent next year and grow by just 0.2 per cent in 2024.

Germany is the only other country in the richest group of nations that is set to suffer a hit to gross domestic product (GDP) next year, with a 0.3 per cent decline, according to a report from the intergovernmental organisation.

The body highlighted “acute labour shortages” after Brexit and workers choosing to retire during the Covid-19 pandemic.

It also blasted a move by Tory ministers to cap average annual energy bills at a record high of £2,500 until March, claiming assistance should have been more restricted.

Unions have warned that a failure by government to invest in home insulation, gas storage and renewable energy has left workers in Britain exposed to the devastating impact of international shocks, such as the war in Ukraine.

The OECD’s report said: “The untargeted energy price guarantee will increase pressure on already high inflation in the short term, requiring monetary policy to tighten more and raising debt service costs.

“Better targeting of measures to cushion the impact of high energy prices would lower the budgetary cost, better preserve incentives to save energy and reduce the pressure on demand at a time of high inflation” — code for keeping prices even higher in a bid to force reduced energy use.

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s official spokesman blamed “challenges that are affecting different countries at slightly different times” and said support from next April, when the cap is due to rise to £3,000, will be more “targeted”.

But shadow chief secretary to the Treasury Pat McFadden warned of a “Tory doom loop,” saying the figures are “yet more evidence of 12 years of economic failure.

“Next year we will have the lowest growth in the G20 bar Russia and we are forecast to be the only OECD economy that will be smaller in 2024 than it was in 2019.

“This is the Tory doom loop — a low-growth spiral leading to higher taxes, lower investment, squeezed wages and poor public services. And they have no plan to get us out of it.”

The Wolverhampton South MP claimed Labour has a “plan to grow the economy, with a modern industrial strategy that works in partnership with businesses and a green prosperity plan creating good jobs.”

The report came as Ofgem told 17 British energy suppliers to improve how they support vulnerable customers.

The energy regulator said that a review had also identified “severe weaknesses” at five suppliers: Good Energy, Outfox, SO Energy, Tru Energy and Utilita.

Ofgem’s director of retail Neil Lawrence said: “From eligible customers who are missing out on free gas safety checks through to companies not identifying vulnerable customers to be offered obvious support, this robust review has highlighted that suppliers need to do more to support consumers.”

The National Energy Action charity said the intervention is a “wake-up call.”

Director of policy Peter Smith said: “The current energy crisis is creating huge challenges for low-income and vulnerable consumers and worryingly, much colder weather is on its way.

“Energy suppliers have a key role in helping deliver vital direct assistance and signposting struggling customers to additional support.

“Key improvements need to be made to ensure vulnerable customers get the help they need at this very difficult time.”

MORINGSTAR

Rosa Luxemburg — Social-Patriotism in Poland

Rosa Luxemburg’s article “Social-patriotism in Poland’’ was written in 1895 and published in the German Social-Democratic magazine “Neue Zeit”, 1895/96, no. 41. In a way, this detailed work presents as a precursor to her doctoral thesis at the University of Zürich.

The Acheron In Motion
Mar 20, 2021

Introduction

In this comprehensive work, originally titled “Socjalpatriotyzm w Polsce” published in the German Social-Democratic magazine “Neue Zeit”, 1895/96, no. 41, Rosa Luxemburg tried to show the economic reasons for the integration of Poland into Russia, which rendered any programmatic point about the restoration of independent Poland unviable and contradictory for Social-Democracy at that time. “From the viewpoint of national aspirations it is an unfortunate fact, but it would be even sadder if we wanted to shut our eyes and not recognize it,” she judged. But here we also see her materialist approach, which refuses to project any concrete affairs onto the broader situation and avoids generalizations:

“Applying the measure of Western European relations to Poland, one could say: if the ruling classes have lowered the banner of national independence, all the more should the proletariat raise it. Such a view, however, in our opinion, would be based on a purely external comparison”

This is followed by a Marxist exposition of economic development and how it affects daily struggles, through which the author makes clear the differences between West European and the Polish proletariat, who have objectively similar aims, but vastly dissimilar conditions.

Luxemburg not only utilizes many sources — technical and statistical — but also analyses every aspect of Polish class situation and its standpoint with respect to nationalism. She doesn’t resort to a mechanistic advocation or a principled rejection of any slogan, but rather gauges at the core source of these slogans and juxtaposes it to everyday realities. In a sense, this work is a nascent version of Luxemburg’s PhD thesis — “The Industrial Development of Poland,” which she would write three years later.

The Polish original comes from “Rosa Luxemburg — Selected Works,” Volume 1 (in Polish), Warsaw 1959.

The Acheron In Motion thanks Jan Michalik and Benjamin Ashton, who made translating and publishing this piece possible.


Rosa Luxemburg — Social-Patriotism in Poland

Since the unification of Poland was declared a postulate of the proletarian foreign policy, many things have changed in the world. The political situation of Europe looks different now: The center of attention has shifted from the East, from the Polish question, to the German-French border. Now, the tactic of the struggling proletariat looks differently. In 1848, its political fight was a fight on the barricades and its main enemy was the bayonet. It would then be advisable to separate yourself from the reaction’s reserve — the Russian bayonets — with the help of a physical wall, and independent Poland was to become this wall. Today the proletariat wages a daily political struggle and in no way wants to be provoked into the streets. In this situation, it is not the Russian bayonets that are dangerous for it, but the reactionary influence of Russia on Europe. This influence however, cannot be destroyed with a physical wall, but with the obliterating of Tsarism in its own country.

Fortunately, many things have changed in Russia as well: it isn’t in absolute social apathy that it found itself in just thirty years ago, its foundation being undermined by a young mole — capitalism, which guarantees the annihilation of absolutism from within. Russia not only has bayonets, but also the struggling proletariat, the latter being precisely the most natural guarantee of Europe’s liberation from the suffocating nightmare of Petersburg’s autocracy, with the Polish proletarians being the most natural ally of the Russian proletarians in the daily struggle for political freedom in their common prison.

Western European socialists’ judgements of Polish national aspirations usually bear the characteristic trait that they infer the domestic social nature of these aspirations in Poland from the role ascribed to them in the context of European international relations. On the contrary, we should evaluate the significance of Polish national aspirations for Europe through the traits that these trends must have in Poland alone, as a result of the existing social conditions there. Here, we briefly outline these relations, limiting ourselves to one part of Poland — in this case the most important one — Poland under the Russian Partition.

The peasant reform of 1864 put an end to noble-national [szlachecko-narodowym] uprisings in Poland. Without the peasants, the nobility [“nobility” is the English word we’ve chosen for the szlachta, which shall be translated as such from this point forward — ed.] could not overthrow Russian rule. On the other hand, a victory with the help of the peasants was conditioned on the abolition of serfdom as the only means of winning over the peasantry to the noble movement, and thus on the most terrible economic disaster for the nobility, a disaster that would deprive their political victory of its essence and would render all their struggle senseless. Noble uprisings had to clash against this contradiction, and it was precisely this opposition between the nobility and the peasantry that ensured the Russian government the role of tertius gaudens [Latin for “a rejoicing third,” signifying a third party, which benefits from a given dispute — ed.] and the possibility of keeping the nobility in check and paralyzing their movements. The epilogue of the national struggle — the peasant reform, completely reshaped the economic landscape of the country, fundamentally overturned the noble economy, and thus abolished the material terrain in which the roots of the national movements were planted.

From the 1860s onward Poland — which at that time was still a predominantly agricultural country with a natural economy, separated from Russia by a customs border until 1851, living an economic life closed in on itself so to speak — has been carried away by the current of proper capitalist development: big industry entering the country. The abolition of the Russian-Polish customs border, the liberation of the serfs in Russia in 1861 [the Emancipation Edict — ed.], the related development of the monetary economy, and the large-scale construction of railroads commenced in the 1860s and 1870s — all of this resulting in Poland becoming connected with all regions of Russia. Finally, since the 70s, a system of custom duties has been introduced, which gave the Russian markets the exclusive right to exploit domestic manufacturers and receive 40–60% of their profits — all of this making the Polish industry into a paradise of primitive accumulation, where it grew like mushrooms after rain. The period of hectic factory establishment began, and production grew to such an extent during the two decades of 1870–1890 that it surpassed everything in the industrial field threefold in comparison to the previous 50 years. Łódź and Sosnowiec turned from settlements into large industrial cities within 25 or 15 years. Little Kongresówka [The Congress Kingdom of Poland, the de jure title of the Polish region under Russian control- ed.], with a population of 8.5 million, produces an equivalent of 300 million rubles a year. [1]

We have briefly listed the factors behind the development of Polish capitalism, but the prerequisite for this development was and is access to the Russian sales markets. As the network of railroads expands, the Polish surplus production goes further and further into Russia, and this progress can be followed by leaps in production development. Two-thirds of the entire production of Polish factories is consumed by Russia, the remaining industries depending directly on these main production branches for Russia. The latter, which should be given special attention, are precisely those branches of industry which, for each capitalist country, constitute the basic pillars of big industry: spinning-weaving [i.e. textiles — ed.] and iron. [2]

In this way, the Russian markets have become a vital node for Polish capitalism, and therefore for the entire development of modern Poland.

The dependence of Polish industry on Russian markets has been established long ago and many times. It must be admitted, however, that the Russian government knew how to assess this phenomenon much more deeply and accurately than some Polish socialists. Their only conclusion from this was that the Polish bourgeoisie had no national tendencies. To see nothing else, however — this is to overlook the entire objective and dialectical side of the phenomenon, namely the impact of the Polish-Russian economic relationship on the entire social system of Poland and, consequently, the far-reaching impact of these relations and their development on the issue of Polish independence. However, little attention has been paid to this side of the issue; perhaps that is where the decisive moment in assessing the Polish issue lies.

The general tendency of capitalism to encourage the mingling and interdependence of all elements within a state found no obstacle in relation to Poland and Russia, as the customs border between them had already been abolished. On the one hand, thanks to this tendency, agriculture, craftsmanship and trade in Poland found themselves dependent on large industry, which became the axis of the general social economy, whilst on the other, this axis was directly connected to the entire mechanism of the Russian capitalist economy. Production, exchange, transportation — all of these got tangled up into one big knot between Poland and Russia. It is no longer possible to take on any of these factors in Poland without severely infringing certain interests in Russia, and vice versa. Each economic situation on the Russian farm has a corresponding effect on the Polish farm, and vice versa. Poland and Russia are transforming into one economic mechanism. This fusion follows the development of capitalism. As the surviving forms of production in both countries give way to the modern ones, this relationship becomes stronger and stronger, Polish integration into Russia becoming more and more a vital condition for the former’s existence. [3]

Thus, the tendencies of capitalist development in Poland entail its economic incorporation into the Russian state. It is an objective historical process which depends neither on the will of individuals nor on the will of any party; it is primarily the result of the conditions of production and exchange in Poland. From the viewpoint of national aspirations it is an unfortunate fact, but it would be even sadder if we wanted to shut our eyes and not recognize it. [4]

The course of social development described above has led to the fact that there is no social class in Poland today that would have an interest in rebuilding Poland and, at the same time, the strength to support this interest in practice.

The position of the top class, the bourgeoisie, is clear from what has been said above. While the bourgeoisie of other countries strives to rule over other nations through class interests, in Poland, the bourgeoisie is forced, in the name of the same interests, to submit to someone else’s rule!

The nobility, once the head of Polish society, is now trailing behind the bourgeoisie. The transition to wage labor and the general decline in grain and land prices brought the entire mass of the middle nobility, already burdened with debts, to the brink of economic ruin. A third of noble estates have already slipped from the hands of landowners: 15% have passed into the hands of Jews and Germans, and 15% have been parceled out and given to small producers. The remaining landowners are encumbered with mortgage debt, which amounts to an average of 80%, and in ⅖ of cases 100% and up to 250% of the property value. The entire ⅓ of the property is therefore doomed to subhastation [expropriation due to a court verdict- ed.]. In general, agriculture in Poland can only survive in two completely opposite forms today: either as a large property with an intensive farming applied to the factory processing of products, thus making it indirectly dependent on Russian markets, or as a small property with an antiquated three-field farm, which is able to yield crops only because such a holder forgoes that part of the income in the capitalist enterprise which goes towards rent and profit, or even a part of the wages. Today, the middle-estate landowners — and this Estate was once a proper fighter for national independence — is completely absorbed in a desperate struggle for existence. Their “social agenda” is — to use the words of their present-day spokesmen, Bloch and Górski — a parceling bank and debt relief. [5] It cannot wait for these means of salvation until the future Polish government comes into existence. The bailiff knocking on the door is an argument that forces the ruined Polish agrarian to seek help from the Tsarist government as its only savior; so she crawls on her knees in front of him.

The Polish petty bourgeoisie does not represent a homogeneous mass politically. Some industries (such as clothing manufacture, etc.) benefit directly from the Russian markets; their social program is the craft companies that make it possible to sell “to the East.” These and many other industries profit from the accumulation of capital in the country and thus the increasing internal consumption. They are therefore on the side of the great bourgeoisie. Some crafts, however, feel the competition of big industry directly. The petty bourgeoisie, who are deprived of capital and go bankrupt as a result of antiquated methods of production, have every reason to be dissatisfied with the existing relations. The form in which this dissatisfaction manifests itself naturally arose from the given relations, because large industry is a child of the Russian partition, so the petty bourgeoisie crushed by this industry became the adoptive father of orphaned national aspirations.

The peasantry has no political physiognomy at all. However, just in case, the Russian government, through the “liberation of the serfs,” stuck a wedge between them and the nobility in the form of “servitudes” — an inexhaustible source of quarrels and disputes which make it impossible for these two social classes to reach an agreement thus far. While the Polish peasant could have a political expression, his characteristic trait to this day is the traditional hatred of the nobility and skepticism towards any national movement, from which the peasant suspects swindle from the nobility, as well as the peasant’s crude, servile devotion to the Tsarist government as the supposed liberator of the peasant from the hell of serfdom.

What remains is the so-called bourgeois “intelligentsia.” This small social class, which causes a lot of uproar in countries deprived of political freedom, is recruited in Poland mainly from the fallen nobility and the petty bourgeoisie. At school, as a result of the bestial system of Russification, young people become agitated and patriotic. Later, he views scientific careers, offices and higher military ranks as something inaccessible. As a result, part of the bourgeois intelligentsia at a certain age dream of a homeland and violently clench their fists in their pockets against Moscow’s invasion. All the more, however, they see themselves forced to indulge in the so-called civil professions, and since the industry is still developing, they can easily find the desired subsistence here. Since the “intelligent” youth has thus gained ground underfoot in bourgeois society, he as a mature husband adopts the physiognomy of this society and becomes “sober” and “sane.”

This is more or less the state of today’s Polish society. Connected by capitalist arteries to Russia, it presents only two elements with a nationalist tinge: the already fallen and doomed part of the petty bourgeoisie, and the “intelligentsia,” if it has not yet reached its position. Both suspended in the air, both depicting only a transitional phase, and thus powerless and unable to enflesh their ideals. Therefore, in our opinion, those who think that several hundred thousand proclamations thrown into the country — the pre-capitalist Poland, the Poland of national uprisings — would be able to ignite a national uprising like a thunderbolt, are wrong. For in today’s Poland, as we have seen, the strata that have an interest in rebuilding Poland do not have the strength, and those that do have no interest in this endeavor. That’s not all. While the former Poland with its natural economy, presenting an aggregate of independent serfdom and feudal estates could be freely divided into parts without undermining the contemporary economic system, and therefore without affecting the relevant conditions of existence of the ruling class, today, in order to unite capitalist Poland, it would be necessary to force a complete upheaval in the life interests of the only classes falling into political consideration — the urban population and a large section of the rural.

That leaves the proletariat. Applying the measure of Western European relations to Poland, one could say: if the ruling classes have lowered the banner of national independence, all the more should the proletariat raise it. Such a view, however, in our opinion, would be based on a purely external comparison. If the proletariat in the West raises and adopts as its own the democratic slogans betrayed by the bourgeoisie, it has good reasons for doing so. The proletariat and the bourgeoisie, although they may be two hostile brothers, are nevertheless children of the same social formation — the capitalist one. The latter is itself pregnant with a number of democratic tendencies to which it tries to give life. At first the bourgeoisie becomes the mouthpiece of these tendencies, and to a certain extent then acts as the representative of the whole “people.” As soon as class differences are sharpened to the point that the proletariat enters the political arena, the bourgeoisie gradually betrays its democratic ideals. If, therefore, the proletariat takes up these ideals, it becomes merely the heir of the bourgeoisie and the spokesman of the tendencies of the same capitalist period, and thus remains in harmony with its historical role. In Poland, as we have seen, both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie belong to the social system which arose from the ruins of the national struggle. The banner of Polish independence was not properly betrayed by the bourgeoisie, because independence was never its ideal. It was the ideal of the pre-capitalist, aristocratic, natural-economic period. If, therefore, one demands that the proletariat in Poland accept this program as its own the heritage, it amounts to demanding from the proletariat in Western Europe — to use a truly analogous example — that it accept as its own, for example, the freedom aspirations of feudal, pre-capitalist times — aspirations of which only ideological forms have survived in the capitalist period, but whose material basis, and therefore the means of realization, have long since been irretrievably consigned to the past.

This, of course, cannot be the task of the proletariat. On the contrary, he must, in his endeavors, stand with both feet on the basis of capitalist development. In Poland, however, the same capitalist development which produces the proletariat is pinning Poland more and more firmly to Russia. Both of these results are but two sides of the same process. If the Polish proletariat were to take as its program the independence of Poland, then it would stand against economic development itself. The latter would then not work towards the realization of this task as it works towards the realization of all the other class tasks of the proletariat, but, on the contrary, would create more and more of a chasm between it and its aim. By turning towards the restoration of Poland as a capitalist state, it would turn away from its ultimate goal, from socialism, which is the result of social development; thus, in order to realize this goal, the proletariat must turn its back on the program of the restoration of Poland. The supporters of national aspirations have nothing to gain from economic development; only stagnation, or rather retreat, could give them some ground under their feet. From this it follows that such a program cannot be the program of the proletariat, that as far as its social character is concerned, it is a typical program of the reactionary petty-bourgeoisie. If, therefore, the proletariat adopts this program, it will not, as some believe, attract various elements of the petty bourgeoisie to its side, but on the contrary, despite the fact that these elements are very weak, the proletariat would actually move into their camp.

The lack of space does not allow us to draw all conclusions from the above considerations.

The most important of them are as follows:

1. National aspirations in Poland, aside from their hopelessness, cannot create a serious movement in the country itself, and therefore they cannot be assigned any serious role in the politics of the international proletariat.

2. The positive tasks of the Polish proletariat are exactly analogous to the tasks of the Social Democrats in all other countries. These tasks consist in the democratization of given state conditions. By the fact that Russia and Poland become one capitalist mechanism, the Polish and Russian proletariat become one working class, and their common immediate goal is the overthrow of tsarism.

The fight for political freedom in Russia gives the Polish proletariat the full opportunity to fight not only for its workers’ interests, but at the same time gives it the only opportunity to effectively win autonomous freedom in Poland and thus to guard the endangered Polish nationality.

On the basis of the principles expressed above, there has been Social Democracy in the Kingdom of Poland since its first appearance in 1889. [6]


Footnotes

[1] Due to the lack of space, we can only cite a few articles of data from the rich material provided by official and other sources to demonstrate our point:


The number of spindles in the cotton industry increased from 216,640 to 505,622 (+ 134%) over ten years (1877–1886). At the same time, the increase in the number of spindles in the Russian industry is 32%, in North America (1881–1891) — 29%, in England — 8%. According to the survey conducted in 1886, 25% of large Polish factories were built before 1860, and 75% from 1860 to 1886. The production of Łódź, the main center of the textile industry, in 1860 amounted to 2.6 million rubles, in 1888–40 million rubles. The production of Sosnowiec in 1879 was 0.5 million rubles, in 1885–13.0 million rubles. In the last ten years, Sosnowiec has become the center of the iron and mining industry in Poland.

The industry is in fact much bigger than official statistics show. For example, the total value of production for the year 1890 is not 210 million rubles, but, as can be seen in figures, 300 million. Thus, at present, Poland’s industrial production — in terms of annual value — exceeds agricultural production three times. Data on imports (from Russia) and exports of grain in Poland show that there is already a certain deficit, which must be covered with grain imports. Poland, once a granary of Europe, has thus become a purely industrial country. We derive the above data from the following sources: J. G. Bloch, “Przemysł Królestwa Polskiego od roku 1871 do 1880” [Industry of the Kingdom of Poland from 1871 to 1880], Warsaw 1884, pp. 17 and 151; “Historyczno-statystyczny przegląd przemysłu w Rosji” [Historical-statistical survey of industry in Russia], St. Petersburg 1883, Vol. I, tables XI and XV; “Sprawozdanie urzędowe na wystawę w Chicago” [Official Report for the Chicago Exhibition], Vol. “O przemyśle kopalnianym w Rosji” [On the Manufacturing Industry in Russia], pp. 32, 33 and 113; “Materiały do statystyki handlu i przemysłu w Rosji za rok 1891” [Materials for the Statistics of Trade and Industry in Russia for 1891], St. Petersburg 1894, pp. 124–147; “Sprawozdanie na wystawę w Chicago” [Report for the Chicago Exhibition], volume “O przemyśle fabrycznym w Rosji” [On the Mine Industry in Russia], pp. 59–60 and 91; I. Janżuł, “Zarys historii przemysłu polskiego” [An outline of the history of Polish industry], Moscow 1887, pp. 6 and 39; A.S. “Moskwa i Łódź” [Moscow and Łódź], St. Petersburg 1889, page 17. — Luxemburg’s note.

[2] Here we rely on “Sprawozdaniu komisji dla zbadania polskiego przemysłu fabrycznego” [The Report of the commission for the study of Polish factory industry], St. Petersburg 1888, and other official sources. The reader may also find some data in “Diplomatic and Consular reports on trade and finance,” no. 128, p. 6 and no. 321, p. 7. In the years 1886–1887, ¾ of the industrial products in Łódź were consumed in Russia, and only ¼ in Poland alone. — Luxemburg’s note.

[3] The social-patriots understand this as Poland being “the master of the situation.” “Russia,” they say, “has lagged so far behind in economic development that it is completely dependent on the production of the Kingdom of Poland.” Perhaps the following numbers will teach them reason. According to the quoted “Sprawozdania na wystawę w Chicago” [Report on the Chicago Exhibition], the total value of industrial production in 1890 was:

In all of Russia — 597 million rubles = 13.5 rubles per capita

In the St. Petersburg district — 242 million rubles = 40.0 rubles per capita

In the Moscow district — 460 million rubles = 38.0 rubles per capita

In the Kingdom of Poland — 210 million rubles = 25.0 rubles per capita

[4] It can be judged from this just how “deeply” social-patriotism understands things, as it claims that this objective historical process is our “program demand.” Namely, they claim that the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland [SDKP] “demands” the organic incorporation of Poland into Russia. It is an assertion which makes as much sense as the statements of the bourgeoisie, which claim that the Social Democrats “demand” the destruction of the petty bourgeoisie, the abolition of the family, etc. — Luxemburg’s Note.

[5] We derive the above given data from, among others, the works of: J. G. Bloch, “Ziemia i jej oddłużenie” [The Earth and its debt relief], Warsaw 1890, and “Kredyt melioracyjny i stan rolnictwa” [Melioration credit and the condition of agriculture], Warsaw 1892; then from the work of L. Górski, “Nasze błędy w gospodarstwie folwarcznym” [Our errors in the farm], Warsaw 1874, and from “Encyklopedii Rolniczej” [The Agricultural Encyclopedia], volume I, Warsaw 1890. Some data can also be found in “Foreign Office, Miscallen Series” №347: “Report on the Position of Landed Proprietors in Poland” and №355: “Report on the peasantry and peasant holdings in Poland.” — Luxemburg’s note.

[6] Rosa Luxemburg has in mind “The Union of Polish Workers” — Ed.

Hard-working Colombian beetles clean garbage, retire as pets


TUNJA, Colombia (AP) — Three yellow-and-black beetles clung to the shirt of Germán Viasus Tibamoso, a Colombian environmental engineer who uses beetle larvae to transform food waste into fertilizers.



As he encouraged them to move along, he murmured to them in Japanese — trying to get them accustomed, he said, to the sounds of their future homes.

The not-so-little bugs — which can grow up to 17 centimeters (6.5 inches) long — have a remarkably productive and complicated life among the humans who breed and collect them.

Viasus operates a company called Tierra Viva in a rural area around the city of Tunja, a city some 150 kilometers (95 miles) northwest of the Colombian capital of Bogota.

An attempt as a postgraduate student to produce organic fertilizer with worms failed, Viasus said, but he found beetle larvae in the bags of earth that remained. He tried using them instead. And it worked.

Tons of food scraps collected from nearby communities are spread in concrete ditches and covered with earth. Then beetle larvae — the stage between egg and adulthood — are introduced.

They chew through the refuse and their digestive microorganisms transform it into a fertilizer rich in nitrogen and phosphorous.

After four months or so, the product passes through a filter that separates the fertilizer from the larvae, who are at the point of becoming adult beetles.

They mate, and their eggs are used to start the process anew. The adults, however, go on very different journeys. Some are headed for scientific labs. And a lucky few embark on a future across the Pacific in Japan, where beetles are popular as pets, and are even sold over online emporiums such as Amazon.

Tierra Viva has been exporting the bugs — largely Hercules beetles — since 2004, and Viasus said they can bring as much as $150 each.

This year the company sent 100 beetles to Tokyo — down from 300 last year — held in little plastic cases with air holes and food.

The sales are often in the company's variant of cryptocurrency, called “Kmushicoin” — a variant on a Japanese word for beetle.

Viasus, 52, said he hopes the project can grow and prosper for another century — perhaps with its fertilizer used in reforestation projects.

“It's very difficult in Colombia ... because we do it without any help from the state or any other entity. In any other country of the world, a project like this would get a lot of help," he said.

___

Associated Press writer Mari Yamaguchi in Tokyo contributed to this report.

Astrid Suárez, The Associated Press

BENEFITS TORIES OPPOSE

A Canada Housing Benefit 'Top-Up' Means Low-Income Renters Will Officially Get An Extra $500

Story by Charlotte Hoareau • Friday, Nov 18,2022

The federal government has been rolling out measures to help Canadians deal with inflation and the rising cost of living. The first package, which included a doubling of the GST credit, received royal assent on October 18. A second piece of legislation, including the Canada Dental Benefit and a supplement to the Canada Housing Benefit, received assent on November 17.

Some renters are now set to get hundreds of dollars extra.

The Canada Dental Benefit aims to make dental care more accessible for children. Eligible households will be entitled to tax-free payments to offset dental costs for children under 12. According to a press release, they can claim up to $1,300 per child over the next two years ($650 per year).

Meanwhile, the government estimates as many as 1.8 million renters will now be eligible for a one-time $500 supplement to the Canada Housing Benefit, which helps low-income households pay for rent.

The Department of Finance specifies that "this top-up is available to applicants with an adjusted net income below $35,000 for families, or below $20,000 for single Canadians, who pay at least 30 percent of their adjusted net income towards rent."

Application portals for both programs are expected to open in early December.

“We have proven experience helping Canadians get the benefits they need and we’re ready to do it again with these new measures that will make life more affordable," Minister of National Revenue Diane Lebouthillier said in the release.

"Canadians can expect simple and secure application processes that will help them get their payments quickly and easily."

Alberta non-profits call for $30M cash injection from province to address ‘crisis’

Story by Tomasia DaSilva •  Global Calgary

YESTERDAY

Alberta non-profits joined forces Tuesday to issue an urgent plea to the province for more funding.


Children's Cottage Society joins call for urgent funding for non-profits

The ask for an immediate, one-time top-up of $30 million comes as many charities across Alberta juggle heightened demand for services, while revenues -- including donations -- decrease substantially.

Karen Ball, president and CEO of Calgary Chamber of Voluntary Organizations (CCVO), was joined by leaders from Alberta’s non-profit and business community, who all spoke about the struggles.

“In all of my 30 years working in the non-profit sector in Alberta, I have never seen the stress on our essential systems in our sector to this degree before," Ball said.

Ball added if the cash doesn't come through, Albertans will pay the price in more ways than one, including longer wait times and less access to services.

"In simple terms, if Alberta's non-profits fail, more Albertans will go to bed hungry, go to sleep without a roof over their head, and be put into situations where they have increased need for our healthcare and justice system," she said.

"This sector is too important to fail."

Read more:

Calgary charity gets ready to close doors following funding denials

The Children's Cottage Society was one of the groups in on the call for emergency funding. It provides many services, including shelter for young children who need a temporary place to stay. It houses about 1,100 of these kids a year, but has to turn away another 1,900.

Related video: It’s more than an abstract number, these are the additional costs Albertans are facing due to inflation

Duration 5:07 View on Watch

CEO Danielle Ladouceur said their services have been spread thinner and they have less capacity to serve people at a time when the need has never been greater.

Ladouceur added dedicated staff have also had to do more -- with less.

“It's shameful to not provide enough money to give raises to our workers in over seven years," she said. "It's disrespectful to not consider the amount that they have sacrificed and given.”

The organization is building on the future with a new 20-bed facility currently under construction in Calgary, but officials told Global News that too is in need of a cash injection.

"We need probably a good $10 million yet for our new facility," Crisis Nursery manager Janet Hettler said.

"That facility is to have 20 beds, but we likely won't open with 20 beds at the very beginning because there won't be the funding there."

Read more:

Local charity hopes for new, inclusive facility for Calgarians of all abilities

Global News reached out to the province with the concerns and the call for more cash.

The minister for Seniors, Community and Social Services Jeremy Nixon replied that the province recognizes the "vital role" played by non-profits across the province.

“Our support for non-profits in the past has been extensive, but with higher costs being faced today, our government is actively working to address the concerns of all Albertans."

Nixon's statement went on to say the province will consider how many families rely on non-profits when making budgeting decisions for the sector.

So far, Ball said she hadn't heard anything from the government about this latest call for urgent funding.

"We've received the answer consistently from the government in the past that there is no new money.”

GLOBALIZATION IS OUTSOURCING

Asia Album: Glimpse of Thai-Chinese industrial zone in Thailand's Rayong

Story by Rachen Sageamsak • TODAY
XINHUA


This photo shows the production line of Luencheong Dispensing Pump (Thailand) Co., Ltd, in the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone in Rayong Province, Thailand, Nov. 8, 2022. 

RAYONG, Thailand, Nov. 23 (Xinhua) -- Established in 2006, the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone is one of the first Chinese overseas industrial sites. Now home to more than 180 Chinese-invested companies, mostly in the automobile, electronics and machinery sectors, the industrial zone has attracted more than 4.3 billion U.S. dollars in investment from China and provided more than 45,000 local jobs.



A staff member Natawut Lorboon works at the production line of Dunan Metals (Thailand) Co., Ltd, in the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone in Rayong Province, Thailand, Nov. 8, 2022. 



Vichit Nivan, a Thai technician, works at the production line of Luencheong Dispensing Pump (Thailand) Co., Ltd, in the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone in Rayong Province, Thailand, Nov. 8, 2022. 



A staff member works at the production line of Dunan Metals (Thailand) Co., Ltd, in the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone in Rayong Province, Thailand, Nov. 8, 2022. )



Staff members work at the production line of Dunan Metals (Thailand) Co., Ltd, in the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone in Rayong Province, Thailand, Nov. 8, 2022.



This photo shows the production line of Luencheong Dispensing Pump (Thailand) Co., Ltd, in the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone in Rayong Province, Thailand, Nov. 8, 2022.



A staff member Natawut Lorboon works at the production line of Dunan Metals (Thailand) Co., Ltd, in the Thai-Chinese Rayong industrial zone in Rayong Province, Thailand, Nov. 8, 2022.

 PHOTOS; Xinhua/Rachen Sageamsak

Neanderthals cooked meals with pulses 70,000 years ago

Story by Katie Hunt •CNN


Stone Age cooks were surprisingly sophisticated, combining an array of ingredients and using different techniques to prepare and flavor their meals, analysis of some the earliest charred food remains has suggested.

Plant material found at the Shanidar Cave in northern Iraq — which is famous for its burial of a Neanderthal surrounded by flowers — and Franchthi Cave in Greece revealed prehistoric cooking by Neanderthals and early modern humans was complex, involving several steps, and that the foods used were diverse, according to a new study published in the journal Antiquity.

Wild nuts, peas, vetch, a legume which had edible seed pods, and grasses were often combined with pulses like beans or lentils, the most commonly identified ingredient, and at times, wild mustard. To make the plants more palatable, pulses, which have a naturally bitter taste, were soaked, coarsely ground or pounded with stones to remove their husk.


Neanderthals cooked meals with pulses 70,000 years ago© Provided by CNN(From left) Breadlike food was found in Franchthi Cave in Greece; pulse-rich food with wild peas was uncovered in Shanidar Cave in northern Iraq. - Ceren Kabukcu

At Shanidar Cave, the researchers studied plant remains from 70,000 years ago, when the space was inhabited by Neanderthals, an extinct species of human, and 40,000 years ago, when it was home to early modern humans (Homo sapiens).

The charred food remains from Franchthi Cave dated from 12,000 years ago, when it was also occupied by hunter-gatherer Homo sapiens.

Despite the distance in time and space, similar plants and cooking techniques were identified at both sites — possibly suggesting a shared culinary tradition, said the study’s lead author Dr. Ceren Kabukcu, an archaeobotanical scientist at the University of Liverpool in the United Kingdom.

Based on the food remains researchers analyzed, Neanderthals, the heavy-browed hominins who disappeared about 40,000 years ago, and Homo sapiens appeared to use similar ingredients and techniques, she added, although wild mustard was only found at Shanidar Cave dating back to when it was occupied by Homo sapiens.

Early processed food

A breadlike substance was found at the Greek cave, although it wasn’t clear what it was made from. The evidence that ancient humans pounded and soaked pulses at Shanidar Cave 70,000 years ago is the earliest direct evidence outside Africa of the processing of plants for food, according to Kabukcu.

Kabukcu said she was surprised to find that prehistoric people were combining plant ingredients in this way, an indication that flavor was clearly important. She had expected to find only starchy plants like roots and tubers, which on face value appear to be more nutritious and are easier to prepare.

Much research on prehistoric diets has focused on whether early humans were predominantly meat eaters, but Kabukcu said it was clear they weren’t just chomping on woolly mammoth steaks. Our ancient ancestors ate a varied diet depending on where they lived, and this likely included a wide range of plants.



Neanderthals cooked meals with pulses 70,000 years ago© Provided by CNNA Neanderthal hearth was unearthed at Shanidar Cave, where charred plant remains were also found. - Graeme Barker

Such creative cooking techniques were once thought to have emerged only with the shift from the hunter-gatherer lifestyle to humans’ focus on agriculture — known as the Neolithic transition — that took place between 6,000 to 10,000 years ago.

What’s more, she said, the research suggested life in the Stone Age was not just a brutal fight to survive, at least at these two sites, and that prehistoric humans selectively foraged a variety of different plants and understood their different flavor profiles.

John McNabb, a professor at the Centre for the Archaeology of Human Origins at the University of Southampton in the UK said that scientific understanding of the Neanderthal diet has changed significantly “as we move away from the idea of them just consuming huge quantities of hunted game meat.”

“More data is needed from Shanidar, but if these results are supported then Neanderthals were eating pulses and some species from the grass family that required careful preparation before consumption. Sophisticated techniques of food preparation had a much deeper history than previously thought,” McNabb, who wasn’t involved in the research, said via email.

“Even more intriguing is the possibility that they did not deliberately extract all the unpalatable toxins. Some were left in the food, as the presence of seed coatings suggests — that part of the seed where the bitterness is especially located. A Neanderthal flavor of choice.”

Prehistoric microbiomes tracked

A separate study into prehistoric diets that also published Tuesday analyzed ancient humans’ oral microbiome — fungi, bacteria and viruses that reside in the mouth — by using ancient DNA from dental plaque.

Researchers led by Andrea Quagliariello, a postdoctoral research fellow in comparative biomedicine and food at the University of Padua in Italy, examined the oral microbiomes of 76 individuals who lived in prehistoric Italy over a period of 30,000 years, as well as microscopic food remains found in calcified plaque.

A human jawbone was excavated from a Neolithic site in southern Italy. - Andrea Quagliariello

Quagliariello and his team were able to identify trends in diet and cooking techniques, such as the introduction of fermentation and milk, and a shift to a greater reliance on carbohydrates associated with an agriculture-based diet.

McNabb said it was impressive that researchers had been able chart changes over such a long period of time.

“What the study also does is support the growing idea that the Neolithic was not the sudden arrival of new subsistence practices and new cultures as it was once thought to be. It appears to be a slower transition,” McNabb, who wasn’t involved in the study, said via email.

LIKE RT, FOX LOVES UFO STORIES

Area 51 website owner who says armed feds raided his homes speaks out: 'It could be your door next'

Story by Andrew Miller • Sunday Nov. 20,3033

The owner of a prominent Area 51 website is speaking out after he says federal government agents raided his homes at gunpoint and broke down the doors while investigating a crime he still does not know the details of.

Lawmakers concerned about UFOs posing national security threat

Duration 1:43

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"I discussed the case with an attorney specialized in Federal cases," Joerg Arnu, proprietor of the website Area-51 themed website Dreamland Resort.com, said in a statement to Fox News Digital on Saturday. "What I learned is truly incredible and in my opinion a much bigger story than the raid of my homes. What was done to me and my girlfriend, two unarmed, innocent, cooperating senior citizens, is apparently totally within the law. Truly incredible!"

It was reported earlier this week that Arnu claimed 15-20 armed federal authorities from the U.S. Air Force and FBI raided two Nevada homes belonging to him and his girlfriend including a home he was present in where he says agents busted through his door and yanked the pair outside where they were "detained and treated in the most disrespectful way."

Arnu said on Saturday that he still does not know what specific crime he violated and only knows what an agent told him during the raid that the incident was "related to images posted on my Area 51 website."

GOVT REPORT ALLEGEDLY FINDS MORE THAN 150 CASES OF UNEXPLAINED UFO'S: 'WE DON'T KNOW WHAT THESE THINGS ARE'


(L) Joerg Arnu,(R) Door on Joerg Arnu's property Joerg Arnu© Joerg Arnu

Arnu claims that between the damages to his houses, including the broken down door, and the value of the hard drives, cameras, and other equipment, amounts to a dollar value of around $25,000.

"I have not been charged with a crime and all my attempts to reach out to the FBI to at least get my much-needed medical and financial records and passwords stored on the seized computers were in vain," Arnu said. "Crickets from the feds!"

SAN DIEGO SKIES LIGHT UP WITH MYSTERY LIGHTS, PROMPTING QUESTIONS FROM LOCALS


Photos of broken doors at Joerg Arnu's home provided to Fox News Digital Joerg Arnu© Joerg Arnu

In photos provided to Fox News Digital, doors to Arnu’s homes can be seen bent and damaged where he says agents stormed into his dwelling.

Arnu explained earlier this week that his girlfriend was "led out into the street barefoot and only in her underwear in full view of the neighbors" during the raid and that he was led outside "handcuffed and only in a T-shirt and sweats in sub-freezing temperatures."

"The federal government has the right to harass and traumatize random citizens that are not accused of any crime," Arnu said. "Kick in their doors, manhandle them and take whatever they want from them. Said citizens have no rights whatsoever to reimbursement of their damages, return of their property or compensation for the trauma they were subjected to."

NASA TEAM TO STUDY UFOS, RELEASE REPORT TO PUBLIC IN 2023

Lt. Col. Bryon McGarry, Nellis Air Force Base spokesperson, confirmed to Fox News Digital that there is currently an open investigation into Arnu but did not provide details as to the specific crime.

Fox News Digital reached out to the Federal Bureau of Investigation multiple times but did not immediately receive a response.

SECRETS OF AREA 51: WHAT COULD THE US GOVERNMENT REALLY BE HIDING

Arnu started Dreamland Resort in 1999 and the site features YouTube videos of drone footage from over and around Area 51, satellite images of the base, discussion forums, and articles on various rumored top-secret projects involving UFOs. The site also features photos of "super secret" aircraft being developed by the U.S. military.

Arnu says that he took down some photos from this website following the raid in an attempt to "diffuse" the situation but does not believe he posted anything illegal.

Arnu created a GoFundMe to raise money to replace the items he says that his lawyer told him he is unlikely to get back.

"By the time you get your laptops back they will be obsolete," Arnu says his lawyer told him. "IF you get them back."

Arnu has suggested that he will take legal action in order to recover his property.

"This is America, land of the free," Arnu said. "Not so much from where I am standing right now. Everyone should know about this injustice. It could be your door that is kicked in next!"

An obscure clause in Canada’s charter sparks furious debates over rights

FAR FROM BEING OBSCURE THIS CLAUSE IS THE PROBLEM IN THE CONSTITUTION

Story by Leyland Cecco in Toronto 

•  The Guardian

Sunday Nov. 20,2022

At the height of a bitter pay dispute with Ontario education workers earlier this month, the provincial premier, Doug Ford, passed a law that barred employees from striking and imposed a multi-year contract on them – breaching their constitutional rights.




Amid mounting public backlash and the prospect of a general strike, Ford quickly retreated, announcing his government would immediately rescind the bill.

In neighbouring Quebec, the provincial government is in court defending legislation barring public employees such as teachers and doctors from wearing religious symbols – a law that disproportionately affects religious minorities. Rather than backing down from controversy over the law, however, the provincial premier, François Legault, recently won re-election, in part over its popularity.

The two governments’ ability to strip away seemingly fundamental rights comes from a controversial – and uniquely Canadian – constitutional mechanism, known as the “notwithstanding clause”.

It’s been called both an “escape hatch” and a “nuclear bomb”. But with each use of the clause, Canada endures another debate over whether it should have a place in the constitution – or if its power should be blunted.

A 2015 survey found that 93% of citizens felt the country’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms, similar to the US Bill of Rights, was the most important symbol of Canada, beating ice hockey, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the maple leaf and the national anthem.

The 40-year-old Charter protects a range of rights – democratic, mobility, legal, equality and language rights – and has served as a template for dozens of nations.

And yet when the then prime minister, Pierre Trudeau, set out to replace the British North America Act with a constitution in the 1980s, the decision kicked off a power struggle between the provinces and federal government.

Provinces feared that under a new constitution, courts would become too powerful, undermining the authority of the elected government. A compromise was hashed out: in cases when a government – provincial or federal – felt that the courts had overstepped, they could invoke the clause to override certain Charter rights of citizens.

It meant that some fundamental rights, including protections of religious freedom, equality and speech, could be suspended.

But the federal government put limits on this power: voting, as well as language rights, were untouchable, ensuring Canadians could remove a government if they wanted. A government could only invoke the clause for five years. Before they could renew it, they would first have to face voters.

Related video: Ontario government, education workers avoid strike with tentative deal
Duration 5:08
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No education workers’ strike as CUPE, Ontario government reach deal





“Even without using an outstanding clause, governments have a significant ability to defend their laws if they can show why it is a ‘reasonable and proportionate’ limit on rights,” said Robert Leckey, dean at McGill’s law school. “And in reaching for the notwithstanding clause, governments are really just saying ‘We want to pass a law that wouldn’t be upheld by the courts as a reasonable and proportionate limit on rights.’”

All the provinces – except for Quebec – approved the measures and the constitution was ratified in 1982.

In the years since, the clause has rarely been invoked.

But in 2019, Quebec passed Bill 21, barring its law public employees from wearing religious symbols in public. The province pre-emptively invoked the clause, implicitly recognizing that the law breached the Charter.

Three years later, Quebec passed Bill 96, which sought to strengthen French language protections – again invoking the notwithstanding clause, in an apparent implicit recognition that the pursuit of language and cultural protections is at odds with Canada’s charter.

Meanwhile, in Ontario, the premier, Doug Ford, has used the clause – or threatened to – three times. Before Ford, no premier had ever invoked the notwithstanding clause.

The pre-emptive use of the clause sends a message: “‘We’re a majority government, we represent our voters and we don’t want to be slowed down or bothered by having to explain what we’re doing in court,’” said Leckey. “The worry is that if it’s used often, people are a little less surprised each time.”

While Ford quickly retreated on Bill 28, Quebec’s national assembly has shown little interest in scaling back its legislation, highlighting the more troubling implications of the clause, said Sonia Lawrence, a professor of constitutional law at Toronto’s Osgoode Hall law school.

“By using the notwithstanding clause, what you have is discrimination against minorities already facing discrimination. And this is where we might expect the court to be the most muscular and pushing back against a government, especially since it’s a place where we don’t expect that the broader electorate will necessarily speak up for those minorities,” she said.

Quebec’s court of appeal is hearing a case over concerns that the notwithstanding clause was misapplied in Bill 21, but the broad powers granted by the clause make it difficult for critics or courts to limit a government’s ability to pass controversial laws.

Amending the clause would require reopening debate over the constitution, a task many fear would result in a national a crisis, with provinces demanding new concessions or powers from the federal government.

But Lawrence said that despite its shortcomings in protecting minority rights, the notwithstanding clause has also prevented Canada’s top court from accusations of becoming an overtly partisan institution.

Unlike the United States where “the court has essentially been captured by political interests” and judges’ interpretations of law can shape public policy – as for example in the supreme court’s decision to overturn decades of precedent on abortion – governments in Canada can easily undo a controversial high court ruling.

“When rights are seen as absolute, there’s also a scenario in which if you think the court has wrongly interpreted the scope of a right, you’re left with very little that you can do,” said Lawrence. “That hasn’t happened to the same degree in Canada.”

Public outrage over the use of the notwithstanding clause – and surprise that rights can be taken away so easily – means Canada needs to have better ability to adjudicate when is the right time to use it, said Leckey.

“The taboo that it can never be used is probably not helpful. There really are circumstances that you might think it could be used, especially when it comes to a very controversial judgment,” he said. “But what I don’t think we’ve developed, as a political culture, the sense of when it’s legitimate to use the clause and an ability to evaluate how legislatures have justified it.”

Much of the debate, frustration and uncertainty around the clause is also a function of the constitution’s relative youth, said Lawrence.

“If we expect our charter to last, we have to also accept that we actually don’t know what kind of situations it’s going to have to deal with in the future.”

Gun control is not enough: The white power status quo is killing us

Image via Shutterstock.
John Stoehr November 21, 2022

A 22-year-old white man in Colorado Springs walked into an LGBT-plus nightclub over the weekend and opened fire. Anderson Lee Aldrich killed five and wounded 25 more before a patron subdued him. The shooter survived and was indicted on Monday on five counts of murder as well as hate crimes charges.

But others aren’t waiting around. Critics say that a young white man doesn’t bring an AR-15-style semiautomatic weapon, a handgun and extra rounds of ammunition into an LGBT-plus venue, located in a relatively conservative city, if he doesn’t hate the people in it.

Others say the shooting is an example of what experts sometimes call “stochastic terrorism” or the incitement of violence against an individual or group. The Editorial Board’s Rod Graham put it this way:

If a group of people hear from Republican authority figures and thought leaders that Democrats are satanic pedophiles, somebody is going to eventually grab a hammer and march over to the residence of their local Democratic representative.



Rod was referring to the recent attack of Paul Pelosi, the spouse of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. The assault has been described as an attempted assassination. I think I can speak for Rod when I say we can swap out “Democratic representative” for any minority group, like the LGBT-plus community, and come to the same conclusion.

I agree with all the above, but I want to add an observation.

When we talk about “hate crimes” and “stochastic terrorism,” we should bear in mine an underlying assumption, and by bearing it in mind, we can see that the challenge before us requires solutions far greater than demanding that Republican rhetoric, which inspired Aldrich to murder, be toned down. That assumption is twofold.

One, that the status quo – what’s “normal” – is politically neutral.

READ MORE: White liberals are not free – but they are protected by white power

Two, that the status quo is nonviolent.

It is neither.

Political violence is normal

The way things are is not just the way things are. It’s a product of politics and history, all the choices made before us, and by us, coalescing into a knowable moment that we experience as the now.

The politics of the past is the politics of the present, just as the politics of the present will be the politics of the future. This is the true way of things. To deny this is to deny our humanity. To deny this is to run away from the freedom of making choices that suit us collectively. It’s to escape the responsibility of having made them.

The status quo is not politically neutral.

Neither is it politically nonviolent.

Hard as it is to say, violence is a force that shapes our norms. Some violence we deem legitimate, as when police keep the peace. Others we deem illegitimate, as when criminals breach the peace. But both shape what’s “normal.” The difference is the degree of acceptability.

However, because the status quo is political, and the status quo is shaped by violence, legitimate and illegitimate, political violence is an expression of the status quo. And given that white power (rule by heterosexual, Christian, preferably rich, white men) is the status quo, political violence is expression of white power. Put another way:


• The status quo (what’s normal) is white power.

• White power is political violence.

• Political violence is normal.

Anderson Lee Aldrich committed an act of political violence.


It’s going to take more than gun control to address that.

One way or another, we have, and everyone before us has, decided that one kind of violence is good while the other kind is bad. These choices are political. They were made in a political context. Their consequences, which we all live with unawares, are political, too.

To deny the politics of these choices is to deny the cause and effect of history – to ignore the material consequences that come with decision-making. To deny that is to throw up our hands and say whatever has happened and is going to happen is in God’s hands.

That’s what most of us do.

Running from freedom

Political violence is an expression of the status quo – of white power, of rule by straight white (and rich) men. Whether we think it’s good (police keeping the peace) or bad (criminals breaching the peace), it’s political violence. Why, then, does political violence surprise us?

I think there’s more going on than the natural horror of witnessing bloodshed – more than the despair at witnessing bloodshed over and over, as we have for the past 20 years. I think it’s about expectations.

And who has them.

When something is working for you, you don’t think about it. That it’s working is what’s expected. But when it fails to work, indeed harms you, that’s surprising, maybe even shocking. It’s supposed to work!

White power works for white people (who are most people in America). We never think about it. We don’t have to. It works! But occasionally, the political violence that is white power doesn’t work. It harms us, kills us! It causes young white men to go on rampages.

Yet we continue to be surprised. We continue to be, because we – meaning white people – won’t rethink the problem. We won’t make different political choices. We won’t even recognize, and admit, that we have already made choices. We won’t, because white power works. We think political violence can’t be a feature. It must be a bug!

It’s not a bug. Indeed, the question isn’t whether there is or isn’t political violence. (Political violence is the force that shapes our norms.) The question is how much. The answer is a lot. We tolerate political violence – heaps of corpses – because that’s easier than rethinking political choices that go into maintaining white power.

If we admitted responsibility, we’d have to do something.

White power normally works, though.

So we don’t.

By refusing to accept that we (white people) have already made choices that together produce the status quo, we are denying our humanity. We are running from freedom. We rather throw up our hands and say whatever has and is going to be is in God’s hands.

But the choice is ours.

Not God’s.

READ MORE: White-power violence inevitably comes for 'respectable' white people

Accused Colorado Springs shooter is the grandson of a GOP CA state assemblyman who compared Jan 6 to the American Revolution

California State Assemblyman Randy Voepel, image via Screengrab / Twitter.
Alex Henderson November 21, 2022

On Saturday, November 19, a mass shooting at a gay nightclub in Colorado Springs, Colorado left five people dead and more than two dozen people injured. The man arrested in connection with the attack, 22-year-old Anderson Lee Aldrich, is facing five counts of first-degree murder and five counts of a "bias-motivated crime causing bodily injury,” according to court filings. And CBS 8 San Diego is reporting that Aldrich is the grandson of California State Assemblyman Randy Voepel.

CBS 8 San Diego’s Steve Price reports that Voepel “once drew harsh criticism from several of his colleagues in Sacramento for comparing the January 6 attack on the Capitol to the American Revolutionary War.”

A far-right Republican, the 72-year-old Voepel has been an avid supporter of the Tea Party. After a mob of Donald Trump supporters violently attacked the U.S. Capitol Building on January 6, 2021, Voepel declared, “This is Lexington and Concord. First shots fired against tyranny. Tyranny will follow in the aftermath of the Biden swear-in on January 20.”

READ MORE: Hate crime, murder charges filed against Club Q suspect in anti-LGBTQ mass shooting

Law enforcement officials have not gone into specifics about the alleged shooter’s possible motivations or political views in the attack on Club Q, a gay nightclub in Colorado Springs. But the court filings indicate that they are considering it a politically motivated hate crime