Friday, December 27, 2024

The high-tech future of assisted suicide is here. The world isn’t ready.

A “suicide pod” in Switzerland roils the right-to-die debate.



by Marin Cogan
Dec 26, 2024
VOX

Drew Shannon for Vox

LONG READ

The pod looked like a tanning bed from another planet: a human-sized chamber, white and sparkly purple with a clear glass door, resting on an inclined platform. Previously, it had been on display in public exhibitions, but now it was in Schaffhausen, in a large park in northern Switzerland, near the border with Germany.

A woman stood in front of it, under a dense canopy of trees. She wore a white fleece jacket, dark pants, and flip-flops. It was late September 2024, and the air in this part of the country had become cool.


The woman, a 64-year-old American whose name has not been made public, had come to the Alpine country, to this place of vineyards and rolling meadows and mountain views, to end her life.


It was a private decision that, paradoxically, would have global implications for the debate over end-of-life care and whether people have a right to medically assisted suicide.


For more than 25 years, Switzerland has been a destination for people who want a medically assisted suicide, thanks to the country’s longstanding and liberal law regarding the practice. Each year, the number of people choosing assisted suicide in the country grows; in 2023, that number reached more than 1,200. Most people who end their lives in Switzerland are elderly or have an incurable illness, though a person can sometimes get approval for an assisted suicide under other circumstances. And though the majority who die this way are citizens, Switzerland is one of the few countries that also allows foreigners to travel there for the purpose, a practice critics have derided as “suicide tourism.”


The country’s largest assisted suicide nonprofit, Exit, takes only citizens and permanent residents. But other prominent organizations, including Dignitas and Pegasos, accept foreigners. People who are interested reach out to the groups online and apply for membership, which provides counseling and guidance around end-of-life care. Those seeking a medically assisted death are required to have consultations with a doctor associated with one of the organizations. After determining that the person is eligible, of sound mind, and, when applicable, has considered their full range of treatment options, the doctor writes a prescription for sodium pentobarbital, the same substance used for pet euthanasia and many lethal injection executions in the US, to be used at a later date chosen by the patient.


The doctor is not allowed to administer the medication themselves. That practice is known as euthanasia, which is not legal in the country because it is considered “deliberate killing.” Instead, they provide the medication to the patient, who, in the presence of the doctor or an aide for one of the organizations, either swallows it or takes it with a gastric tube or an intravenous infusion.


The entire process, for foreigners, costs about $11,000 and usually takes a couple of months.


Had the American woman chosen to end her life under the standard Swiss protocol, it probably wouldn’t have been controversial. She reportedly had skull base osteomyelitis, a rare and painful inflammatory condition that is often fatal if untreated. She told the group helping her that her adult children fully supported her decision.


But she wasn’t there to end her life the standard way. Instead, she was about to become the first person to try a controversial new method for suicide, using a technology that would roil public debate over assisted suicide in Switzerland and capture attention around the globe.


She would use the Sarco pod, an invention of Philip Nitschke, a strident right-to-die advocate. Nitschke hopes that the 3-D printed pod, with a name that’s short for sarcophagus, will revolutionize the practice of voluntary assisted death by taking doctors out of the picture.


The Sarco, he has said, doesn’t require a lengthy screening process or thousands of dollars. Rather than relying on sodium pentobarbital, a person who wanted to use the pod could buy nitrogen. They would lie down inside the pod, resting their head on a neck travel pillow. Then, they would close the door and push a button. The chamber would fill with nitrogen gas, and oxygen levels would quickly drop below levels humans need to survive.


As a method of execution in the US, nitrogen hypoxia has been highly controversial. Earlier this year, UN experts raised concerns that the execution of Alabama death row inmate Kenneth Eugene Smith using nitrogen gas could constitute “torture,” and the state is currently being sued by another inmate alleging the practice is cruel and unconstitutional. Right-to-die advocates, though, say that when administered properly, it’s a relatively painless death because people exposed to high levels of nitrogen quickly lose consciousness.


The American woman entered the chamber just before 4 pm, according to Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant, which had a photographer in the woods of Schaffhausen before and after the death to document the scene. To protect against the possibility that they might be accused of foul play, Nitschke and his colleagues also set up two video cameras to record. Then Nitschke went across the border to Germany, possibly to avoid the risk of arrest. The only person who remained with the woman at the scene the entire time was Florian Willet, a colleague of Nitschke’s who co-founded The Last Resort, an organization to promote the Sarco pod’s use in Switzerland.


Seconds after entering the pod, the woman pressed the button to release the gas. Willet waited with her, monitoring her vital signs on an iPad and relaying them to Nitschke over the phone. After confirming her death, Willet called the police — a standard practice after an assisted suicide in Switzerland.


Typically, police examine the scene to verify that there are no signs of foul play.


But this wasn’t a typical death. Police arrested Willet, his attorneys, and the de Volkskrant photographer nearby on suspicion of “inducing and aiding and abetting suicide,” according to Reuters.


More than eight weeks later, Willet remained in jail, with police investigating the woman’s death as a possible “intentional killing.”


And Switzerland, a country that has for decades maintained a public consensus in support of assisted suicide, has been confronted with a series of questions that have implications for one of the most significant moments of every person’s life: To what extent should people have the right to determine when and how they die? What are the moral and philosophical implications for a society that sanctions the practice of medically assisted suicide? How does a nation handle the need for the safety of vulnerable people while also protecting their dignity and individual rights?


Switzerland isn’t the only country that allows assisted suicide. Other nations, including the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Colombia, Spain, and Canada, also permit the practice, which some advocates call medical aid in dying (MAID) to differentiate it from the usual connotations of the word “suicide.” In late November, the British Parliament took the first step to pass a bill that would legalize assisted dying for some terminally ill patients.


In some countries, the law goes further than it does in Switzerland, allowing voluntary euthanasia, where doctors can administer lethal doses for patients who can’t or don’t want to do it themselves. Belgium and the Netherlands, for example, allow physician-assisted euthanasia for mental illnesses if a doctor determines that the condition creates unbearable suffering. What constitutes unbearable suffering, though, is inherently subjective and open to interpretation.


The number of deaths via euthanasia in both countries has grown considerably in recent years; the same is true of Canada, which recently passed some of the world’s most liberal euthanasia laws. Critics worry that the easy availability of assisted death creates incentives for people to see it as the only solution to their suffering, even when there might be effective treatments. They also worry about a “slippery slope” where doctor might approve assisted suicide for more and more reasons, ultimately resulting in suicides for non-medical reasons being enabled by law.


The United States does not permit euthanasia, but physician-assisted suicide is legal in 10 states, including California, Oregon, and Washington. According to a Gallup survey earlier this year, 71 percent of Americans believed that a doctor should be able to administer a euthanasia drug if requested by a patient or their family member, and nearly the same amount supported physician-assisted suicide for people with terminal illnesses.


Erika Preisig, a family physician and founder of the organization Lifecircle, which helps foreigners come to Switzerland for assisted suicide and advocates for other countries to legalize it, says the issue is going to become more important as more baby boomers reach the end of their lives.


“They will not let others decide how they have to die. They will decide themselves,” says Preisig, who is a member of that generation. “This will raise the percentage of assisted dying all over.”

Drew Shannon for Vox


But even with widespread support, the practice is still controversial in the US and elsewhere. The American public, despite supporting legalization, is more divided on the morality of doctor-assisted suicide. It’s opposed by the Catholic Church and other Christian organizations, which believe the practice goes against God’s will. Some disability rights advocates have argued fiercely against it, saying that it allows medical professionals to offer disabled people death rather than finding ways to improve their lives. The American College of Physicians (ACP) also opposes medically assisted dying on the grounds that the practice is incompatible with a doctor’s duty as a healer who takes the Hippocratic Oath, promising to do no harm.


“[T]he focus at the end of life should be on efforts to prevent or ease suffering,” the ACP’s president said in 2017. Partly as a result of those disagreements, Americans have different rights regarding assisted suicide depending on which state they live in. That’s led some Americans, including the woman who used the Sarco pod, to come to countries like Switzerland to end their lives.



The birthplace of Calvinism and an intellectual center of the Protestant Reformation, Switzerland has a long history of bucking the dogma of the Catholic Church and charting its own moral and philosophical path. Famously neutral during the World Wars, and now home to world governing bodies like the United Nations and the World Health Organization, the country can appear to be a tightly regulated place like many other Western European countries.


In reality, it’s a society built on compliance with social and cultural norms moreso than government regulations. Political scientists point to it as among the most libertarian societies on earth, and Switzerland is consistently ranked as the number one country in the Human Freedom Index report put out by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank.


Assisted suicide is no exception. The practice has been permitted in Switzerland longer than in any other country. In 1942, the government put into effect a statute outlawing abetting assisted suicide for “selfish purposes,” like gaining access to an inheritance, but otherwise, it wasn’t explicitly banned — which meant that, by omission, assisting suicide for non-selfish purposes was technically legal. To this day, the 1942 statute is the only law explicitly referring to assisted suicide. In an email to Vox, the prosecutor in charge of the case confirmed that Willet was arrested under suspicion of breaking this law.


In place of those laws, requirements for obtaining a medically assisted suicide were developed by doctors and codified into guidelines maintained by Switzerland’s medical professional organizations. The regulations are nonbinding, but disobeying them can in theory lead to professional sanctions. In practice, this has meant that the doctors are regulating themselves.


“We have one of the most liberal systems in the world,” Yvonne Gilli, the president of the country’s professional association for doctors, told Vox in an email. For most of the medical community, the desire seems to be to keep it that way. “We would therefore do well to leave doctors in a central role in assisted suicide,” Gilli wrote.


In a small, relatively homogenous nation of just under 10 million people, assisted suicide has never been quite the culture war issue it was in the United States in the 1990s and early 2000s, when Dr. Jack Kevorkian, a right-to-die advocate nicknamed “Dr. Death” by the media, filmed himself performing a voluntary euthanasia and sent the video footage to 60 Minutes, intentionally triggering a trial that would result in his conviction for murder.


In 2011, a referendum that proposed a ban on assisted suicide in Zurich, the country’s most populous canton or state, was rejected with 85 percent of the vote. That high level of public support has allowed assisted suicide organizations to operate with relatively little friction and without much public debate, even as demand increases. According to a long-term study of assisted suicides in the country from 1999-2018, the total number of physician-assisted suicides doubled every five years.


“Suicide assistance has been quite calm. The Swiss assisted suicide organizations were under the radar; there wasn’t much discussion about them,” says Bernhard Rütsche, a professor at the University of Lucerne and an expert on assisted suicide in Switzerland. “They care for their reputation. The whole branch of suicide assistance has been shaken up with this new method, and they don’t like that, quite understandably.”


The intervention of Nitschke and his Sarco pod threatens to upend the status quo.



In 1996, Nitschke became the first doctor in the world to help a terminally ill patient die legally by assisted suicide in Australia. A decade later, he and his partner Fiona Stewart published The Peaceful Pill Handbook, a guide that provides information about methods of assisted suicide and describes the process of obtaining one in Switzerland.


Nitschke, according to Katie Engelhart’s book The Inevitable: Dispatches on the Right to Die, began his work believing that patients with terminal illnesses should have the right to choose an end to their suffering. But as his advocacy deepened, his thinking evolved. Why should doctors like him be the one to make the decisions? Why should doctors get to determine what counts as extraordinary suffering and what doesn’t?


Over time, Nitschke came to believe that the right to die should be entirely in the hands of individuals and not medical professionals. The deeper his advocacy became, the more he clashed with other members of the medical community. He burned his medical license in 2015 after a protracted battle with Australia’s medical board. He also became more critical of mainstream MAID groups that focus only on the sickest patients.


He takes issue with the Swiss system, which he has said is too deferential to doctors and too expensive. “We are convinced that no money should be charged for an assisted death. Especially when you realize that it is already very expensive for foreigners who wish to die to travel to Switzerland,” Nitschke said of his organization, Exit International, in a recent interview. (Exit International, which is not related to the Swiss group Exit, pointed to statements on their website and declined to be interviewed before deadline.)


Nitschke approaches end-of-life issues with the zeal of a libertarian techno-futurist. In interviews, he’s spoken about a future where the Sarco pod’s blueprints are posted online, allowing anyone to 3-D print one anywhere in the world. He has said that AI could replace doctors in assessing whether a person meets the criteria to end their life. “We really want to develop that part of the process so that a person can have their mental capacity assessed by the software, rather than … spending half an hour with a psychiatrist,” Nitschke told Wired.


Nitschke’s unapologetic belief that people should be able to choose how and when they die, combined with his confrontational style, has made him a lightning rod for controversy, leading some of the doctors who support assisted dying to think that he does more harm to their cause than good.


“Nitschke wants to give everybody, without thinking, the possibility to die. For me, this is unethical,” says Preisig, the founder of Lifecircle. “This is very bad for Switzerland. It’s a big problem for us.” Leaders of other assisted suicide organizations have also been critical.


The debate over the Sarco pod has even reached the Swiss government. Nina Fehr Düsel, a member of the Swiss National Council (which is similar to the US Congress), has made a motion for the National Council to discuss assisted suicide in the coming months. She’s also asking her colleagues to consider banning the Sarco pod explicitly.


“I don’t want to overregulate this,” Fehr Düsel, a member of the populist right-wing Swiss People’s Party, which controls the most seats in the federal assembly, tells Vox. She has concerns about the use of nitrogen, which is at this point cheap and easy to obtain in the country. In general, she says, the organizations that are already established in the country should be left alone. “We already have these two longstanding organizations and that is enough,” Fehr Düsel says.


For others, the Sarco pod case has merely exposed the extent to which assisted suicide is operating without clear legal guidelines. “We need some regulation that ensures that autonomy is safeguarded and capacity is properly assessed, and the means for suicide assistance — the instruments and the medications — are safe and comply with human dignity,” says Rütsche, the professor at the University of Lucerne.


According to Rütsche, the government should codify the existing standards doctors have established, with laws around the assessment of someone’s capacity, obligations to provide information and counseling to make sure the decision is well considered, requirements for how the process takes place (including what drugs and devices are allowed and what aren’t), and oversight for the assisted suicide organizations — with the ability to ban a group for flouting the guidelines.


Whether Switzerland moves forward with a new law remains to be seen. But the Sarco pod’s future seems more certain.

Drew Shannon for Vox


Police confiscated the pod at the scene of the woman’s death. In November, Schaffhausen prosecutor Peter Sticher confirmed to Vox in an email that one person remained in police custody regarding the investigation. Willet, according to The Last Resort’s website, has been held in jail for two months.


Holding someone that long on suspicion of abetting a suicide for selfish purposes is highly unusual. But in late October, de Volkskrant, the Dutch paper, reported another reason that may explain Willet’s long detention: According to court records, a forensic doctor told investigators the woman was found with injuries to her neck, raising the possibility that Willet was the subject of an “intentional killing” investigation.


“The allegation of a [killing] is simply not true, and I’d guess everyone involved knows this,” says Andrea Taormina, the lawyer for the photographer who was detained after the woman’s death. “There are no facts that would indicate differently. This is mainly an allegation brought forward simply to raise the stakes in this procedure.”


De Volkskrant, which had access to and reviewed the camera footage, said in their report that nothing on the recording showed Willet opening the pod or doing anything to disturb the woman.


Ultimately, after 70 days in detention, Willet was released in early December.


Exit International and The Last Resort, Nitschke’s organizations, celebrated Willet’s release. “The allegation of intentional homicide was, and remains, absurd,” it said in a statement.


But in response to an email, Sticher told Vox that both investigations remained open. “All persons are still under investigations, for aiding and abetting a suicide for selfish purposes and for intentional homicide,” Sticher wrote. “But we had no more reasons to keep this last person in custody.”



While the drama brought by the Sarco pod’s use is exceptional, the broader debate shouldn’t be.


According to a UN report from 2023, the world population of people over 65 is expected to double, from 761 million in 2021 to 1.6 billion in 2050. In 25 years, people over 65 will make up 1 in 6 people on Earth — part of a global trend toward aging. Thanks to legalization in several countries, many of these people now know that physician-assisted suicide is an option. Assisted suicide remains rare, both globally and in the US. But as more attention is paid to it, the moral, philosophical, and political questions that the case prompted will only become more urgent.


In Switzerland, where assisted suicides are still a relatively small percentage of overall deaths, supporters say it’s important to maintain that right. “Modern medicine is keeping people alive longer and longer. This is why there are more and more very old people, and therefore more and more medical problems towards the end of life,” Marion Schafroth, the president of Exit, said in an email. “Human support for suicide is certainly not morally wrong. It serves the dignity and self-determination and safety of those who wish to die.”


Even if they don’t ultimately choose assisted suicide, says Preisig, the founder of Lifecircle, it’s important for people who are seriously ill to know they have the option. “People are not afraid of death, they’re afraid of unbearable suffering,” she says. “When they know they could [die] if they wanted to, then they lose this fear of unbearable suffering. This is the most important point for me.”


Still, other countries, like Canada, are grappling with serious concerns about whether the criteria for approval is expanding too quickly, enabling or even encouraging people who aren’t suffering to end their lives.


Canada’s Medical Assistance in Dying (MAID) program is a primary example for critics of what can go wrong. When MAID was first legalized in 2016, Canada had strict criteria: It was only to be used to end unbearable suffering in patients whose conditions were advanced and whose impending death was reasonably foreseeable.


In 2021, following a court ruling, the government removed the criteria that a death be reasonably foreseeable. Stories emerged of people who had been approved for euthanasia who didn’t have terminal illnesses. Health care workers have said they’re struggling with the ethical implications arising from people requesting euthanasia not for incurable illnesses but because they’re on government subsidies, were recently widowed, or are dealing with chronic but nonfatal conditions like obesity. And in October, a Canadian committee found that people had received approval for euthanasia for reasons such as social isolation.


Some disability rights groups in Canada are challenging the country’s expanded MAID laws in court. “We are witnessing an alarming trend where people with disabilities are seeking assisted suicide due to social deprivation, poverty, and lack of essential supports,” a leader of the group, Inclusion Canada, said in a statement in September. “This law also sends a devastating message that life with a disability is a fate worse than death, undermining decades of work toward equity and inclusion.”


The controversies around these cases, like the Sarco case, are raising uncomfortable questions for which there might not be easy answers. A legalized assisted suicide program without strong guardrails runs the risk of creating opportunities for abuse. Among those who decide to die via assisted suicide will likely be complicated people with complicated motivations, some of which might not seem reasonable to others. On the other hand, in countries where assisted suicide is illegal, people often find other ways to end their lives. (The leading cause of suicide deaths in the United States is not a new technology like the Sarco pod but a much older one: guns.)


How governments balance the need to protect their citizens’ rights while also safeguarding the most vulnerable among them is a real conundrum. Switzerland found a balance, but the Sarco pod threatened to upset it. Restoring the balance is more than just a major imperative. It’s a matter of great moral significance — and of life and death.



Marin Cogan is a senior correspondent at Vox. She writes features on a wide range of subjects, including traffic safety, gun violence, and the legal system. Prior to Vox, she worked as a writer for New York magazine, GQ, ESPN the Magazine, and other publications.


LA thinks AI could help decide which homeless people get scarce housing — and which don’t

Without enough houses for its growing homeless population, the city is using machine learning to make its process fairer.


by Carly Stern
Dec 27, 2024
VOX


Drew Shannon for Vox

LONG READ


Reba Stevens held her breath as she walked up the steps to the apartment, her then-6-month-old son perched on her hip. After 21 years of homelessness, she prayed: God, please let it be a decent place for me and my baby to live.

Stevens turned the key and walked through the gray front door into her first stable home since she was a teenager. She couldn’t believe her eyes: a spacious living room, two large bedrooms, a beautiful bathroom, even a walk-in closet — thanks to a Los Angeles County housing voucher. She stepped back into the hallway. “I hit the floor and I cried,” said Stevens, recalling that day in the fall of 2000.

More than 20 years later, Stevens, a Black woman now in her 60s, has become an influential advocate for unhoused people in Los Angeles. She is working alongside other people who have been homeless, as well as frontline caseworkers, academics, data scientists, and city administrators, on a pilot project that aims to more accurately and equitably identify vulnerable people in need of housing assistance — with guidance from machine learning.

It’s a project that is badly needed. Today, at least 75,000 people are unhoused in LA County, up from nearly 53,000 in 2018 — and the true number is likely much higher. For every available slot for permanent supportive housing in LA County, about four more are needed. That has left about 17,000 people waiting in line, while thousands in need of a home remain unconnected to the system that is supposed to provide them aid.

Across the US, the gap between the housing we have and the housing we need is estimated to be in the ballpark of 4 million units. In California alone, the shortfall is estimated to be roughly 840,000 units.

This leaves housing administrators grappling with the most vexing question in public policy: Who should we help first? The people most likely to recover quickly and gain stability, or those in the most dire emergencies? As long as housing remains scarce, must we accept that one unhoused person’s well-being can only be improved at the expense of another’s?

The housing crisis has exposed flaws and racial biases in the old system, and it requires extraordinary solutions. Los Angeles is making a bet that machine learning can help solve that problem. But, at the same time, the increased application of machine learning and AI in public policy continues to raise concerns about unintended consequences — which, in the case of having housing or not, can make the difference between life and death.


Eric Rice, a social work professor who co-founded the University of Southern California’s Center for AI in Society, a collaboration between USC social work professors and engineers that applies AI to tackle social problems, has helped lead a multi-phase project to create a more rational process for allocating housing to unhoused people. He and his team started with identifying the issues with LA County’s old housing assessment process; Rice’s research revealed that LA’s process for evaluating people most in need of housing falsely scored Black and Latino clients as being less vulnerable than white clients. They then recruited community members to revise the assessment survey and the process for administrating it, and worked with researchers who applied machine learning techniques to more empirically correct for potential biases in the results.


“This is the first project to do this in a major city with the complexity that LA has, the scope of homelessness that LA has, and also the concern about race equity,” Rice said.


Stevens joined a community advisory board that would set a new vision for how to identify the people truly most in need. They are part of a quiet, nationwide revolution in thinking about how to best help the people who need a home. In LA, Pittsburgh, and even rural Missouri, officials are asking the same question: Can new algorithms that predict a person’s risk make a dent in America’s homelessness crisis?

Homelessness, by the numbers

When Stevens was homeless, in the 1980s and ’90s, there was little rhyme or reason to who got housing assistance and who didn’t. Across the nation, the de facto models for homeless services either were first come, first served or functioned as lottery systems.

Over the years, housing officials struggled to make the system more rational. In 2012, the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) required states to set up “coordinated entry systems” to standardize how people were assessed and prioritized for services. Coordinated entry became the new “front door to the homeless services [system],” as Stevens puts it. “You can’t get nothing without going through the front door.”

RelatedAfter decades of inaction, states are finally stepping up on housing

A year later, a new screening survey called the VI-SPDAT was rolled out across the nation to impose more rigor on the process. The survey asked a few dozen questions meant to quantify — in a single number — a person’s risk of severe outcomes like ending up in the emergency room, having a mental health crisis, becoming incarcerated, or dying on the streets. Answers to the survey questions produced a score out of 17, ranking a respondent’s vulnerability.


The goal was to identify people in the most severe circumstances and get them help first, precisely in order to prevent those extreme outcomes from coming to pass. “HUD has found that when there are few incentives, people with the highest needs go unserved and often die on the street. This is a tragedy in this country,” said a HUD spokesperson.


The higher the survey score, the higher a person is ranked in the queue for permanent supportive housing, or apartments with on-site support services, like help with employment or mental health care. In theory, this approach — used not just in LA, but also in cities nationwide — was meant to deliver what scarce housing existed to those who needed it most.


But this system still isn’t working functionally or fairly. Black people, who are less than 10 percent of the county’s population, make up more than 30 percent of people without a home in LA County. Decades of racist redlining, predatory mortgage lending, and the criminalization of poverty have combined with a housing shortage to create an epidemic of Black homelessness.

In 2018, LA County convened the Ad Hoc Committee on Black People Experiencing Homelessness to propose measures to address the root causes of the crisis. Stevens became a trusted voice on the committee. One key finding: The VI-SPDAT survey was broken. LA needed to fix the front door to its homeless services.

Rice’s study found, through community advisory board meetings and case manager interviews, that a key problem was people often aren’t told how this information will be used — so many clients are afraid to be honest.

Compared to white clients, Black clients were 6 percent more likely to get “false negatives,” or risk scores lower than more objective measures of their vulnerability. To make those estimates, Rice’s team used county data on psychiatric holds, emergency room visits, jail, continued homelessness, and death, and then compared what actually happened to clients against their assessed vulnerability. Black clients were clearly more vulnerable than the survey detected; Latino clients were also 3 percent more likely than white clients to get false negatives.

Why would someone in need of housing be less than forthcoming? Survey questions can be convoluted and invasive, inquiring about substance use, sexual trauma, and domestic violence. “It’s worded in a way that it can come across accusatory,” said Debra Jackson, a housing matcher for the homeless services nonprofit St. Joseph Center, who serves clients across Malibu, Beverly Hills, and Santa Monica.

Sometimes, caseworkers administered the VI-SPDAT when they’d only just met someone, or when a client was in a crisis state and couldn’t think clearly. “Particularly Black people, who encounter law enforcement a lot more than someone else … have this fear of the judicial system not working up on their behalf in a fair way,” Jackson said.


Debra Gatlin, another person enlisted to guide Rice’s experiment, has leaned on her own experiences to help match the Los Angeles County mental health department’s clients with permanent housing. She became unhoused for the first time in her life in her 50s, after losing a job in the 2008 recession. She was shuffled from agency to agency, seeking referral after referral, like a game of hot potato. Nobody helped her.


“I am the person who helped me get housed,” she said. After finding a home without government assistance, Gatlin joined the mental health department staff in 2016. She’s seen its problems up close, as both client and administrator.


Before meeting with a client near the end of 2021, Gatlin checked the person’s file; he’d taken the VI-SPDAT survey at least twice before and gotten a low vulnerability score of 6 out of 17. (The county’s current threshold score to be prioritized for permanent supportive housing is 8.)


They began the evaluation, with Gatlin paying close attention to his facial expressions and body language. She tried to make him feel comfortable.


“None of this is meant to get you in trouble. This is to help you,” she reassured the man.


When Gatlin asked about military service, her client said yes. He had not disclosed this in prior surveys, but with her, he opened up and shared other details about his history he’d not previously revealed. His vulnerability score nearly tripled to 16 out of 17.

Several housing options were now available to him. He chose to move into a place near Brentwood, a neighborhood on LA’s Westside.

During the monthly meetings of the LA pilot project’s community advisory board, Gatlin shared her experiences seeing a client’s fate hinge on how the survey was administered. She joined Stevens, Jackson, and more than a dozen others every few months for nearly two years to map out how to overhaul the housing triage process.

Board members stressed the importance of timing; caseworkers should never undertake the survey when meeting someone for the first time or when someone was actively in crisis without organized thinking. Jackson watched people struggle to correlate their histories of trauma with their current situation.

“They can’t make that connection,” she said. “You see that pattern over and over again.”

Why the old system failed


The community advisory board recruited by Rice and his colleagues in 2020 first sought to identify problems with the old survey, propose best practices for administration, and refine the language to be more sensitive to people’s trauma.

That was the relatively straightforward part. The members next had to decide how the new triage process would assess vulnerability — a dilemma with no clear answers. Should they prioritize housing assistance for the highest-need people who face the most significant risk of adverse events like emergency room visits, incarceration, and death? Or should they prioritize the people most likely to quickly exit homelessness for good, those who might need less support for less time than others to achieve stability?

“It’s like the sinking ship law that comes into place. You have a lot of people who are drowning. Who are you going to save first?” said Sam Tsemberis, an associate clinical professor in psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the University of California, Los Angeles, who created the Housing First model that prioritizes housing for at-risk people before contending with other issues. “It’s an impossibly difficult decision we shouldn’t even be having to make. It’s like ranking levels of misery and poverty and desperation.”


Building more housing would, of course, make this less of a zero-sum exercise. But parochial political feuds and byzantine zoning codes have hampered LA’s efforts to get more new housing off the ground. Until enough new housing is built, someone has to figure out who gets the accommodations that currently exist — and who doesn’t.


Stevens grappled with these questions from the perspective of someone who had needed help long before it came.

RelatedWhy buying a house feels impossible right now


At age 19, she had been a caregiver for a family friend while raising her toddler and attending college. But when that friend passed away, the woman’s extended family kicked Stevens out of the house.


Stevens had no savings. She left her child in her mother’s care while attending classes and couch-surfed for as long as she could. Sometimes she rode the bus all night, hiding in the back. One driver used to silently pass her a doughnut and coffee at daybreak. Stevens had never used alcohol or drugs while she had housing, but she started using. “I was embarrassed, I was ashamed,” she said. She dropped out of college later that year.


Each year she went without a home, Stevens’s situation continued to deteriorate. She spent time in jail and experienced domestic violence. She found an affordable apartment, but relapsed and lost it. When she found housing again, in 1986, she had a new job, but fell behind on rent and eventually was evicted.


It was not until the summer of 2000 that Stevens’s name was called for a subsidized housing voucher. She was celebrating two years of sobriety, almost to the exact day, and making strides in therapy. “I believe that it was an act of providence,” she said.


Despite her gratitude for this breakthrough, Stevens believes the system should intervene before people’s lives fully unravel. The VI-SPDAT wasn’t in place when she was unhoused, but her vulnerability score at age 19 would have been much lower than at 40, after all she’d been through. Had she received help much earlier — even though her score likely would have been lower — she might have been able to prevent two decades of suffering.


“The truth of the matter is that everybody is vulnerable,” Stevens said. But under the current approach, “you got to be broke down and shattered for me to help you.”


“You’ve got a better chance with somebody who just fell because they lost their job. Those people should be prioritized, too, because they can get up. They already got boots, they just got a broken strap. Help them fix the strap.”


But this would mean people on the verge of crisis would be less likely to get resources. “Some chunk of those people are going to continue to experience homelessness, and they’re going to continue to do badly, and they will eventually be the people that are being prioritized,” Rice said.


He emphasized that the longer people are homeless, the more likely they are to experience adverse events. Without help, the people today who are deemed not vulnerable enough to warrant aid will eventually become the most downtrodden — but only after years of difficulty, suffering, and diminished health.


“Without enough resources, we can’t … put to the front of the emergency room the people who’ve got a sprained ankle when we’ve got people who have arterial bleeds,” Rice said. “The thought process, for better or for worse, is that people with sprained ankles just have to wait.


“In this context, the people with sprained ankles will eventually have arterial bleeds.”

How machine learning could help


To Stevens, based on her experiences, it was clear they should bandage the sprains. But HUD had a federal mandate in place that coordinated entry systems must prioritize people with more severe needs and vulnerability for assistance first. (A representative from HUD couldn’t confirm whether local agencies would lose funding if they didn’t comply.)


The other board members, while sympathetic to Stevens’s argument, concluded they were bound by this mandate. LA County’s revised triage process would focus on the highest-need people.


The next phase of the project would involve using data science to reduce some of the biases, both human and systemic, exposed in the old triage process.


The previous triage tool had relied solely on self-reported information from the survey to produce a vulnerability score. Now, Rice’s colleagues would build a more complex predictive risk model. They evaluated historical data from the last five years to identify which survey questions were actually correlated to adverse events and which were not. They used criminal, hospital, and death records, as well as data collected through housing authorities.


The mission to produce the new risk model was assigned to Brian Blackwell, a senior data scientist for California Policy Lab, a research group affiliated with the Universities of California.


His goal was to slim the survey down to only include questions with a statistical correlation to the outcomes that Rice’s team cared about. That way, the team could cut extraneous questions that obscured a client’s true vulnerability and could be traumatizing for a client to talk through unnecessarily.


But a better survey alone wouldn’t eliminate all the preexisting biases that prevented people in need from being identified, particularly racial biases. Blackwell wanted the predictive risk model to correct for the old tool’s error rate for clients of color. “That’s someone who perhaps could have benefited from permanent housing or a housing subsidy,” he explained, “but the tool didn’t recognize that.


“All predictive models make errors — that’s inevitable — but what you want to make sure is that those errors don’t systematically discriminate against certain groups,” Blackwell added.

Blackwell’s team sought to ensure the new model would no longer have a statistical difference in accuracy by race. They opted for a simple algorithm that would allow housing officials to continue administering the survey to clients in the field. The machine’s decision-making would also be transparent. The model — known as “ordinary least squares linear regression” — estimates the relationship between different variables to make forecasts. (Some liken it to the way a GPS navigates through data to find the best route to a destination.)

The new tool now rests in the hands of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA). Marina Flores, LAHSA’s director of systems and planning, said the agency will start training workers on the new process in December. LAHSA plans to implement and start using the tool for permanent supportive housing prioritization by January 2025.

Caseworkers will still administer the new VI-SPDAT with a pen and paper, but will input each answer on a computer. The new model assigns different point values to different questions, with more weight given to questions that are most closely associated with negative outcomes. The system will spit out a single number summarizing a person’s vulnerability, as before, but the adjusted scoring system should correct for previous racial biases.

Flores said the new process is needed to rebuild trust with the case workers who saw how flawed the old system was. She’s glad LAHSA’s new model will cut extraneous questions — such as “do you have planned activities, other than just surviving, that make you feel happy and fulfilled?” — and will only include ones with a demonstrated correlation to adverse outcomes.

“We’re able to use something that actually has some validity to do it,” she said.

The new risk prediction model will tell case workers like Gatlin about who needs housing most urgently. But the caseworkers will still have discretion about which housing resources should be allocated to the people identified as most vulnerable — at least for now.

Phebe Vayanos, a USC engineering professor who co-directs its Center for AI in Society with Rice, had built a housing allocation algorithm that would match clients with specific housing as part of the project. But LA officials have opted to hold off on implementing it.

Flores knows integrating AI into a process that alters the fate of so many could be controversial, given public skepticism about the technology. Experts routinely warn that models are only as fair as the datasets they train on and that machine learning could amplify existing racial biases. Skeptics caution against removing too much human judgment from subjective, life-or-death decisions. LA officials wanted to be cautious and test the waters.

Already, the same concepts motivating LA’s project are being scaled elsewhere. In 2023, a team based in rural Missouri launched a similar project to overhaul their triage process and fix their own “front door” by adopting many principles from Rice’s pilot.

“When people are talking about machine learning … some people may hold a view in terms of, ‘Oh, it’s frightening, it’s biased,’” said Hsun-Ta Hsu, who studied under Rice before joining the University of Missouri’s School of Social Work from 2015 to 2022. Hsu is helping lead the Missouri project.

“It’s probably likely so. But there’s a way to address those [biases],” Hsu said. “Our community stakeholders, the most vulnerable population who are likely to be directly impacted by the consequences of the tool … they help us to define what the prioritization should look like.”

“A huge leap in the right direction”

Even some of those closest to the project are critical and harbor doubts. At times, they question whether they’re fighting the right battle. While those like Gatlin feel it’s worthwhile to fix the front door, others like Stevens don’t want people to lose sight of the fact that the house is still broken.

Stevens is not convinced these changes to LA’s coordinated entry system will make a dent. “This thing has just gotten too far out of hand for any kind of tool to be a right tool,” Stevens said. “We can’t say, ‘Housing is a human right,’ and then be saying, ‘Oh, but you gotta score [a] 15.’”

“It’s urgent,” she said. Yet the message “is still hold on and wait.”

Rice is learning to live in the gray area. “What I’ve done is helped to work on making a system that is inadequate to deal with the scope of the problem fair, or more fair, but not necessarily … [solved] a larger, more fundamental problem of inadequate housing resources in our country,” he said.

“That is a more profound problem,” he said, one that requires “a shift in our thinking as Americans about the value of taking care of citizens who fall through the cracks.”

In the meantime, he believes in the value of incremental progress. “Until our country has the political will to address homelessness … with a greater emphasis on creating more housing, we need to make sure that the existing system that is being funded — that is in existence — is fair,” he said.

Jackson takes a pragmatic view: She sees the project as a crucial first step. “If it rolls out the way that we hope, then it will be a huge leap in the right direction for helping to identify vulnerability, and getting the most information you can in the least harmful aspect,” she said. “The goal is to move someone from unhoused to housed with the least amount of trauma.”

Gatlin, for her part, feels hopeful that changing the triage process will be consequential. She’s seen how much this single interaction can make or break an unhoused person’s fate. “This is your life that we’re dealing with,” she said. Each life saved makes a difference.

To finally have a seat at the table — to feel her own agency in shaping LA’s course on an issue that had so deeply affected her — felt “exhilarating.”

“I’ve been out here advocating for homeless populations and homelessness for a long time,” Gatlin said. “I really felt like my voice is being heard.”

Carly Stern is an independent journalist based in New York who explores different facets of inequality through narrative stories. Her work has appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Guardian, the San Francisco Chronicle, and California Health Report, among other publications.


This story was co-published and supported by the journalism nonprofit the Economic Hardship Reporting Project.
Gaza’s powerful war narratives make their way to the Oscars

RFI
15/12/2024 -

As the Israel-Hamas conflict continues, a collection of films titled From Ground Zero, created by Gaza-based filmmakers, has earned a place at the Oscars.
Rashid Masharawi and Laura Nikolov, producers of "From Ground Zero", in Paris on 7 November. © RFI/Melissa Chemam

The project, overseen by Palestinian filmmaker Rashid Masharawi, includes 22 short films spanning documentary, animation, and drama.

The films aim to share the voices of people living through the conflict in Gaza, offering a glimpse into their fears, dreams and hopes.

"The idea for From Ground Zero came immediately, in the second month of this ongoing war, to try to pick up films and stories from Gaza," Masharawi told RFI.

He explained that the goal was to give filmmakers in Gaza the chance to make their own films.

As a recent report from Reporters Without Borders (RSF) underlines the toll of the war on Palestinian journalists, RFI spoke with him and his team in Paris.

RSF says Israel responsible for one-third of journalist deaths in 2024

The shorts, ranging from three to six minutes, are "a mix between fiction, documentaries, video art and even experimental films," he said.

"We are filmmakers, we are dealing with cinema. Even if it's a catastrophe, it's very tough with all the massacres. But we were also trying to make cinema, to add life, to be optimistic and to add hope."

The 112-minute collection is presented as a feature film in two parts. Contributors include Reema Mahmoud, Muhammad Al Sharif, Tamer Nijim and Alaa Islam Ayou.

"From Ground Zero" was directed by Rashid Masharawi with 22 actors, directors, writers and collaborators from Gaza, over the past 12 months. © Ayloul Film Production
From film festivals to the Oscars

After premiering at the Toronto Film Festival in September, From Ground Zero toured film festivals across Europe, North Africa and South West Asia in November and December.

Screenings have taken place at the French Arab Film Festival near Paris, the Bristol Palestine Film Festival and in London. Additional showings are scheduled for Morocco and Egypt.

Earlier this year, Masharawi held an outdoor screening of the film during the Cannes Film Festival to protest its exclusion from the event.

Now, the collection has been selected to represent Palestine at the Oscars in March 2025, with hopes of a wider release in the United States, Europe and the Middle East.

UN rapporteur says Israel's war in Gaza is 'emptying the land completely'

Emerging voices


The project was made possible by the Masharawi Fund for Gaza Filmmakers, launched in November 2023 to support creative talent from the territory.

Masharawi, who is from Gaza, is one of the first Palestinian filmmakers to have directed cinema projects in the occupied Palestinian territories.

His first film, Travel Document, was released in 1986, followed by The Shelter in 1989 and Long Days in Gaza in 1991.

The executive producer of the film, Laura Nikolov, who is French and based in France, is travelling with Masharawi to promote the film around the world.

"It's a very unique project," she told RFI. "We have now translated it into 10 different languages. We made this to allow the voices of the Gazan people [to be heard] and it's working. I think we've reached more than 60, perhaps 80 screenings and festivals."

With its selection for the Oscars, Nikolov is hopeful that the film will reach even wider audiences.

"This means it will be shown in cinemas in the United States," she said, adding that they hope to expand its reach across Europe and the Middle East.

A history of violence: Haiti's revolution, collapse and descent into anarchy

The recent collapse of law and order in Haiti follows two centuries of colonial misrule. RFI looks at the cycle of corruption, desperation and authoritarian rule that have shaped the history of the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere

Attack and take of the Crête-à-Pierrot, Haïti, March 1802. Original illustration by Auguste Raffet, engraving by Ernst Hébert. © wikimedia commons

By:
David Coffey
24/12/2024 - 

At the core of Haiti's struggle lie predatory interventions by powerful nations, principally France and the United States.

Speaking recently to RFI, Haitian author, playwright and former politician Gary Victor said that the international community is making the same mistakes in 2024 as it has done in the past.

"I wonder how – after all the time spent in Haiti – the international community doesn't understand what's going on,” Victor said.

“When we talk about a foreign force for Haiti … first of all, there has to be political will within the country to resolve the security issues. That’s why [previous UN missions] totally failed in Haiti, because the force was co-opted by corruption and delinquency in Haiti."


    The cost of revolution


    Haiti's present turmoil traces its genesis back to the colony of Saint Domingue – ruled by France in the 17th and 18th centuries – where the exploitation of African slaves fuelled a trade in coffee and sugar.

    The vast wealth created by slave labour on the plantations was matched by the brutality of their colonial owners, who kept their slaves in line using violence.

    The struggle against colonial rule came to a head in 1791 with a slave rebellion that ultimately led to the creation of the Republic of Haiti in 1804. Slavery was officially abolished in Haiti on 1 January, 1804.

    France, enraged by the loss of its colonial prize in the Caribbean, demanded exorbitant reparations from Haiti, pushing the newly formed nation into a cycle of debt that hindered the country's development.

    The "Double Debt" scheme was a key part of the problem shackling Haiti to “independence debt” owed to Paris banks along with extortionate loan fees with repayments equivalent to an overwhelming percentage of its annual revenue.

    "Revenge taken by the Black Army for the Cruelties practised on them by the French". Illustration by British soldier and self-admitted "admirer of Toussaint L'Ouverture" Marcus Rainsford from his 1805 book "An historical account of the black empire of Hayti". © wikimedia commons

    US fears

    As the first, liberated Black nation, the neighbouring United States saw Haiti’s independence as an existential threat to its own, slave-based economy, and bears much of the blame for the country's ills.

    After French colonisers left Haiti, the United States worked to isolate the country diplomatically and strangle it economically.

    American leaders feared a newly independent and free Haiti would inspire slave revolts back home and did not officially recognise Haiti until 1862 during the Civil War that abolished American slavery.

    As Haiti grappled with the burdens of emancipation, the United States seized upon the turmoil in the era of “gunboat diplomacy”, orchestrating a military occupation from 1915 to 1934 under the guise of safeguarding American interests.

    US President Woodrow Wilson sent an expeditionary force that would occupy the country for two decades to collect unpaid debts to foreign powers – a period marred by coerced labour and economic subjugation.

    US Marines and guide in search of 'bandits'. Haiti, circa 1919. © wikimedia commonsUN launches emergency appeal for Haiti as Benin mulls joining multinational security mission

    The Duvalier dictatorships


    The subsequent decades of the 20th Century witnessed Haiti's descent into an abyss of political instability, natural catastrophes, and the relentless spectre of foreign debt.

    Estimates suggest that the legacy of coerced payments to France – that Paris has repeatedly downplayed – ensnared Haiti in an economic quagmire, depriving it of resources crucial for development, ushering in an era of gang violence coupled with brutal dictatorships.

    François "Papa Doc" Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" employed the ruthless militia dubbed the “Tontons Macoutes” to crush opposition during their rule between 1957 and 1986.

    While subsequent leaders also forged alliances with armed groups, the gangs have now risen above the politicians that empowered them.

    Armed gangs now control large parts of the capital Port-au-Prince, where they kidnap people off the street for ransom and spread fear by sharing gruesome pictures and videos on social media of people being tortured, raped or killed.

    Haitian president François Duvalier (a.k.a. Papa Doc) at his coronation as president for life, Port-au-Prince, Haiti 1963. © wikimedia commons

    Impunity and ‘persistent’ human rights violations

    According to Ana Piquer, Americas Director at Amnesty International, this crisis is the result of decades of political instability, extreme poverty, natural disasters, weakened state structures and a lack of strong commitments from the international community, all of which have exposed the population to violence.

    “Military solutions or external interventions have failed to address the causes of the crisis and – far from promoting lasting stability – have left in their wake persistent human rights violations and impunity,” she said.

    Since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021, Haiti has been plunged into another humanitarian, political, and security crisis, with the emergence of powerful criminal gangs who have seized control over vast swathes of territory, including critical infrastructure like ports and airports.

    In early March of this year, one such gang orchestrated the escape of more than 3,600 prisoners, instigating widespread terror across Haiti and prompting Prime Minister Ariel Henry's resignation.

    "The images of violence that this crisis has given us are terrifying. The criminal gangs that are currently sowing terror must know that the seriousness of their actions makes them accountable and that they can be prosecuted for crimes under international law and serious human rights violations. The suffering of so many people cannot go unpunished," according to Amnesty International


      Anarchy or order?


      Prime Minister Henry was last seen in Puerto Rico, negotiating his return to a homeland gripped by extreme violence while a UN-backed security force is still waiting to be deployed to challenge the heavily armed gangsters.

      With his fate in the air and the situation in Haiti deteriorating by the day, the world has been left to wonder whether the country will descend into anarchy or whether some semblance of order will be restored.

      "We don't have the impression that the international community is our friend," author Gary Victor told RFI.

      This story was first published on 29 April 2024 and appears as part of our review of the year.

      “The Theory of Haiti: The Black Jacobins and the Poetics of Universal History,” by David Scott, originally published in Small Axe 45 (2014): 35–51. Copyright ...

      Attachments. The Black Jacobins - James, C.L.R_.mobi (764 KB). TheBlackJacobinsCLRJames.pdf (2.44 MB). CLR James · racism · slavery · Haiti · French Rev...


      slavery and the slave trade in providing the capital which financed the ... ERIC WILLIAMS. CHAPTER. I. 2. 7. Preface. CONTENTS. The Origin of Negro ...



      BEST ANTI IMPERIALIST MOVIE EVER


       





      France rescues over 100 migrants from Channel, capping deadly year for crossings

      French authorities rescued over a hundred migrants trying to cross the English Channel on Wednesday, Christmas day, taking advantage of improved weather at the end of what has been the deadliest year on record for Channel crossings.

      A boat carrying migrants is escorted by French authorities in the English Channel, 4 September 2024. © Nicolas Garriga/AP


      By: RFI
      26/12/2024 - 


      French rescuers launched twelve operations throughout the day along the coast of northern France that picked up 107 migrants, the Channel and North Sea maritime prefecture said in a statement.

      In the morning, 30 people were rescued from a boat near Dunkirk, while the others onboard, who wished to continue onwards, were left to be taken into British custody once they reached British waters.

      Another 51 people were rescued from a boat experiencing engine damage near Dunkirk, and 26 people were taken off a boat experiencing difficulty near Calais.

      The Channel is "a particularly dangerous area, especially at the height of winter for precarious and overloaded boats," the statement said.

      Storms and strong winds have made crossing attempts impossible for a week, but the weather improved on Tuesday, resulting in dozens of boats attempting the crossing.

      Authorities in the Dover harbour said over a hundred people arrived in the early morning. The British Home Office has yet to publish its daily arrivals count.

      2024 has been the deadliest year on record for Channel crossings, according to the Pas-de-Calais authorities, which have recorded 73 migrant deaths.

      Tens of thousands have managed to reach Britain, where the government has vowed to crack down on people-smuggling gangs.

      In November, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer called for greater international cooperation against the gangs, which he described as a "global security threat similar to terrorism."

      (with AFP)



      THE LAST COLONY  VIVA INDEPENDENCE

      Ravaged forest threatens Mayotte's biodiversity, economy and food security

      In the wake of Cyclone Chido, the worst natural disaster to hit the Indian Ocean archipelago in 90 years, Mayotte's forests have been devastated – and with them the island's biodiversity, food security and local economy.


      This photo provided by the French Ministry of the Interior shows the devastation of the tropical forests of Mayotte, as seen on 17 December, 2024. AP

      By: RFI
      25/12/2024 


      The cyclone destroyed homes and infrastructure, and the death toll is expected to reach the hundreds, if not thousands.

      The impact on Mayotte's natural habitat too has been severe, with its tropical forests almost entirely destroyed – which will have serious economic consequences, as in Mayotte the majority of the population make their living farming in the forest. The island, which constitutes France's poorest department, has 15,000 farmers.

      'Risk of famine'

      Between its large trees, families cultivate small plots and beneath the mango and coconut trees, banana trees grow, and below them, cassava.

      These agro-forestry systems are known as the “gardens of Mayotte” and “occupy 90 percent of the island's useful agricultural area, supplying the island with fruit, vegetables, roots and tubers to meet 80 per cent of the population's needs,” according to the French agricultural research centre CIRAD.

      After the cyclone, “cassava, bananas, breadfruit, lychees ... everything that makes up the Mayotte garden has disappeared,” said Ali Ambodi, president of the Mayotte livestock farmers' union.

      “It's the total destruction of our farms, as well as the tracks and roads. We can't even get to our farms. And this disappearance of our natural environment makes us unhappy, because we are bound together [with it].”

      This situation will not improve anytime soon, according to the farmer, who explained that the destruction of these plants means that not only will the islanders struggle to harvest food, they won't be able to collect seeds for replanting either. It will take months or even years for the plants to grow back, he said. “My deepest concern is the risk of famine.”

      Ambodi has little faith in the aid promised by the French state. He said the procedures for this are cumbersome, and there are real administrative barriers.

      Farmers will have to prove that they own their land, but the majority do not have the right documents. “We're going to be asked for one piece of paper, then another, then another, and in the end farmers won't have access to this aid.”

      Impact on biodiversity


      In addition to the local economy and food security, the biodiversity of the island has been left in ruins. According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN): “Mayotte's forests are a treasure trove of vulnerable and little-known biodiversity.” More than 6,150 marine and terrestrial species have been recorded there.

      Some are unique to the island, and more than 380 are protected – for example the maki, or Mayotte lemur, which lives off the fruit, flowers and buds it finds in the forest.

      The forest is also a veritable water tower, enriching soil and roots, preventing erosion and landslides and retaining water, thus limiting flooding.

      Tropical forests are important carbon sinks, and home to animals that are essential to the balance of life on the island. “The island's dry forest is home to the Mayotte souïmanga, which is the main pollinator of the Mayotte aloe, a plant endemic to the island and classified as in danger of extinction,” says the IUCN.

      Mayotte cyclone lays bare the fragility of France’s 'forgotten' territory

      The organisation adds that the forest is a focal point for local tradition and culture. “In Mahoran society, the Patrosi and the Mugala, spirits from elsewhere, are the most familiar jinn. They relate to nature and come from the forest.”

      The fragile environment of Mayotte's forests was already suffering the consequences of pollution and deforestation. The full extent of the further damage wreaked by Cyclone Chido remains to be seen.

      This article has been adapted from the French version by Jeanne Richard.
      The sound of struggle: South Africa's lasting legacy of cultural resistance

      Johannesburg, South Africa – Thirty years after the end of apartheid in South Africa, the cultural resistance artists waged against white minority rule continues to inspire new generations of creators.

      South African artist Sipho "Hotstix" Mabuse performs at Africa Day celebrations in Johannesburg on 26 May 2018. © GULSHAN KHAN / AFP

      By: Melissa Chemam| RFI
      Video by: Melissa Chemam
       16/06/2024 -

      "Nelson Mandela himself always said that the struggle against apartheid was a collective effort," Tshepo Moloi, history lecturer at the University of Johannesburg, told RFI.

      "People who were not in leadership had a great role too: the labourers, the workers and the cultural activists – people who sang, poets, painters, sculptors," said Moloi, a specialist on the liberation struggle.

      "They played an important role for the international community to know what was happening in South Africa."

      Thirty years after the long fight led South Africans to freedom, that cultural resistance has become part of the country's essence, inspiring new generations of artists.

      Johannesburg, a hotbed of resistance


      "Some people would easily understand the speeches by leaders like Oliver Tambo, who went around the world informing about the brutal system of apartheid, but some people would sympathise through music or poetry with what was happening inside the country," Moloi says.

      The African National Congress, the liberation movement that has since become South Africa's ruling party, even had its own performing group, he says. Named the Amandla Cultural Ensemble after a local word for "power", it toured the world promoting the anti-apartheid cause.

      But back in segregated South Africa, just making music as a black artist could be an act of defiance in itself.

      "Music was segregated. Apartheid affected every life in South Africa, even work," says Sipho "Hotstix" Mabuse, a jazz musician who played with some of South Africa's finest.

      "We were not allowed to perform at some of the best venues in town."

      Sipho 'Hotstix' Mabuse in his home in Soweto, Johannesburg, in South Africa, on 16 May 2024. © RFI/Melissa Chemam

      Born under apartheid in 1951, Mabuse grew up in Soweto, the Johannesburg township that became an epicentre of black resistance.

      A singer-songwriter who plays everything from drums to saxophone, he started out in the 1970s in the afro-soul group The Beaters – a reference to the famous British band – who later changed their name to Harari.

      Mabuse also recorded with South African legends Miriam Makeba, Hugo Masekela, Ray Phiri and Sibongile Khumalo.

      Harari's music was rooted in pan-African politics, inspired by the Black Panther Movement and black consciousness in general.

      Despite their passion and support from black fans, Mabuse says their life was made "very difficult" by apartheid.Podcast: Jo'burg's new musical generation

      Beyond apartheid

      The musicians got a glimpse of a different way when tours took them outside South Africa.

      "When we started going into other countries, especially when we got to Botswana, we suddenly realised that people of all races mixed. There was no issue, it made no difference to those people dancing to our music," Mabuse told RFI.

      In neighbouring Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland (now Eswatini), musicians like him could tour freely and play in all venues, to all audiences.

      For him and his bandmates, that ignited their political consciousness and led them to question why things remained different back at home.

      "That made us self-conscious," Mabuse recalled. "And we started pursuing a different approach to music, which we felt we could use as a vehicle to express our political alliance."

      Meanwhile international artists expressed solidarity by joining in a cultural boycott, as well as writing music that highlighted the fight for freedom.

      Today, South Africa's musical activism isn't just the subject of history books and museum displays, but lives on in the contemporary arts scene.

      At 70, Mabuse is still performing and touring – sharing the legacy of South African musicians' fight for freedom, which continues to resonate worldwide.


      05:16

      Ethiopia’s broken crown: The fall of Haile Selassie, 50 years on

      Fifty years ago the Marxist-Leninist military junta known as the Derg took control of Ethiopia, toppling Emperor Haile Selassie and ending a monarchy that had governed the country for 700 years. RFI looks back at the revolution that reshaped Ethiopia and the brutal regime that followed.

      It's been 50 years since a Marxist-Leninist military junta known as the Derg seized power in Ethiopia. Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown, ending a monarchy that had ruled Ethiopia for 700 years. AFP


      By: David Coffey with RFI
      13/09/2024 

      On 12 September 1974, Ethiopia's Emperor Haile Selassie I was quietly deposed by the Armed Forces Coordinating Committee – the Derg – after several months of nationwide demonstrations and strikes.

      A severe drought in the winter of 1973 had devastated the northern regions of Wollo and Tigray, causing widespread famine.

      Dramatic images of the victims added to the growing economic difficulties and the stalemate in a society still bound by feudal structures. This fuelled discontent against the Ethiopian emperor, who had been in power for 44 years.

      First crowned as regent in 1916 – alongside his aunt Empress Zaouditou – Ras Tafari took the throne of Abyssinia in 1930 under the name of Haile Selassie I.

      As the 225th descendant of the dynasty of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, Negus of Ethiopia, Haile Selassie held great privilage and prestige for decades.

      Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia addresses the League of Nations in Geneva, Switzerland, to seek help against Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia, 30 June, 1936. AP


      Faced with Mussolini

      Haile Selassie was a symbol of Ethiopia’s independence, particularly during the invasion by Italian forces under dictator Benito Mussolini in 1935.

      When he went into exile in Europe, Selassie gave a keynote speech at the League of Nations on 28 June, 1936, that left a lasting impression on the world stage.

      On 5 May 1941 – after returning via Sudan – he triumphantly entered the capital, Addis Ababa, which had been liberated by Anglo-Indian brigades with the support of the Free French Forces.

      Emperor of a country that had never been colonised, Haile Selassie symbolised the desire for independence throughout Africa.

      Respected internationally, Haile Selassie was seen as a reformer in his early days, especially for his role in abolishing slavery.

      He advocated for African unity and helped establish the Organisation of African Unity in 1963, securing its headquarters in Addis Ababa.

      Despite these efforts, he met strong opposition from landowners and the clergy in a largely Christian country.

      With no free press or political parties to provide outlets for dissent, frustrations grew, especially as the Eritrean Liberation Front began its calls for independence in 1961.

      A state of emergency was declared in Eritrea in 1970, but it only deepened repression.

      Ethiopians pictured in front of an image of Italy's Fascist Dictator Benito Mussolini in Meke'le, Northern Ethiopia, 1935. © wikimedia commons


      Revolt of young intellectuals

      While living in splendour, Haile Selassie amassed a colossal fortune and lost touch with the growing unrest, particularly among Ethiopia’s young intellectuals.

      The famine and its thousands of victims intensified anger at the regime. By February 1974, mass demonstrations were taking place across the country, followed by a wave of strikes.

      Marxist-Leninist ideas spreading through universities strengthened the revolution, which claimed to be democratic, modern and in support of women’s rights.

      However, the Derg deposed the emperor by 12 September of that year.

      In a bid to avoid chaos, the military had Crown Prince Asfa Wossen proclaimed king – though he was abroad for medical treatment and never exercised power.30 years young: Eritrea reaches a milestone but struggles with legacy of its past

      The abolished monarchy and Selassie's death

      Writing for the French weekly L'Express in September 1974, journalist Christian d'Épenoux summed up Haile Selassie's downfall.

      "A champion of the non-aligned, he had managed somehow to preserve the unity of his kingdom ... against the greed of his neighbours to the south and north, Sudan and Somalia, who were breathing down his neck," he wrote.

      "But his prudence, once praised, had become a blemish. Old age and attrition had overcome the spirit of reform. Isolated, ill-advised, turning a blind eye to privilege and injustice, having amassed an incredible fortune of his own, the old Negus could no longer see his country crack.

      "Drought, famine and the atrocious deaths of 100,000 of his subjects while he fed his molosses triggered the revolt that was to sweep him off his feet".

      The Ethiopian monarchy was finally abolished in March 1975, when Haile Selassie was imprisoned in the basement of the imperial palace.

      The world learned of his death on 27 August that same year – probably assassinated on the orders of the country's new strongman, Mengistu Haile Mariam.

      Derg soldiers raid a civilian's house during Ethiopia's 'Red Terror', circa 1977 - 1978 
      © wikimedia commons

      Ethiopia conflict at a 'national scale' according to UN investigators
      The rise of Mengistu and the 'Red Terror'

      The revolution, initially led by left-wing students, was soon taken over by the army.

      The Derg established the Provisional Military Administrative Council on 15 September 1974, which brought clashes with the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party.

      These struggles paved the way for Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, who took over the junta in 1977.

      Mengistu’s rise to power triggered a wave of repression known as the "Red Terror".

      Tens of thousands were killed, though the full scale of the Derg’s crimes remains unknown. The regime ruled with brutal force until its overthrow in 1991.

      To this day, 87-year-old Mengistu lives quietly in Zimbabwe despite being convicted of genocide and sentenced to death in absentia in 2008.

      Zimbabwe continues to refuse his extradition, and in 2011, many Derg leaders saw their death sentences commuted to life imprisonment.

      Former Ethiopian president Mengistu Haile Mariam, pictured during a ceremony in Addis Ababa in 1990. AP - ARIS SARIS

      The legacy of authoritarian rule

      The dictatorial violence of the Derg's communist rule – along with constant warfare against separatist movements in Eritrea and Tigray – led to the collapse of food and cash crop production in the country by the late 1970s and early 1980s.

      A National Revolutionary Development Campaign, launched in 1984, aimed to transform Ethiopia's economy within 10 years. It failed.

      The situation came to the world’s attention during the 1984-1985 famine in Tigray, which inspired the Live Aid charity concerts in 1985.

      Since the fall of the Derg in 1991, many Ethiopians lament the failure of the country to reconcile with its past.

      There has been no Truth and Reconciliation Commission, nor any real effort from Ethiopian leaders to help victims heal or receive financial reparation.

      Fifty years after the revolution, the country still feels the effects of the Derg’s brutal rule as it continues to grapple with civil war and deep ethnic divisions.