Sunday, December 29, 2024

Why Can’t the US Get the Giant, Bloodsucking Health Insurance Tick off Its Back?

As with many problems in American life, it largely comes down to two factors: the legacy of white supremacy and corporate profits.



Thom Hartmann
Dec 28, 2024
Common Dreams

There’s only one person in a photograph of a recent G7 meeting who represents a country where an illness can destroy an entire family, leaving them bankrupt and homeless, with the repercussions of that sudden fall into poverty echoing down through generations.

Most Americans have no idea that the United States is quite literally the only country in the developed world that doesn’t define healthcare as an absolute right for all of its citizens. That’s it. We’re the only one left.

The United States spends more on “healthcare” than any other country in the world: about 17% of GDP.

Medicare For All, like Canada has, would save American families thousands every year immediately and do away with the 500,000+ annual bankruptcies in this country that happen only because somebody in the family got sick.

Switzerland, Germany, France, Sweden, and Japan all average around 11%, and Canada, Denmark, Belgium, Austria, Norway, Netherlands, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Australia all come in between 9.3% and 10.5%.

Health insurance premiums right now make up about 22% of all taxable payroll, whereas Medicare For All would run an estimated 10%.

We are literally the only developed country in the world with an entire multi-billion-dollar for-profit industry devoted to parasitically extracting money from us to then turn over to healthcare providers on our behalf. The for-profit health insurance industry has attached itself to us like a giant, bloodsucking tick.

And it’s not like we haven’t tried.

Presidents Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, Jack Kennedy, and Lyndon Johnson all proposed and made an effort to bring a national healthcare system to the United States. Here’s one example really worth watching where President Kennedy is pushing a single-payer system (as opposed to Britain’s “socialist” model):




They all failed, and when I did a deep dive into the topic two years ago for my book The Hidden History of American Healthcare I found two major barriers to our removing that tick from our backs.

The early opposition, more than 100 years ago, to a national healthcare system came from Southern white congressmen (they were all men) and senators who didn’t want even the possibility that Black people could benefit, health-wise, from white people’s tax dollars. (This thinking apparently still motivates many white Southern politicians.)

The leader of that healthcare-opposition movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was a German immigrant named Frederick Hoffman, as I mentioned in a recent newsletter. Hoffman was a senior executive for the Prudential Insurance Company, and wrote several books about the racial inferiority of Black people, a topic he traveled the country lecturing about.

His most well-known book was titled Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. It became a major best-seller across America when it was first published for the American Economic Association by the Macmillan Company in 1896, the same year the Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson decision legally turned the entire U.S. into an apartheid state.

Hoffman taught that Black people, in the absence of slavery, were so physically and intellectually inferior to whites that if they were simply deprived of healthcare the entire race would die out in a few generations. Denying healthcare to Black people, he said, would solve the “race problem” in America.

Southern politicians quoted Hoffman at length, he was invited to speak before Congress, and was hailed as a pioneer in the field of “scientific racism.” Race Traits was one of the most influential books of its era.

By the 1920s, the insurance company he was a vice president of was moving from life insurance into the health insurance field, which brought an added incentive to lobby hard against any sort of a national healthcare plan.

Which brings us to the second reason America has no national healthcare system: profits.

“Dollar” Bill McGuire, a recent CEO of America’s largest health insurer, UnitedHealth, made about $1.5 billion dollars during his time with that company. To avoid prosecution in 2007 he had to cough up $468 million, but still walked away a billionaire. Stephen J Hemsley, his successor, made off with around half a billion.

And that’s just one of multiple giant insurance companies feeding at the trough of your healthcare needs.

Much of that money, and the pay for the multiple senior executives at that and other insurance companies who make over $1 million a year, came from saying “No!” to people who file claims for payment of their healthcare costs.

This became so painful for Cigna Vice President Wendell Potter that he resigned in disgust after a teenager he knew was denied payment for a transplant and died. He then wrote a brilliant book about his experience in the industry: Deadly Spin: An Insurance Company Insider Speaks Out on How Corporate PR Is Killing Healthcare and Deceiving Americans.

Companies offering such “primary” health insurance simply don’t exist (or are tiny) in almost every other developed country in the world. Mostly, where they do exist, they serve wealthier people looking for “extras” beyond the national system, like luxury hospital suites or air ambulances when overseas. (Switzerland is the outlier with exclusively private insurance, but it’s subsidized, mandatory, and nonprofit.)

If Americans don’t know this, they intuit it.

In the 2020 election there were quite a few issues on statewide ballots around the country. Only three of them outpolled President Joe Biden’s win, and expanding Medicaid to cover everybody was at the top of that list. (The other two were raising the minimum wage and legalizing pot.)

The last successful effort to provide government funded, single-payer healthcare insurance was when Lyndon Johnson passed Medicare and Medicaid (both single-payer systems) in the 1960s. It was a hell of an effort, but the health insurance industry was then a tiny fraction of its current size.

In 1978, when conservatives on the Supreme Court legalized corporations owning politicians with their Buckley v Belotti decision (written by Justice Louis Powell of “Powell Memo” fame), they made the entire process of replacing a profitable industry with government-funded programs like single-payer vastly more difficult, regardless of how much good they may do for the citizens of the nation.

The court then doubled-down on that decision in 2010, when the all-conservative vote on Citizens United cemented the power of billionaires and giant corporations to own politicians and even write and influence legislation and the legislative process.

Medicare For All, like Canada has, would save American families thousands every year immediately and do away with the 500,000+ annual bankruptcies in this country that happen only because somebody in the family got sick. But it would kill the billions every week in profits of the half-dozen corporate giants that dominate the health insurance industry.

This won’t be happening with a billionaire in the White House, but if we want to bring America into the 21st century with the next administration, we need to begin working, planning, and waking up voters now.

It’ll be a big lift: Keep it on your radar and pass it along.

Americans are sick of the health insurance grinches who steal our money and our lives

Lynn Parramore, Institute for New Economic Thinking
December 28, 2024 

Photo by Geoffrey Moffett on Unsplash
                
In the past few weeks, one thing has become crystal clear in America: The public outrage after the assassination of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson exposed a seething fury over the health insurance racket. No amount of media finger-wagging at public perversity or partisan attempts to frame Luigi Mangione’s act as a statement from the left or right can hide the reality: The people, from all sides, are livid about the healthcare system—and with good reason.
                
In the 21st century, Americans have expressed their view that healthcare is deteriorating, not advancing. For example, according to recent Gallup polls, respondents’ satisfaction with the quality of healthcare has reached its lowest level since 2001. Key point: Americans in those polls “rate healthcare coverage in the U.S. even more negatively than they rate quality.”

Coverage is the core failure, driven by the insurance industry’s profit-first approach to denying care.


It’s a textbook case of “market failure.” Instead of healthy competition lowering prices and improving services, what we have is an oligopoly that drives up costs and leaves millions uninsured.

So here we are, regardless of politicians’ rosy narratives or avoidance of the topic. Politicians on both sides of the aisle should be motivated to take on this scandalous state of affairs, but, as journalist Ken Klippenstein pointed out, presidential nominees Kamala Harris and Donald Trump barely acknowledged healthcare, mentioning it only twice, between them, in their convention speeches. “This is the first election in my adult memory that I can recall healthcare not being at the center of the debate,” Klippenstein remarked, recalling Biden’s 2020 nod to the public option and Bernie Sanders’ strong calls for universal healthcare in 2016.

Meanwhile, Americans are crushed by skyrocketing premiums, crippling medical debt, and denial of care that devastates millions of lives. It should be no surprise that frustration has reached a boiling point, igniting a fierce, widespread demand for real, systemic change. Ordinary people are clear that insurance companies don’t exist to protect their health, but to protect and maximize profits for shareholders.


Economist William Lazonick points out that we have every right to expect quality at a fair price, noting that a good health insurance policy should ensure accessible care with the insurer covering the costs—something a single-payer system could deliver. “A for-profit (business-sector) insurer such as UnitedHealthcare could make a profit by offering high-quality insurance,” Lazonick told the Institute for New Economic Thinking, “but they have chosen a business model that seeks to make money by denying as many claims as possible, delaying the payment of claims that they cannot avoid paying, and defending their positions in the courts, if need be.”

This is capitalism run amok.

And the profits are rolling in. Lazonick notes that in 2023, UnitedHealthcare enjoyed an operating profit margin of 8% on revenues of an eye-popping $281.4 billion, insuring 52,750,000 people, which equals revenues (premiums) of $5,334 per insured. The insured, meanwhile, pay not only the premiums, but deductibles, copays, and things like surprise billing. He argues that while the cost of medical care is artificially inflated, health insurers strategize to keep costs in check by enrolling young, healthy people—a windfall provided by the Affordable Care Act’s individual mandate, which forced consumers into the system while allowing insurers to keep operating as usual, engaging in their profit-maximizing schemes. In his view, the inflated costs of medical care are partly thanks to financialization—a process where healthcare companies prioritize financial strategies like stock buybacks and dividend payouts over actually improving patient care, investing in useful innovations, or lowering premiums.


Alongside his colleague Oner Tulum, Lazonick has shown that the biggest health insurance companies have been on a stock buyback binge, padding their profits and lining the pockets of executives and shareholders: classic Wall Street greed in action. They note that of the top four companies by revenues over the most recent decade, UnitedHealth, CVS Health, Elevance, and Cigna, average annual buybacks were a stunning $3.7 billion. “Ultimately, the manipulative boosts that these buybacks give to the health insurers’ stock prices come out of the pockets of U.S. households in the form of higher insurance premiums,” they write.

It’s easy to see why health insurance executives are obsessed with stock buybacks. Lazonick and Tulum point out that from 2000 to 2017, Stephen J. Helmsley, the CEO of UnitedHealth Group, raked in an annual average of $37.3 million—86% of it coming from stock-based compensation. His successor, Andrew Witty, wasn’t exactly slumming it either, pulling in $17 million a year (79% stock-based) between 2018 and 2023. And then there’s the assassinated Brian Thompson, former CEO of the UnitedHealth subsidiary UnitedHealthcare, who bagged $9.5 million a year (73% stock-based) from 2021 to 2023. It’s a deadly scam, to be sure—inflate the stock price with buybacks, fatten the paychecks for executives (not rank-and-file employees), and deny patients the care they need.

Lazonick observes that the more profits that UnitedHealth Group makes, the more extra cash is available to distribute to shareholders as dividends and buybacks, “and, generally, the higher the stock price, the potential for higher top executive pay.” The unpleasant reality, according to him, is that “given UHC’s predatory business model, Thompson was incentivized by his stock-based pay to rip off customers, and he ascended to the United Healthcare CEO position because he was good at it.”


Perhaps this helps explain why many Americans are not exactly mourning his passing.

The roots of this mess trace back to the neoliberal, market-driven ideology that underpins the system. Neoclassical economics, the theory behind this philosophy, is all about maximizing profit and trusting the market to sort things out—like some magical invisible hand. In reality, it’s a blueprint for inequality: The rich, like insurance CEOS, get richer, and everyone else is subject to exploitation. Healthcare is a perfect example of why this system doesn’t work. When you turn human health into a business, where access is determined by how much you can pay, only the wealthy can count on top-notch, reliably available care. The fundamental contradiction at the heart of the U.S. system is simple: health is treated as a commodity, not a human right.

This current system make sense to the economists still clinging to their outdated, flawed neoclassical principles, but for regular folks? It’s crystal clear: our system is untenable.


The myth that the U.S. health insurance system runs efficiently in a competitive market is just that—a myth. In reality, a handful of for-profit insurers dominate, focused not on providing care, but on extracting profits. It’s a textbook case of “market failure.” Instead of healthy competition lowering prices and improving services, what we have is an oligopoly that drives up costs and leaves millions uninsured. Let’s go over three examples of this failure.

1. Information Asymmetry: In a real competitive market, you’d have clear, straightforward information to make good choices. But in the U.S. health insurance system? Not happening. Insurers deliberately obscure policy details, leaving you to guess the true costs and coverage—even the percentage of claims denied. This gives them all the power while you’re stuck with confusing, impenetrable contracts. They know exactly what they’re doing—and it’s not about helping you.

Say you’re self-employed and stuck buying private insurance on the Health Insurance Marketplace. You don’t qualify for subsidies, so you figure the best you can do is a silver plan with a $1,000 monthly premium. It’s steep, but at least it lists a $45 co-pay for an in-network doctor visit—and it’s got to be in-network because the plan won’t cover a dime of out-of-network care. You sign up for the plan, and then you go to the doctor for a respiratory infection. Surprise! You’re hit with a $200 bill. Why? Because co-pays only apply after you meet your $2,200 deductible—that was in the fine print.


At this point, avoiding the doctor sounds like the best plan.

But wait, isn’t the Health Insurance Marketplace a government-driven system? How could it be so unfair and deceptive? Well, it isn’t exactly a government-driven system. The Marketplace is government-run in name, thanks to the Affordable Care Act, with the feds running HealthCare.gov—but let’s be clear: It’s controlled by private insurers. The government sets some rules, but the real power lies with for-profit companies pulling the strings. What’s sold as a consumer-friendly system is really just a cash cow for the insurance industry.

2. Adverse Selection: Let’s go back to that self-employed person hit with a $200 doctor bill. The next time they get sick, they decide to skip the doctor—why risk a bigger bill? The insurance companies love this—they don’t have to pay a thing while you must keep paying your premium. This is adverse selection in action. Healthy people forgo care to save money, while the sick are stuck with costly plans. Insurers raise premiums, pushing even more people out of the system. The result? A vicious cycle where prices keep climbing, and care becomes harder to access.


3. Externalities: The U.S. health insurance system’s failure to provide universal coverage creates what economists call “negative externalities.” Our self-employed person who didn’t go to the doctor to save money has ended up in the emergency room, where the costs quickly balloon. What started as a simple issue becomes a preventable hospitalization, driving up healthcare costs for everyone and straining public health resources. These added costs don’t just hit the individual—they’re a drag on society as a whole, with taxpayers and the healthcare system picking up the tab. And on top of it all, the person has missed work and spread their illness to others, amplifying both the social and economic damage.

If you want to see information asymmetry, adverse selection, and externalities really come together, look no further than Medicare Advantage, which economist Eileen Appelbaum plainly calls a “scam”—and one that is liable to expand under Trump’s second term.

As Appelbaum explains, Medicare Advantage is neither Medicare nor is it to anyone’s advantage except insurance companies.

Medicare Advantage is actually a private insurance program that is sold as an alternative to traditional Medicare, advertised to combine hospital, medical, and often prescription coverage, and offer perks such as gym membership coverage. It was originally created in 1997 as part of the Balanced Budget Act under President Bill Clinton to allow private insurers to manage Medicare benefits with a focus on cost control and efficiency.


Proponents claim that privately-run Medicare Advantage plans, which now enroll over half of all people eligible for Medicare, offer good value, but Appelbaum notes this is only the case if you manage not to get a chronic condition—you’d better not get cancer or get too sick.

A 2017 report by the Government Accountability Office found that sicker patients not only don’t benefit from these plans, they are worse off than they would be under Medicare, barred from access to their preferred doctors and hospitals.

Appelbaum notes that the Medicare Advantage program is really a patchwork of private plans run by for-profit companies that rake in billions in taxpayer subsidies while finding new ways to deny care—like endless preauthorizations and rejecting expensive post-acute treatments. Unlike traditional Medicare, which directly pays for services, these private insurers are paid per subscriber, boosting their profits by upcoding and cherry-picking healthier clients. The result: Taxpayers lose $88 to $140 billion a year. But what a boon to the insurers: Appelbaum notes that they now make more from Medicare Advantage than from all their other products combined.


In a 2023 report, Appelbaum and her colleagues noted that recent evidence reveals that Medicare Advantage insurers have been denying claims at unreasonably high rates, particularly for home health services. They point to a 2022 report from the Office of the Inspector General for the U.S. Health and Human Services, which found that in 2019, 13% of prior authorization requests for medically necessary care, including post-acute home health services, were denied despite meeting Medicare coverage rules. These services would have been covered under traditional fee-for-service Medicare. Though some denied requests were later approved, the delays jeopardized patients’ health and imposed administrative burdens. On top of that, a 2021 Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services study showed that over 2 million of 35 million prior authorization requests were denied, with only 11% appealed. Of those, 82% of appeals were successful, highlighting a high rate of incorrect denials.

Appelbaum points out that, despite the similar names, Medicare and Medicare Advantage are worlds apart. Medicare is a trusted public program, while Medicare Advantage is really just private insurance that’s marketed to look like the real thing, luring people in with misleading ads and false promises. The goal of Medicare Advantage supporters is to replace traditional, publicly funded Medicare with private, for-profit insurers—pushing for market competition and cost-cutting at the expense of direct, government-provided healthcare. It’s a prime example of what happens when neoclassical economics gets its way.

“It goes back to the Affordable Care Act,” she explained in a conversation with the Institute for New Economic Thinking. “The ACA introduced many beneficial reforms, but it also required Medicare to experiment with Medicare Advantage plans as part of a broader push for “value-based” care, where providers are going to be incentivized to skimp on your care.” She stressed that this isn’t just financially harmful for patients—it can be deadly. It’s not merely about denying care; it’s about using delaying tactics that put lives at risk: “Widespread delay is a serious problem—when someone has cancer, two weeks of delays waiting for coverage to be approved can be deadly.”


The reality is that with value-based care, providers are rewarded for reducing costs, rather than being paid for the volume of services they deliver, which can encourage cost-cutting measures that potentially compromise care quality.

And as to that much-touted competition that neoclassical economists insist will lower costs and boost efficiency among insurers—good luck finding an example of that. The administrative costs of private insurers are staggering compared to single-payer systems. According to a 2018 study in The Lancet, the U.S. spends 8% of total national health expenditures on activities related to planning, regulating, and managing health systems and services, compared to an average of only 3% spent in single-payer systems. The excess administrative burden in the U.S. is a direct consequence of having to navigate a fragmented system with multiple insurers, each with its own rules, coverage policies, and approval processes.

Beyond the outrageous administrative costs, the U.S. healthcare system’s reliance on employer-based insurance is a relic of 20th-century policy decisions that are downright outdated in today’s gig economy. It ties access to care to your job, effectively locking out millions of gig and part-time workers, freelancers, and the unemployed. The notion that people can “shop around” for insurance plans like they’re picking a toaster is absurd when the stakes are life and death.

The exorbitant cost of this flawed approach to healthcare is borne by society—through higher overall health spending, worse outcomes, and a public system buckling under the weight of the uninsured and underinsured. The system doesn’t just fail to provide equitable care; it deepens social and economic inequality. Health should be a public good, with care guaranteed for all—regardless of income, job, or pre-existing conditions.

Many argue that the solution isn’t patching the system with small reforms but rethinking it entirely—or, as documentary maker Michael Moore recently put it, “Throw this entire system in the trash.” That means embracing models like single-payer, where the state ensures health for all and care is based on need, not profit.

Until the U.S. abandons its current insurance model, we’ll remain stuck with a system that enriches a few while exploiting the many—and the many are well and truly sick of it.

America is ready to say goodbye to the Grinches that operate 365 days a year.



I Got Cancer at 35. The Health Insurance System Delayed My Treatment for Months.

Young adults face rising cancer rates — and barriers to timely interventions.

By Michelle Zacarias , TruthoutPublishedDecember 27, 2024
Michelle documents her treatment journey with a selfie during a 3-hour chemotherapy session in October, 2024.Michelle Zacarias

My gastroenterologist gulped as he read the results of my colonoscopy. The images confirmed what I had already been told: A malignant tumor was blocking nearly the entire pathway of my colon.

I could sense his guilt. After all, he had initially placed me on a two-month waiting list for the procedure — on top of the three months it had taken just to get an appointment with his office.

He spoke carefully, choosing his words with the precision of someone trying to avoid legal fallout. He explained, in the gentlest terms, why he had initially misdiagnosed my symptoms as a possible autoimmune disorder. But by then, I wasn’t angry — I was devastated. Fear and disappointment had long since replaced any sense of outrage. The harsh reality was clear: The U.S. health care system had failed me at nearly every turn.

Since the onset of my symptoms in October 2023, I faced one obstacle after another. My insurance took weeks to authorize urgent referrals, after which I had to wait months for a specialist of their choosing. All the while, my body deteriorated. Diarrhea, bloating, increased gas, irregular stools and constant digestive discomfort became my everyday reality, while I was forced to wait — wait for appointments, wait for diagnoses, wait for someone to take me seriously. Between April 2023 and my diagnosis in June 2023, I lost a whopping 30 pounds, nearly a third of my original weight.

It wasn’t just the colorectal cancer that was killing me — it was the crushing inefficiency, delays and gaps in care that allowed my condition to worsen unchecked. What should have been a straightforward diagnosis and treatment plan became an endless series of frustrations and missed opportunities, with my life hanging in the balance.


It’s Not Just Denied Claims. Insurance Firms Are Hiring Middlemen to Deny Meds.
Lawmakers are looking to break up massive health care conglomerates that manage nearly 80 percent of prescriptions. By Mike Ludwig , Truthout December 14, 2024


Shared frustrations of this sort have manifested in growing anger across the country, particularly in the wake of the shooting of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. While some have expressed support for the alleged suspect, Luigi Mangione, this tragedy underscores a much larger discontent with a health care system that has left millions of Americans feeling helpless and unheard.


It wasn’t just the colorectal cancer that was killing me — it was the crushing inefficiency, delays and gaps in care that allowed my condition to worsen unchecked.

It’s not just about one individual; it’s about an entire system that has failed countless people like me, pushing them to desperate measures. The widespread grief and rage are a testament to how deeply the roots of this crisis run, and how many have suffered in silence, waiting for change that never comes.
An Alarming Shift in Cancer Demographics

In recent years, a concerning trend has emerged: Young people, particularly those under 55, are being diagnosed with cancers once considered predominantly diseases of older adults. From lung and colorectal cancers to breast and thyroid cancers, malignancies traditionally associated with aging are now showing up in younger populations with alarming frequency. Alongside this troubling increase in diagnoses is a parallel crisis: delays in treatment and care due to issues of health care access, insurance coverage and systemic barriers to timely interventions.

Between 1990 and 2019, new cancer cases among younger adults increased by nearly 79 percent worldwide, according to a study published in BMJ Oncology.

In discussing key risk factors driving this alarming rise, the study’s authors pointed to dietary factors, alcohol consumption and tobacco use as the primary contributors to the most common early-onset cancers in 2019. Current tobacco use among U.S. middle and young adults, however, has dropped to its lowest recorded level in 25 years. Research suggests that a wide variety of variables — ranging from environmental factors, including chemical exposure and air and water pollution, to genetic predispositions — are playing an increasingly significant role in the surge of cancer diagnoses among younger adults. These factors, coupled with changes in lifestyle and exposures, could help explain the troubling trend of rising cancer rates in a group once thought to be less vulnerable.

The study also notes a significant uptick in cancer rates, particularly among women and people in their 30s. While cancer remains more common in older adults, the rising numbers in younger populations have raised alarm among health experts, who are grappling with the underlying causes and implications for early detection and treatment.

Researchers are continuing to explore the factors contributing to this trend, including lifestyle changes, environmental exposures and genetic factors.


“I had trained medical doctors tell me, ‘You’re too young to be sick.’”

The increasing burden of cancer in younger adults has already prompted calls for more targeted screening and prevention strategies in this at-risk group. Despite a nearly 50 percent rise in colorectal cancer rates among people under 55 since the 1990s, I faced a nine-month delay in receiving treatment. Being 35, my age didn’t raise enough red flags for doctors to suspect colorectal cancer — especially since the median age of diagnosis is 70 for men and 72 for women, according to the National Institutes of Health.

Even more concerning, my own history with childhood cancer — over 25 years ago — was dismissed by medical professionals as being irrelevant to my symptoms. At one point, I was even told that it was “unlikely” I would develop cancer again so long after remission. The assumption that younger patients are less likely to be at risk for serious conditions like colorectal cancer continues to contribute to dangerous delays from both medical providers and health insurance companies.

Experiences like mine are far from unique. Take A. Baroff, for example, who had to wait two years to undergo surgery for thyroid cancer. Despite her background in medical research, she faced persistent skepticism from health care professionals throughout her ordeal. Her initial symptoms — eye problems, neuropathy, and difficulty breathing and swallowing — were dismissed as “hypochondria” by doctors, delaying her diagnosis and treatment. Unfortunately, stories like Baroff’s highlight the frustrating and often dangerous delays that many cancer patients experience before they finally get the care they need.

“I had trained medical doctors tell me, ‘You’re too young to be sick’,” said Baroff, “and it felt so disheartening that no matter what I said about my own body, I was treated as though I was not right or making up symptoms.” The day she was finally diagnosed, she checked herself into the emergency room, where doctors initially told her swollen lymph nodes were simply a result of a cold. Refusing to leave without answers, she insisted on an ultrasound, and her self-advocacy paid off. That was in January 2020 — just before the world shut down due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

In the weeks following her diagnosis, Baroff faced another setback: her insurance company dropped her coverage. Having recently returned to California after living in Boston for medical school, she was now confronted with the harsh reality of the state’s overwhelmed health care system. As a result, her thyroid cancer went untreated for more than two years, delayed further by strict hospital lockdowns during the early days of the pandemic. Moving home to be closer to family had unintended consequences, postponing her treatment at a critical time.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, many patients, including Baroff, were told they would need to wait for essential medical procedures as hospitals prioritized more “high-risk” cases. This disruption, compounded by insurance issues and inefficiencies in the health care system, brought into sharp focus the struggles faced by younger people confronting chronic illness for the first time in their lives. For many, the pandemic underscored the vulnerability of a medical system ill-equipped to address their needs in a time of crisis.


The growing cancer crisis among young adults has reignited discussions around systemic health care reform, particularly the push for Medicare for All.

“I was completely in survival mode,” said Baroff of navigating cancer while quarantined. Although she continued to try and reach out to medical experts in her area for second opinions and treatment options, many hospitals were at capacity. “I was pretty isolated and anxious. I think it was just a lot of fear and worry during that time, on top of experiencing [cancer] symptoms.”

In a last-ditch effort, Baroff reached out to a former colleague from her time at Harvard Medical School, who connected her with a specialist at Massachusetts General Hospital. In March 2022, she was finally able to schedule surgery in Boston to remove the tumor. Yet her experience serves as a stark reminder of the systemic issues within health care, particularly for young patients, and underscores the critical need for greater empathy and urgency in medical care.
Michelle sits cupping her hands nervously during her first chemotherapy infusion in September, 2024.Michelle Zacarias


Prescreening: A Barrier to Early Detection and Timely Treatment


For many young people who are diagnosed with cancer, the journey from detection to treatment is far from straightforward. While prescreening programs for older adults are relatively well-established, younger populations often fall through the cracks in the health care system. Screening guidelines for many types of cancer do not typically recommend early checks for those under 50, leaving younger adults without an easy path to early diagnosis.

Rhonda Bulwer was 36 when she first discovered a lump in her right breast. In July 2023, she requested a mammogram, but her age — below the typical threshold for routine screening — delayed the process by a month, despite her family’s history of breast cancer. After undergoing a mammogram, ultrasound and biopsy, Bulwer was diagnosed with HER2-positive breast cancer in October 2023.

Bulwer chose to participate in a clinical trial, an option recommended by her doctor. However, her insurance company initially denied approval for the experimental treatment due to delays by her health care provider, who did not reach out to Cedars-Sinai Medical Center until just days before the trial was set to begin. This was partly due to holiday scheduling when many medical offices were closed and staff, who already experienced burnout, failed to initiate timely communication.

“I pleaded with insurance for them to appeal,” said Bulwer, “but the time the approval came through, the clinical trial denied me because they wanted to start in early January and I had already missed the deadline.”

True health care justice can only be achieved when all people, regardless of income or background, have access to the care they need without financial or bureaucratic barriers.

When the clinical trial fell through, Bulwer turned to standard treatments — immunotherapy and surgery — delaying her care by another month. She also encountered obstacles in advocating for her needs with her surgeon. To undergo a double mastectomy, she needed approval from both her doctor and her insurance company. While the insurance company agreed to cover the procedure, her doctor hesitated, deeming the surgery on both breasts unnecessary, despite Bulwer’s family history — her grandmother had died from breast cancer-related complications.

Eventually, Bulwer secured approval from her medical team for the surgery, and her insurance agreed to cover most of the cost. She is now recovering and will undergo two more rounds of immunotherapy.

A Call to Address the Health Care Gaps

As we confront this public health crisis, the question remains: What needs to be done to ensure that young adults are given the tools they need to fight — and survive — cancer?

Michelle shares a heartfelt embrace with her surgeon, Dr. Carmen Ruiz, after a successful tumor removal surgery in August, 2024.Michelle Zacarias

The rise in cancer diagnoses among young people calls for a radical reevaluation of health care policies. First and foremost, there needs to be a national conversation about expanding and standardizing prescreening programs for younger adults. Many medical organizations, including the American Cancer Society, are already advocating for earlier screening for colorectal cancer, for instance, with recommendations suggesting that individuals with no family history of cancer should begin regular screenings at age 45, rather than 50.

Compounding this issue is the reality of health care access. Many young adults are navigating a health care landscape that is dominated by private insurance, which can be prohibitively expensive, particularly for those in low-wage or gig economy jobs without employer-sponsored plans. High deductibles, copayments and gaps in coverage often prevent people from seeking timely care, and insurance companies may delay or deny life-saving treatments in favor of lower-cost alternatives.

In the United States, health care coverage disparities have long been a source of systemic inequality. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) did expand coverage for many young people, but that coverage may be at risk. If Republicans allow the enhanced ACA subsidies to expire at the end of 2025, millions of Americans who rely on financial assistance to buy health coverage could lose their insurance.

I often reflect on the conversations I’ve had with fellow cancer patients like Baroff and Bulwer, who share similar stories of gaslighting and dehumanization within medical institutions that are supposed to save our lives. During our interview, Baroff said something that deeply resonated: “When people are at their most vulnerable, they’re not going to be their best selves.” This is why we rely so heavily on the expertise and empathy of doctors and medical practitioners to guide us through such a deeply traumatic journey.

Ultimately, that journey is impossible without systemic reform at every level — from the hospitals where we receive care to the pre-screenings that insurance companies often block.

The growing cancer crisis among young adults has reignited discussions around systemic health care reform, particularly the push for Medicare for All. As cancer diagnoses in younger populations rise, especially those under 45, advocates of universal health care have been vocal in connecting the dots between access to timely, life-saving care and the broader failures of the current health care system.

Medicare for All advocates have argued that comprehensive, universal coverage is necessary to address not just the immediate needs of patients but also the structural inequities that exacerbate health disparities — such as the burden of high insurance premiums, rising co-pays, and the troubling trend of insurance companies denying or delaying coverage for necessary treatments or pre-screenings. The current cancer crisis among young adults has brought this conversation to the forefront, drawing attention to how the health care system often fails to protect the most vulnerable, and underscoring the necessity of a more equitable, efficient model like Medicare for All.

Though the Medicare for All movement has been active for years, often under the radar, the urgency of the current moment has brought it into sharper focus.

Researchers and medical advocates have used the surge in cancer diagnoses to make a compelling case for the need to overhaul a health care system that routinely privileges profit over patients’ well-being. The push for systemic reform has highlighted how structural barriers — from high deductibles and restricted access to preventative screenings to the increasingly monopolized hospital systems — contribute to late-stage cancer diagnoses and worsened survival rates. Their calls for policy change underscore that true health care justice can only be achieved when all people, regardless of income or background, have access to the care they need without financial or bureaucratic barriers.

To make a meaningful difference, we need not only comprehensive health care reform but also a cultural shift in how cancer is understood and treated in younger patients. Without these changes, countless lives will continue to be lost to a disease that could have been detected and treated much earlier.

This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.

Michelle Zacarias


Michelle Zacarias (she/her) is a queer Latina award-winning journalist, storyteller, and two-time cancer survivor. Born and raised in Chicago, Michelle currently resides in Southern California. As a CALÓ News reporter and UC Berkeley Local News Fellow, she covers health care, politics, equity and topics pertaining to state-sanctioned violence. Michelle writes the candid column Sin Pena, where she shares her journey navigating colorectal cancer and confronting health care inequities. Her work has appeared in Windy City Times, Teen Vogue, City Bureau, The Triibe, and more. In 2018, she won the Saul Miller Excellence in Journalism Award and was a 2024 finalist for the LA Press Club’s SoCal Journalism Award in Political Commentary
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Senator warns of 'the rule of the super-rich' in scathing Fox News editorial



December 28, 2024

Senator Bernie Sanders has a message for Fox News readers: The United States is increasingly a country of have and have nots, and it will "move rapidly down the path of oligarchy and the rule of the super-rich" unless the people and political leaders fight for a government and economy that works for everyone.

The Vermont Independent who caucuses with Democrats framed the two Americas as "the people vs. the billionaires" in an op-ed published Friday by Fox News.

In his article, Sanders specifically calls out three billionaires—Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos, and Mark Zuckerberg, each of whom has signaled support U.S. President-elect Donald Trump—for their staggering wealth.

"In this America, the three wealthiest men (Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos and Mark Zuckerberg) own more wealth than the bottom half of our society—over 165 million people. And their wealth is skyrocketing" he wrote.

After favoring President Joe Biden in 2020, Elon Musk became a major backer of Trump on the campaign trail this year, donating more than quarter of a billion dollars via political action committees to Trump and other GOP candidates ahead of Election Day.

He's since been tapped to play a role in the incoming administration's efforts to cut government spending and regulation, and already made a demonstration of his political influence by helping to tank a proposed spending deal that had bipartisan support.

Meta and Amazon, the respective companies of Zuckerberg and Bezos, have already given or said they would give a million dollars each to Trump's inaugural fund. A number of other large and powerful U.S. firms have donated to the inaugural committee.

Sanders' piece doesn't address these specific connections to Trump, but he does denounce the political spending by economic elites more generally unleashed by the "disastrous" Citizens UnitedSupreme Court ruling.

"During the 2024 election cycle, just 150 billionaires spent nearly $2 billion to buy politicians who support their agenda and to defeat candidates who oppose their special interests. Billionaires who represent just .0005% of our population accounted for 18% of total campaign spending," according to Sanders.

"That is not democracy. That is not one person, one vote," he wrote.

Sanders has penned opinion pieces for Fox in the past, including about topics like the moral imperative to combat climate change—an issue that runs counter to Fox's usual editorial slant.

His latest piece decries inequality in America, a common talking point for Sanders, but also goes after billionaire ownership of large swaths of the media.

"Never before in American history have so few media conglomerates, all owned by the billionaire class, had so much influence over the public. It is estimated that six huge media corporations now own 90% of what the American people see, hear, and read," Sanders wrote. "This handful of corporations determines what is 'important' and what we discuss, and what is 'unimportant' and what we ignore."

He also lambasted concentration of ownership in the economy: "In sector after sector—healthcare, agriculture, financial services, energy, transportation—a handful of giant corporations control what is produced and how much we, as consumers, pay for their products."
Vivek Ramaswamy may be right about one thing




Vivek Ramaswamy, one of the leaders of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump's proposed new Department of Government Efficiency, walks on the day of his meeting with members of Congress on Capitol Hill in Washington, U.S. December 5, 2024. REUTERS/Evelyn Hockstein
December 27, 2024
ALTERNET

The New Republic recently blasted an ex-GOP candidate and co-leader of that “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE) outfit with the headline “Vivek Ramaswamy Dragged After Wild Rant On How American Workers Suck,” by Malcolm Ferguson. Ramaswamy is getting crushed by liberals and conservatives alike for his caustic comments.

While I think some of what Ramaswamy tweeted is right, I disagree with the notion that American workers suck. What Vivek needs to realize is that America is a little more pro-nerd than he thinks, and that some of our nerds do some of what he says we need less of.

This started when Ramaswamy took to Twitter to explain why he thinks tech companies prefer foreign-born workers over Americans. BTW, Elon Musk says we need more immigrant workers.

“A culture that celebrates the prom queen over the math olympiad champ, or the jock over the valedictorian, will not produce the best engineers. A culture that venerates Cory from ]Boy Meets World,’ or Zach & Slater over Screech in ‘Saved by the Bell,’ or ‘Stefan’ over Steve Urkel in ‘Family Matters,’ will not produce the best engineers,” Ramaswamy wrote in a lengthy post on X,” as reported by Ferguson, as well as plenty of other outlets.

“More movies like Whiplash, fewer reruns of ‘Friends.’ More math tutoring, fewer sleepovers. More weekend science competitions, fewer Saturday morning cartoons. More books, less TV. More creating, less ‘chillin.’ More extracurriculars, less ‘hanging out at the mall.’…..A culture that once again prioritizes achievement over normalcy; excellence over mediocrity; nerdiness over conformity; hard work over laziness. That’s the work we have cut out for us, rather than wallowing in victimhood & just wishing (or legislating) alternative hiring practices into existence,” he notes in Ferguson’s story (wonder what he means by alternative hiring practices).

Here’s where I agree with Ramaswamy. We should value math Olympiad champs, valedictorians, math tutoring, weekend science competition books, creating, extracurriculars, achievement, excellence, nerdiness, and hard work. We could also be a little more pro-teacher.

Here’s where I think Vivek could do better. We do value nerd culture. And it also doesn’t mean we shouldn’t value prom queens, jocks, cartoons, TV, and being chill sometimes.

In our political science program, we have Homecoming Queens and Kings, as well as jocks (male and female), who love crunching numbers. They work statistics into papers even when you don’t require it. One softball player got her engineering degree and then double-majored in political science. Our college gave the biggest science nerd I’ve ever taught in political science a top alumni award. She is currently in Antarctica installing a comm link, while working on her Ph.D. in aeronautical engineering. We have football-playing Ph.Ds in political science and math, as well as basketball players with public health degrees, with all races and genders included among them. These aren’t exceptions among those I teach.
 These are my students!

Ramaswamy’s pop culture examples seem to be frozen in the amber of the era of Jurassic Park (which came out in 1993). Even non-science nerds today are totally into “Big Bang Theory,” “Young Sheldon,” “Star Trek,” “Oppenheimer,” “Mythbusters,” “Doctor Who,” and their reruns. They know who Neil DeGrasse Tyson and “Bill Nye The Science Guy” are. Science is cool in the USA, and it’s been that way going back to the days of Benjamin Franklin.

As my mum always says, you catch more flies with honey than vinegar. Vivek could mend fences with the MAGA folks as well as liberals. He should realize that while he’s right that we can always use more nerds, some American nerds can do the cool kid things too. The U.S. shows more love to the wonderful science geeks than he realizes, especially when we respect the hard work our teachers do to make our students great. If he and other political elites who lecture Americans on education and parenting want more nerds, they need to learn that in the USA, you don’t have to force a kid to choose to be a nerd or be a non-nerd! Our students can do both.


John A. Tures is a professor of political science at LaGrange College in LaGrange, Georgia. His views are his own. He can be reached at jtures@lagrange.edu. His “X” account is JohnTures2.




Trump’s expiring 2017 tax cuts made income inequality worse and especially hurt Black Americans: study

Donald Trump gestures with Jerome Powell, his nominee to become chairman of the U.S. Federal Reserve at the White House in Washington, U.S., November 2, 2017. REUTERS/Carlos Barria/File Photo
December 27, 2024

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, a set of tax cuts Donald Trump signed into law during his first term as president, will expire on Dec. 31, 2024. As Trump and Republicans prepare to negotiate new tax cuts in 2025, it’s worth gleaning lessons from the president-elect’s first set of cuts.


The 2017 cuts were the most extensive revision to the Internal Revenue Code since the Ronald Reagan administration. The changes it imposed range from the tax that corporations pay on their foreign income to limits on the deductions individuals can take for their state and local tax payments.

Trump promised middle-class benefits at the time, but in practice more than 80% of the cuts went to corporations, tax partnerships and high-net-worth individuals. The cost to the U.S. deficit was huge − a total increase of US$1.9 trillion from 2018 to 2028, according to estimates from the Congressional Budget Office. The tax advantage to the middle class was small.

Advantages for Black Americans were smaller still. As a scholar of race and U.S. income taxation, I have analyzed the impact of Trump’s tax cuts. I found that the law has disadvantaged middle-income, low-income and Black taxpayers in several ways.
Cuts worsened disparities

These results are not new. They were present nearly 30 years ago when my colleague William Whitford and I used U.S. Census Bureau data to show that Black taxpayers paid more federal taxes than white taxpayers with the same income. In large part that’s because the legacy of slavery, Jim Crow and structural racism keeps Black people from owning homes.

The federal income tax is full of advantages for home ownership that many Black taxpayers are unable to reach. These benefits include the ability to deduct home mortgage interest and local property taxes, and the right to avoid taxes on up to $500,000 of profit on the sale of a home.

It’s harder for middle-class Black people to get a mortgage than it is for low-income white people. This is true even when Black Americans with high credit scores are compared with white Americans with low credit scores.

When Black people do get mortgages, they are charged higher rates than their white counterparts

.
It’s harder for middle-class Black people to get a mortgage than it is for low-income white people. MoMo Productions/Getty Images

Trump did not create these problems. But instead of closing these income and race disparities, his 2017 tax cuts made them worse.

Black taxpayers paid higher taxes than white taxpayers who matched them in income, employment, marriage and other significant factors.
Broken promises, broken trust

Fairness is an article of faith in American tax policy. A fair tax structure means that those earning similar incomes should pay similar taxes and stipulates that taxes should not increase income or wealth disparities.

Trump’s tax cuts contradict both principles.

Proponents of Trump’s cuts argued the corporate rate cut would trickle down to all Americans. This is a foundational belief of “supply side” economics, a philosophy that President Ronald Reagan made popular in the 1980s.

From the Reagan administration on, every tax cut for the rich has skewed to the wealthy.

Just like prior “trickle down” plans, Trump’s corporate tax cuts did not produce higher wages or increased household income. Instead, corporations used their extra cash to pay dividends to their shareholders and bonuses to their executives.

Over that same period, the bottom 90% of wage earners saw no gains in their real wages. Meanwhile, the AFL-CIO, a labor group, estimates that 51% of the corporate tax cuts went to business owners and 10% went to the top five highest-paid senior executives in each company. Fully 38% went to the top 10% of wage earners.

In other words, the income gap between wealthy Americans and everyone else has gotten much wider under Trump’s tax regime.
Stock market inequality

Trump’s tax cuts also increased income and wealth disparities by race because those corporate tax savings have gone primarily to wealthy shareholders rather than spreading throughout the population.

The reasons are simple. In the U.S., shareholders are mostly corporations, pension funds and wealthy individuals. And wealthy people in the U.S. are almost invariably white.

Sixty-six percent of white families own stocks, while less than 40% of Black families and less than 30% of Hispanic families do. Even when comparing Black and white families with the same income, the race gap in stock ownership remains.

These disparities stem from the same historical disadvantages that result in lower Black homeownership rates. Until the Civil War, virtually no Black person could own property or enter into a contract. After the Civil War, Black codes – laws that specifically controlled and oppressed Black people – forced free Black Americans to work as farmers or servants.

State prohibitions on Black people owning property, and public and private theft of Black-owned land, kept Black Americans from accumulating wealth.



A woman protests outside Trump Tower over the Trump administration’s proposed tax cut on Nov. 30, 2017, in New York City. Spencer Platt/Getty Images


Health care hit


That said, the Trump tax cuts hurt low-income taxpayers of all races.

One way they did so was by abolishing the individual mandate requiring all Americans to have basic health insurance. The Affordable Care Act, passed under President Barack Obama, launched new, government-subsidized health plans and penalized people for not having health insurance.

Department of the Treasury data shows almost 50 million Americans were covered by the Affordable Care Act since 2014. After the individual mandate was revoked, between 3 million and 13 million fewer people purchased health insurance in 2020.

Ending the mandate triggered a large drop in health insurance coverage, and research shows it was primarily lower-income people who stopped buying subsidized insurance from the Obamacare exchanges. These are the same people who are the most vulnerable to financial disaster from unpaid medical bills.

Going without insurance hurt all low-income Americans. But studies suggest the drop in Black Americans’ coverage under Trump’s plan outpaced that of white Americans. The rate of uninsured Black Americans rose from 10.7% in 2016 to 11.5% in 2018, following the mandate’s repeal.
The consumer price index conundrum

The Trump tax cuts also altered how the Internal Revenue Service calculates inflation adjustments for over 60 different provisions. These include the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit – both of which provide cash to low-wage workers – and the wages that must pay Social Security taxes.

Previously, the IRS used the consumer price index for urban consumers, which tracks rising prices by comparing the cost of the same goods as they rise or fall, to calculate inflation. The government then used that inflation number to adjust Social Security payments and earned income tax credit eligibility. It used the same figure to set the amount of income that is taxed at a given rate.

The Trump tax cuts ordered the IRS to calculate inflation adjustments using the chained consumer price index for urban consumers instead.

The difference between these two indexes is that the second one assumes people substitute cheaper goods as prices rise. For example, the chained consumer price index assumes shoppers will buy pork instead of beef if beef prices go up, easing the impact of inflation on a family’s overall grocery prices.

The IRS makes smaller inflation adjustments based on that assumption. But low-income neighborhoods have less access to the kind of budget-friendly options envisioned by the chained consumer price index.

And since even middle-class Black people are more likely than poor white people to live in low-income neighborhoods, Black taxpayers have been hit harder by rising prices.

What cost $1 in 2018 now costs $1.26. That’s a painful hike that Black families are less able to avoid.

The imminent expiration of the Trump tax cuts gives the upcoming GOP-led Congress the opportunity to undertake a thorough reevaluation of their effects. By prioritizing policies that address the well-known disparities exacerbated by these recent tax changes, lawmakers can work toward a fairer tax system that helps all Americans.

Beverly Moran, Professor Emerita of Law, Vanderbilt University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Economist Robert Reich 'goes back 4 decades' to explain why Trump 'isn’t the cause' of US dysfunction


Economist Robert Reich in 2010 (Wikimedia Commons)

December 27, 2024
ALTERNET

Liberal economist Robert Reich has been a blistering critic of President-elect Donald Trump, and he isn't happy to see him returning to the White House on January 20, 2025. But in a December 27 article posted on his SubStack page, the former labor secretary for the Clinton Administration emphasizes that Trump's stranglehold on the Republican Party didn't come out of nowhere.

A long history, Reich writes, led up to Trump's first presidency and the MAGA movement.

Reich divides the last 78 years of the United States' post-World War 2 history into five periods: (1) 1946-1979, "we grew together," (2) "1980-2008, the great U-turn," (3) "2008-2010, the financial crisis," (4) "2010-2016, anger at the establishment," and (5) 2016 and beyond, "the choice between oligarchy and democracy."

The economist explains, "Donald Trump isn't the cause of what ails America. He's the consequence. The real causes go back four decades."The video player is currently playing an ad.

Reich notes that in the "three decades after World War 2," the United States "created the largest middle class the world had ever seen."

"During those years," Reich recalls, "the earnings of the typical American worker doubled, just as the size of the American economy doubled. Over the last 40 years, by contrast, the size of the economy has more than doubled again. But the earnings of the typical American have barely budged, adjusted for inflation. Most of the gains have gone to the top."

Reich continues, "In the 1950s and 1960s, the CEOs of large corporations earned an average of about 20 times the pay of their typical worker. Now, they rake in over 300 times the pay of an average worker. In the 1950s and 1960s, the richest 1 percent of Americans took home about 10 percent of the nation's total income. Today, they take home more than the bottom 90 percent put together."

According to Reich, the Great Recession and the financial meltdown of 2008 led to "anger at the establishment" and two very different politicians — Trump and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) — emerging as "anti-establishment candidates," although the economist slams Trump's "anti-establishment persona" as "fake."

"The banks were bailed out, but millions of Americans lost their jobs, homes, and savings," Reich laments. "The experience revealed the gross inequalities of wealth and power that underlay the new economy. This caused widespread disillusionment with the system."

Now, Reich says, the U.S. is facing a "choice between oligarchy and democracy."

"The 2024 election represented a lurch toward oligarchy," Reich warns. "But I believe Trump and his oligarchy will overreach, and we'll choose a more robust democracy."

Reich illustrates his SubStack article with a video he has posted on YouTube. But instead of talking as he does in other videos, Reich makes his point by presenting a series of charts.


Read Robert Reich's full SubStack article at this link and watch his video below or here.

Cats, whales and even robotic catfish: Inside the world's most bizarre secret spy weapons



Photo by Pacto Visual on Unsplash
close up photo of tabby cat

December 27, 2024

The death of a spy is rarely newsworthy, due to the secrecy surrounding it. But when a white beluga whale suspected of spying for Moscow was found dead in Norwegian waters in September, the animal soon became a minor celebrity.

Hvaldimir (a play on the Norwegian word for whale, hval, and the first name of Russian president) was even given an official autopsy by the Norwegian Directorate of Fisheries.

The whale had been uncovered as a spy in 2019, and is one in a long line of animals which have been used by the intelligence services. Among them was a Soviet programme to train marine animals as spies and assassins, which collapsed in 1991.

The US ran similar experiments with animals, some dating back to the 1960s. One of the CIA’s more unusual attempts to use animals as spies was Operation Acoustic Kitty.

The idea was to implant a microphone and antenna into the cat and use it to eavesdrop on potentially interesting conversations. The test of the “prototype” went horribly wrong when the cat wandered off and was run over by a taxi, leading to the programme being quickly abandoned.

The history of spy pigeons


A more successful example was the use of spy pigeons. Equipped with tiny cameras, pigeons could easily access otherwise restricted areas and “take photos” without arousing suspicion before safely returning to home base using their extraordinary homing ability.

What became a very successful CIA programme during the cold war took its inspiration from British efforts during the second world war.

Over time, technology created opportunities to exploit the stealthiness of animals while eliminating their unpredictability. Project Aquiline aimed to create a bird-like drone fully equipped in the style of more traditional spy planes, but smaller and more versatile so it could get closer to its targets.

Another, even more miniature version was the insectothopter that the CIA developed in the 1970s. Although neither the aquiline or insectothopter designs ever became fully operational, they are acknowledged as forerunners of today’s drones.

Fast-forward to the 1990s, and the CIA’s robotic catfish Charlie emerges as one in a longer line of successfully operationalised underwater drones that are more effective and less vulnerable than the hapless Hvaldimir.

Exploding rat carcasses

But effectiveness is not always best measured in the success of an unusual spy method.

A British second world war plan to use explosive-filled rat carcasses and distribute them to boiler rooms in German factories where they would then explode once shoved into a boiler appeared to be doomed when the first consignment of about 100 dead rats was intercepted by the Germans.

But the discovery of the rats, and the sheer ingenuity behind the plan, led to such paranoia that the “trouble caused to them was a much greater success … than if the rats had actually been used”. A history of spy animals from the CIA.

While working with animals often proved problematic, attempts to gain advantage by disguising devices as inanimate objects have also proved a source of embarrassment. One such effort involved the MI6 station in Moscow trying to improve on the “dead letter drop” technique of obtaining secret information from spies in Russia.

Rather than risk leaving secret information in a pre-arranged location, MI6’s version of James Bond’s Q came up with the idea that the information could be transmitted electronically to a receiver hidden in a fake rock placed near the ministry in question which could then be downloaded by a subsequent walk past.

The focused activity of many men in suits in one part of this park, however, led to the discovery of the rock. The revelation of the operation in 2006 caused massive embarrassment to the UK government. That this was not MI6’s finest hour was suggested by headlines ridiculing the Moscow spy-rock as “more Johnny English than James Bond”.

While intelligence organisations are always looking for innovative means to enhance their spy craft, arguably the most successful application of intelligence comes in the form of human improvisation. A notable example of this was the clandestine extraction of Oleg Gordievsky in 1985 after the cover of one of the west’s most valuable double-agents working for British intelligence was blown.



A useful bag of crisps


The team of two British diplomats and their wives had to negotiate three Soviet and two Finnish checkpoints. As the first guard dog approached, one of the party offered the sniffing Alsatian a cheese and onion crisp, duly taking the Alsatian off the scent of Gordievsky who was hiding in the boot of the car.

When another dog began sniffing at the boot, a most ingenious and successful method of spy craft was brought into play. The wife of one of the diplomats placed her 18-month old baby on the car boot, changed the baby’s nappy, and then dropped the freshly filled and steaming deposit on the ground, successfully distracting the dog and its handler.

These actions were never part of the extraction plan for Gordievsky but were an equally instinctive and ingenious improvisation by those used to operating in hostile environments and practised at deceiving the unwanted attentions of enemy agents.

Expensive research budgets and promising technological advances provide an edge in certain circumstances, but the most effective spy techniques may still rely on the application of quick thinking and bold, fearless action.

Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham and David Hastings Dunn, Professor of International Politics in the Department of Political Science and International Studies, University of Birmingham

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
A tribute to blacklisted lyricist who put the rainbow in The Wizard of Oz


Judy Garland in MGM's 'The Wizard of Oz'

Amy Goodman and Democracy Now
December 27, 2024

His name might not be familiar to many, but his songs are sung by millions around the world. Today, we take a journey through the life and work of Yip Harburg, the Broadway lyricist who wrote such hits as “Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?” and who put the music into The Wizard of Oz, the movie that inspired the hit Broadway musical and now Hollywood blockbuster, Wicked. Born into poverty on the Lower East Side of Manhattan, Harburg always included a strong social and political component to his work, fighting racism and poverty. A lifelong socialist, Harburg was blacklisted and hounded throughout much of his life. We speak with Harburg’s son, Ernie Harburg, about the music and politics of his father. Then we take an in-depth look at The Wizard of Oz, and hear a medley of Harburg’s Broadway songs and the politics of the times in which they were created



This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.


AMY GOODMAN: Today, we pay tribute to Yip Harburg. His name may not be familiar to many, but his songs are sung by millions around the world, like jazz singer Abbey Lincoln.
ABBEY LINCOLN: Bing Crosby sang it, Ike Quebec played it, and Yip Harburg wrote it.

[singing] Once I built a railroad, made it run
Made it race against time
Once I built a rairoad, now it’s done
Brother, can you spare a dime?

AMY GOODMAN: And Tom Waits.
TOM WAITS: [singing] Once I built a tower way up to the sun
With bricks and mortar and lime.


AMY GOODMAN: Judy Collins, and Dr. John from New Orleans, Peter Yarrow.

AL JOLSON: [singing] Say, don’t you remember,
Don’t you remember they called me Al
It was Al, Al all the time.


AMY GOODMAN: That’s Al Jolson. And our beloved Odetta.
ODETTA: [singing] Don’t you remember, I’m your pal
Say, brother, can you spare a dime?
Buddy, can you spare a dime?


AMY GOODMAN: “Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?” may well be a new anthem for many Americans. The lyrics to that classic American song were written by Yip Harburg. He was blacklisted during the McCarthy era. During his career as a lyricist, Yip Harburg used his words to express antiracist, pro-worker messages. He’s best known for writing the lyrics to The Wizard of Oz, the movie that inspired the hit Broadway musical and now the Hollywood blockbuster film Wicked. Yip Harburg also had two hits on Broadway: Bloomer Girls, about the women’s suffrage movement, and Finian’s Rainbow, a kind of immigrants’ anthem about race and class and so much else.


Today, in this Democracy Now! special, we pay tribute to Yip Harburg’s life. Ernie Harburg is Yip’s son and biographer. He co-wrote the book Who Put the Rainbow in The Wizard of Oz?: Yip Harburg, Lyricist. I met up with Ernie Harburg at the New York Public Library for Performing Arts at Lincoln Center years ago when they are exhibiting Yip Harburg’s work. Ernie Harburg took me on a tour.
ERNIE HARBURG: The first place is business about words, and one of them is that the songs, when they were written back in those days, anyhow, always had a lyricist and a composer, and neither one of them wrote the song. They both wrote the song. However, in the English language, you know, you have “This is Gershwin’s song,” or “This is” — they usually say the composer’s song. I’ve rarely ever heard somebody say, “This is Yip Harburg’s song” or “Ira Gershwin’s song.” Both of them would be wrong. The fact is, two people write a song.

So I’m going to talk about Yip’s lyrics and then lyrics in the song. Now the first thing we’re looking at here is an expression really of Yip’s philosophy and background, which he brings to writing lyrics for the songs. And what it says here is that songs have always been man’s anodyne against tyranny and terror. The artist is on the side of humanity from the time that he was born a hundred years ago in the dire depths of poverty that only the Lower East Side in Manhattan could have when the Russian Jews, about 2 million of them, got up out of the Russian shtetls and ghettos, and the courageous ones came over here and settled in that area, what we now know as the East Village. And Yip knew poverty deeply, and he quoted Bernard Shaw as saying that the chill of poverty never leaves your bones. And it was the basis of Yip’s understanding of life as struggle.

AMY GOODMAN: Let’s go back to how Yip got his start.


ERNIE HARBURG: Yip was, at a very early age, interested in poetry, and he used to go to the Tompkins Square Library to read, and the librarians just fed him these things. And he got hooked on every one of the English poets, and especially O. Henry, the ending. He always has a little great ending on the end of each of his songs. And he got hooked on W.S. Gilbert, The Bab Ballads.

And then, when he went to Townsend High School, they had them sitting in the seats by alphabetical order, so Yip was “H” and Gershwin was “G”, so Ira sat next to Yip. One day, Yip walked in with The Bab Ballads, and Ira, who was very shy and hardly spoke with anybody, just suddenly lit up and said, “Do you like those?” And they got into a conversation, and Ira then said, “Do you know there’s music to that?” And Yip said, “No.” He said, “Well, come on home.”

So they went to Ira’s home, which was on 2nd Avenue and 5th Street which is sort of upper from Yip’s poverty at 11th and C. And they had a Victrola, which is like having, you know, huge instruments today, and played him H.M.S. Pinafore. Well, Yip was just absolutely flabbergasted, knocked out. And that did it. I mean, for the both of them, because Ira was intensely interested that thing, too.

That began their lifelong friendship. Then Ira went on to be one of the pioneers, with 25 other guys, Jewish Russian immigrants, who developed the American Musical Theater. And it was only after — in 1924, I think, that Ira’s first show with George Gershwin, his brother, that they started writing together.


AMY GOODMAN: The Gershwins’ Porgy and Bess in 1940.

ERNIE HARBURG: Yip’s career took a kind of detour, because when the war, World War I, came and Yip was a socialist and did not believe in the war, he took a boat down to Uruguay for three years. I mean, he refused to fight in the thing. That’s shades of 1968 and the Vietnam War, right?

AMY GOODMAN: And why didn’t he believe in World War I?

ERNIE HARBURG: Because he was a full, deep-dyed socialist who did not believe that capitalism was the answer to the human community and that indeed it was the destruction of the human spirit. And he would not fight its wars. And at that time, the socialists and the lefties, as they were called, Bolsheviks and everything else, were against the war.

And so, when he came back, he got married, he had two kids, and he went into the electrical appliance business, and all the time hanging out with Ira and George and Howard Dietz and Buddy De Sylva and writing light verse for the F.P.A Conning Tower. And the newspapers used to carry light verse, every newspaper. There were about 25 of them at that time, not two or three now owned by two people in the world, you know. And they actually carried light verse. Well, Yip and Ira and Dorothy Parker, the whole crowd, had light verse in there, and, you know, they loved it.

So, when the crash came and Yip’s business went under, and he was about anywhere from $50,000 to $70,000 in debt, his partner went bankrupt. He didn’t. He repaid the loans for the next 20 or 15 years, at least. Ira and he agreed that he should start writing lyrics.

AMY GOODMAN: Let’s talk about what Yip is most known for: Finian’s Rainbow, The Wizard of Oz. Right here, what do we have in front of us?

ERNIE HARBURG: We have a lead sheet. We are in the gallery of the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, and there’s an exhibition called “The Necessity of Rainbows,” which is the work of Yip Harburg. And we are looking at the lead sheet of “Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?” which came from a revue called Americana, which — it was the first revue, which was — had a political theme to it: at that time, the notion of the forgotten man. You have to remember what the Great Depression was all about. It’s hard to imagine that now. But when Roosevelt said, “One-third of the nation are ill-clothed, ill-housed and ill-fed,” that’s exactly what it was. There was at least 30% unemployment at those times. And among Blacks and minorities, it was 50, 60%. And there were breadlines and —

Now, the rich, you know, kept living their lifestyle, but Broadway was reduced to about 12 musicals a year from prior, in the '20s, about 50 a year, OK? So it became harder. But the Great Depression was deep down a fact of life in everybody's mind. And all the songs were censored — I use that loosely — by the music publishers. They only wanted love songs or escape songs, so that in 1929 you had “Happy Days Are Here Again,” and you had all of these kinds of songs. There wasn’t one song that addressed the Depression, in which we were all living. And this show, the Americana show, Yip was asked to write a song or get the lyrics up for a song which addressed itself to the breadlines, OK?

And so, he, at that time, was working very closely with Jay Gorney. Jay had a tune, which he had brought over with him when he was 8 years old from Russia, and it was in a minor key, which is a whole different key. Most popular songs are in major. And it was a Russian lullaby, and it was da, da, da, da, da, da, da, da, da. And Jay had — somebody else had lyrics for it: “Once I knew a big blonde, and she had big blue eyes. She was big blue” — like that. And it was a torch song, of which we talked about. And Yip said, “Well, could we throw the words out, and I’ll take the tune?” All right.

And if you look at Yip’s notes, which are in the book that I mentioned, you’ll see he started out writing a very satiric comedic song. At that time, Rockefeller, the ancient one, was going around giving out dimes to people, and he had a — Yip had a satiric thing about “Can I share my dime with you?” You know? But then, right in the middle, other images started coming out in his writings, and you had a man in a mill, and the whole thing turned into the song that we know it now, which is here and which I can read to you. And if you do this song, you have to do the verse, because that’s where a lot of the action is.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you sing it to me?

ERNIE HARBURG: All right, I’ll try. It won’t be as good as Bing Crosby or Tom Waits.

[singing] They used to tell me
I was building a dream,
And so I followed the mob,
When there was earth to plow
Or guns to bear,
I was always there
Right on the job.
They used to tell me
I was building a dream,
With peace and glory ahead,
Why should I be standing in line,
Just waiting for bread?

YIP HARBURG: [singing] Once I built a railroad
I made it run,
Made it race against time.
Once I built a railroad;
Now it’s done.
Buddy, can you spare a dime?

AMY GOODMAN: Yip Harburg singing in 1975.

YIP HARBURG: [singing] Once I built a tower
To the sun,
Brick and rivet and lime;
Once I built that tower;
Now it’s done.
Brother, can you spare a dime?

AMY GOODMAN: When was this song first played?

ERNIE HARBURG: In 1932. And in the Americana revue, every critic, everybody took it up, and it swept the nation. In fact, paradoxically, I think Roosevelt and the Democratic Party really wanted to tone it down and keep it off the radio, because playing havoc with trying to not talk about the Depression, which everybody did. You remember the Hoover thing, not only “Happy Days Are Here Again,” but “Two Chickens in Every Pot,” and so forth. Nobody wanted to sing about the Depression either, you know.

AMY GOODMAN: Yet, Yip Harburg was a supporter of FDR.

ERNIE HARBURG: Yes. But politics are politics, you know, and the thing was that, in fact, historically, this was, I would say, the only song that addressed itself seriously to the Great Depression, the condition of our lives, which nobody wanted to talk about and nobody wanted to sing about.


AMY GOODMAN: Ernie Harburg, son of Yip Harburg. When we come back from our break, we’ll talk about The Wizard of Oz, Finian’s Rainbow and other shows.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now! I’m Amy Goodman. We continue with our special, on our journey through Yip Harburg’s life with his son, Ernie Harburg. Ernie talks about how Yip Harburg wrote the lyrics to The Wizard of Oz, the movie that inspired the hit Broadway musical Wicked and now the Hollywood film by the same name.
ERNIE HARBURG: Actually, Yip did more than the lyrics. When they were — when Yip and Harold Arlen were called in to do the score of The Wizard of Oz, it was Yip who had this executive experience in his electrical appliance business and also had become a show doctor, so he was — that is, when a show wasn’t working, you would call somebody and try to fix it up. He had an overview of shows and he had an executive talent. And so, he was always what they called a “muscle man” in a show, all right? And he’d already worked with Bert Lahr in a great song, “The Woodchopper’s Song,” and —

AMY GOODMAN: Wait a second. Bert Lahr, the lion?

ERNIE HARBURG: The lion. Bert Lahr and most of these people were from vaudeville and burlesque. And Yip knew them in the ’20s, but he actually worked with Bert Lahr in this light — Walk a Little Faster and another revue. I forget that name, but he and — Yip and Arlen gave Bert songs to sing, which allowed him to satirize the opera world, if you want, or a send-off of rich, you know. And so, they had that relationship.

Also, Yip knew Jack Haley, the tin woodman. And Yip also worked with Bobby Connolly as a choreographer in the early '30s on his shows, who was also the choreographer for The Wizard of Oz. So he had a cast here with Arlen who were, you know, sort of Yip's men. You know what I mean? So, when Yip went to Arthur Freed, the producer, who was too busy to work on this musical, and Mervin LeRoy had nothing to do with it, practically, because he had never done a musical before, so it became a vacuum in which the lyricist entered, because he was all ready to do so. Yip was always an active, you know, organizer.

And so, the first thing he suggested was that they integrate the music with the story, which at that time in Hollywood they usually didn’t do. They’d stop the story, and you’d sing a song. They’d stop the story and sing a song. That you integrate this — Arthur Freed accepted the idea immediately. Yip then wrote — Yip and Harold then wrote the songs for the 45 minutes within a 110-minute film. The munchkin sequence and into the Emerald City and on their way to the wicked witch, when all the songs stopped, because they wouldn’t let them do anymore. OK? You’ll notice then the chase begins, you see, in the movie.

AMY GOODMAN: Why wouldn’t they let them do anymore?

ERNIE HARBURG: Because they didn’t understand what he was doing, and they wanted a chase in there. So, anyhow, Yip also wrote all the dialogue in that time and the setup to the songs, and he also wrote the part where they give out the heart, the brains and the nerve, because he was the final script editor. And there was eleven screenwriters on that. And he pulled the whole thing together, wrote his own lines and gave the thing a coherence and a unity, which made it a work of art. But he doesn’t get credit for that. He gets “lyrics by E.Y. Harburg,” you see? But, nevertheless, he put his influence on the thing.

AMY GOODMAN: Who wrote The Wizard of Oz originally, the story?

ERNIE HARBURG: Yeah, Frank L. Baum was an interesting kind of maverick guy, who at one point in his life was an editor of a paper in South Dakota. And this was at the time of the populist revolutions or revolts, or whatever you want to call it, in the Midwest, because the railroads and the Eastern city banks absolutely dominated the life of the farmers, and they couldn’t get away from the debts that were accumulated from these. And Baum set out consciously to create an American fable so that the American kids didn’t have to read those German Grimm fairy stories, where they chopped off hands and things like that. You know, he didn’t like that. He wanted an American fable.

But it had this underlay of political symbolism to it that the farmer — the scarecrow was the farmer. He thought he was dumb, but he really wasn’t; he had a brain. And the tin woodman was the result — was the laborer in the factories. With one accident after another, he was totally reduced to a tin man with no heart, all right, on an assembly line. And the cowardly lion was William Jennings Bryan, who kept trying — was a big politician at that time, promising to make the world over with the gold standard, you know? And the wizard, who was a humbug type, was the Wall Street finances, and the wicked witch was probably the railroads, but I’m not sure. All right?

So it was a beautiful match-up here with Frank Baum and Yip Harburg, OK, because in the book, the word “rainbow” was never once mentioned. And you can go back and look at it. I did three times. The word “rainbow” is never once mentioned in the book. And the book opens up with Dorothy on a black-and-white world, that Kansas had no color. Just read the first paragraph in it.

So, when they got to the part where they had to get the song for the little girl, they hadn’t written it yet. They had written everything else. They hadn’t written the song for Judy Garland, who was a discovery by one of Yip’s collaborators, Burton Lane. And nobody knew the wonder in her voice at that time. So they worked on this song, and at that time, Ira, Yip, Larry Hart and the others thought that the composer should create the music first. Now, they were both locked into — the lyricist and the composer were locked into the storyline and the character and the plot development. So they both knew that at this point there was a little girl in trouble on the Kansas City environment, all right, and that she yearned to get out of trouble, all right? So Yip gave Harold what they call a “dummy title.” It’s not the final title, but it’s something that more or less zeroes in on what the situation is all about and what — this little girl is going to take a journey, all right? So Yip gave him a title: “I Want to Get on the Other Side of the Rainbow.”

YIP HARBURG: Now, here’s what happened, and I want you to play this symphonically! OK, I said, “My god, Harold! This is a 12-year-old girl wanting to be somewhere over the rainbow. It isn’t Nelson Eddy!” And I got frightened, and I said, “I don’t — let’s save it. Let’s save it for something else. But don’t — let’s not have it in.” Well, he felt — he was crestfallen, as he should be. And I said, “Let’s try again.” Well, he tried for another week, tried all kinds of things, but he kept coming back to it, as he should have. And he came back, and I was worried about it, and I called Ira Gershwin over, my friend. Ira said to him, he said, “Can you play it a little more in a pop style?” And I played it, with rhythm.

OK, I said, “Oh, well, that’s great. That’s fine.” I said, “Now we have to get a title for it.” I didn’t know what the title was going to be. And when he had [sings] dee-da-dee-da-da-da-da, [talking] I finally came to the thing, the way our logic lies in it, “I want to be somewhere on the other side of the rainbow.” And I began trying to fit it: “On the other side of the rainbow.” When he had a front phrase like daa-da-da-da-da — now, if you say “eee,” you couldn’t sing “eee-ee.” You had to sing “ooooh.” That’s the only thing that would get a — and I had to get something with “oh” in it, see: “Over the rain” — now, that sings beautifully, see. So the sound forced me into the word “over,” which was much better than “on the other side.”

JUDY GARLAND: [singing] Somewhere over the rainbow
Way up high,
There’s a land that I heard of
Once in a lullaby.

ERNIE HARBURG: Anyhow, Yip — Arlen worked on it. He came up with this incredible music, which, if anybody wants to try it, just play the chords alone, not the melody, and you will hear Pachelbel, and you will hear religious hymns, and you will hear fairy tales and lullabies, just in the chords. No one ever listens to that, but try it, if you play the piano.

And at any rate, on top of these chords, then Harold started the thing off with an octave jump: “Somewhere” — OK, and Yip had no idea what to do with that octave jump. Incidentally, Harold did this in Paper Moon, too, if you remember. Let’s see how did that start?

YIP HARBURG: [singing] It’s only a paper moon
Sailing over a cardboard sea
But it wouldn’t be make-believe
If you believed in me

ERNIE HARBURG: And Harold was a great composer. So Yip wrestled with it for about three weeks, and finally he came up with the word. You see, this is what a lyricist does: the word, to hit the storyline, the character, the music. It’s an incredible thing. “Some-where.” All right, and then when you put in an octave, you get “some-where,” OK, and you jump up, and you’re ready to take that journey. All right? Where? “O-ver the rainbow.” OK? And then you’re off!

It’s not a love song. It’s a story of a little girl that wants to get out. She’s in trouble, and she wants to get somewhere. Well, the rainbow was the only color that she’d see in Kansas. She wants to get over the rainbow. But then, Yip put in something which makes it a Yip song. He said, “And the dreams you dare to dream really do come true.” You see? And that word “dare” lands on the note, and it’s a perfect thing, and it’s been generating courage for people for years afterwards, you know?

JUDY GARLAND: [singing] Somewhere over the rainbow
Skies are blue,
And the dreams that you dare to dream
Really do come true.

ERNIE HARBURG: That’s the way that the whole score came.

AMY GOODMAN: Was it a hit right away?

ERNIE HARBURG: No, it wasn’t. This was supposed to be an answer, MGM’s answer to Snow White and the Seven Dwarves, and of about 10 major critics at that time when The Wizard of Oz came out, I would say only two liked the show. The other eight said it was corny, that it was heavy, that Judy Garland was no good, and so forth. Oh, yeah. You could read again in the book, Who Put the Rainbow on The Wizard of Oz?, by Harold Meyerson and Ernie Harburg. But it persisted, you know? And then, in 1956, when television first started saturating the nation —

AMY GOODMAN: More than 20 years later.

ERNIE HARBURG: More than 20 years later. I don’t think they even had their money back from the show, see? MGM sold the film rights to CBS, who then put it on. And it hit the top of the — it broke out every single record there was, and it’s been playing every year since then. And, of course, it went around the world, and it’s become a major artwork, which is, I must say, an American artwork, because the story, the plot with the three characters, the brain, the heart, the courage, and finding a home is a universal story for everybody. And that’s an American kind of a story, all right? And Yip and Harold put these things into song.

AMY GOODMAN: Who did the munchkins represent?

MUNCHKINS: [singing] We represent the Lollipop Guild
The Lollipop Guild, the Lollipop Guild.
And in the name of the Lollipop Guild…

ERNIE HARBURG: Oh, you mean political thing? I think they represent the little people, you know, the people. And that’s they way they were — it came on in the book. You see, the book, if you’re a purist, you wouldn’t like the film. It’s just like anything else. There are societies of people who meet and discuss the books. OK, there’s even a society for the winkies, which are the guards around the wicked witch’s, you know, castle. There really is! They meet once a year. And they’re serious! They don’t like the picture, because it didn’t follow the book, see, because Yip and the writers changed it, as Hollywood will.

AMY GOODMAN: Was the book a little bit more favorable to the winkies?

ERNIE HARBURG: No — well, yes! The winkies were good people, and they were played up there. If you go back and read the book, you will see that they were a lovely, decent kind of people, yes. That was one thing. I guess it wasn’t PC there, you know?

But, nevertheless, when you read a good novel, and you see the film, there’s hardly any relationship between the two. All these lines from the film have entered the American language in a way that people don’t even know where they came from. You know, “Gee, Toto, looks like we’re not in Kansas anymore.” Or, you know, “Come out, come out, wherever you are,” which in the ’70s started taking on, when the gay movement started, this line started meaning different things, you see?

GLINDA: [singing] Come out, come out, wherever you are
And meet the young lady, who fell from a star.

ERNIE HARBURG: So the songs keep growing with the times. People interpret them, you know?

AMY GOODMAN: How did Yip feel in the late 1950s, when it was a hit, when people started hearing it all over the world?

ERNIE HARBURG: Well, I think they were quite surprised, along with the film moguls, you know, and the fact that — years and years later, he and Harold both said that they did not know what depth and strength that that song “Over the Rainbow” had. And also, one other one, the song “Ding! Dong! The Witch Is Dead” is a universal liberation, a freedom, a cry for freedom, you know, which isn’t seen like that, but it — one time, when some tyrannical owner of an airlines company stepped down, all the employees started singing “Ding! Dong! The Witch Is Dead.”

So people use these words. And during the war, World War II, “We’re Off to See the Wizard” was sung by troops marching, you know? But nobody knows that Yip wrote the words, you see. Now, Harold wrote the music, and the songs were Yip and Harold. That’s it.


AMY GOODMAN: Ernie Harburg, son of the blacklisted lyricist Yip Harburg. This is Democracy Now!

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we continue on our tour through the life of lyricist Yip Harburg with his son Ernie Harburg. Yip Harburg wrote the lyrics to The Wizard of Oz, the movie that inspired the hit Broadway musical and now Hollywood blockbuster Wicked.
ERNIE HARBURG: We’re walking through the gallery here at the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, which has “The Necessity of Rainbows,” dedicated to the works of Yip Harburg, the lyricist. And we’re now looking at the various exhibitions.

And while we’re looking for Finian’s Rainbow, I want to tell you that in 1944, Yip conceived and co-wrote the script and put on a show called Bloomer Girl, which was way ahead of its time, because Bloomer Girl was Dolly Bloomer, who was an actual suffragette in 1860 who stood up and invented pants. And it was radical in those days. And the show was about Dolly Bloomer, and she ran an underground railroad, bringing slaves up, and she had an underground paper, and she was an incredible woman. And this was a political show. Some great songs in there. Maureen McGovern does “Right as the Rain” in a great way. Lena Horne does “Eagle and Me,” which was the first song on Broadway that wasn’t a blues lamentation about the black-white situation. It was a call to action. “We gotta be free, the eagle and me.” OK? And Dooley Wilson, who was in Casablanca, sang that.

So, again, Yip managed to get his philosophy into his show, which was the second truly integrated American musical after Oklahoma. And while, you know, it hasn’t been played around, it’s still marked that historically. After that came Finian’s Rainbow.

AMY GOODMAN: You mean Blacks and whites playing in the cast.

ERNIE HARBURG: No, not in there. In Finian’s Rainbow, I mean that it was a political statement. Bloomer Girl was a political statement, and it was a smash hit. In 1946, Yip conceived the idea, the story, the script for Finian’s Rainbow, which was meant to be an antiracist and, in a certain sense, anti-capitalist show also.

AMY GOODMAN: Let’s find it.

ERNIE HARBURG: All right, let’s go.

AMY GOODMAN: Let’s find Finian’s Rainbow.

ERNIE HARBURG: Here’s Cabin in the Sky, which is the first all-Black Hollywood film in the '40s, which Yip and Harold did also. “Happiness Is Just a Thing Called Joe.” Here's Bloomer Girl that I’m talking about. So, we should be, somehow, coming onto Finian’s Rainbow. But here’s Yip here. There’s a video of Yip talking, if you want to meet the man.

INTERVIEWER: You got into political trouble in this country at a time when a lot of people got into political trouble, during the McCarthy years. Were you blacklisted?

YIP HARBURG: Thank God, yes.

INTERVIEWER: During that McCarthy period, were they actually going through your lyrics with a fine-toothed comb looking for lines that might be subversive, that might show Yip Harburg’s true political colors?

YIP HARBURG: Yes. I wrote a song for Cabin in the Sky, which Ethel Waters sang and was part of the situation in the picture. Here was a poor woman who had nothing in life except this one man, Joe, and she sang, “It seemed like happiness is just a thing called Joe.”

One of the producers, with not a macroscope, but a microscope, found in this lyric that “Happiness Is Just a Thing Called Joe” was a tribute to Joe Stalin. We’re kidding about it now, but the country, this was the blackest, the blackest and darkest moment in the history of this beautiful country.

ERNIE HARBURG: Now, here we are at Finian’s Rainbow at last. And this was — Yip conceived this in 1946. And Fred Saidy, who was his co-script writer — and Harold Arlen demurred from writing this, because he felt that Yip was too fervent in his political opinions, and he wanted — Harold wanted to do something else. So Yip got Burt Lane and then came out with this great, great score from Finian’s Rainbow, “Old Devil Moon.”

“How Are Things in Glocca Morra?” etc. But the theme of Finian’s was a total fantasy, and it was an American fable in which an Irishman and his daughter come from Ireland, search around and find Rainbow Valley in “Missitucky.” OK? And he believes that if he plants the crock of gold, which he stole from the leprechaun, in the ground, that it will grow, just like at Fort Knox, right? The whole thing was fabulous!

And then, the Southern white senator, a very stereotypic part, finds out that Finian has this land, and tries to run him out of town, because there’s Blacks and whites living together, and, you know, they’re sharecroppers. And they claim that Finian’s daughter is a witch, and they’re going to burn her at the stake, and all sorts of incredible things that say something about the American scene.

But the score was so great that people who see it do not see it as a socialist tract, which the only one on Broadway; they see it as a very, very entertaining musical and unique in American musicals, because, in the first place, there are very, very few musicals which are original. Most musicals are adapted from books, and this was just conceived by Fred Saidy and Yip as a satiric send-off on American society. So, you’ve got this great song in here, “When the Idle Poor Become the Idle Rich,” how are you going to know who is who or who is which? OK, you know, like that.

And so, Finian’s Rainbow has become a classic. Now, it’s interesting that Finian’s has not had a tour, a national tour, since 1948. But they play it in every single high school in the United States, three or four times a month in every state of the union.

So, Finian’s was, at the time, 1947, when the Cold War was beginning and the House Un-American Committee was starting up, and they were searching for lefties. And by 1951, Yip had been blacklisted from any chance to do any of the wonderful shows that they did in Hollywood, Dr. Doolittle, Treasure Island. He was blocked from working there. And then he was blocked from going into radio and into TV.

So — and this is an historical fact which Yip himself says — Broadway and the American theater in New York City was the only place where an artist could stand up and say whatever he wanted, provided he got the money to put the show on. So, for Finian’s Rainbow, they had to have 25 auditions, because they said it was a commie red thing. And finally, they got the money up, and they put the show up. But by that time, Yip was blacklisted.

And his next show was Jamaica with Lena Horne, with an all-Black cast. One other thing, in terms of Yip’s drive for racial and ethnic equality, and that is that Finian’s Rainbow in 1947 was the first show on Broadway where the chorus line consisted of Blacks and whites who danced with each other, and the chorus was an integrated affair.

AMY GOODMAN: What happened to him during the McCarthy era?

ERNIE HARBURG: Well, he could not work on any major film that they wanted him to work on from the major studios in Hollywood. The setup was that Roy Brewer, who was the head of the IATSE union — I’m sorry to say that — was the one who —

AMY GOODMAN: What do you mean?

ERNIE HARBURG: Well, I mean this is a stagehands’ union. I’d like to say good things about unions, but they get bureaucratized, and they go right-wing, you know? They get bad. This was a bad leader, and he terrorized all of the Jewish moguls who were being accused of communism by the House Un-American Activities Committee, and they yielded to whatever he said to them, out of fear that they would get branded as communists or that they’d boycott the film, all right?

And so, when, you know, they called Yip in to do Huckleberry Finn with Burt Lane, then Roy and the guys said, “No, he’s on our blacklist, OK? And you can’t hire him.” And then Yip went away. And they wanted him to work on Dr. Doolittle. “No, you can’t hire him.” And the same thing for radio and TV. And that was known as a, quote, “blacklist,” which wasn’t — that wasn’t the first use of the term, because in small towns we had company corporations going, if you did something that the company didn’t like, you were blacklisted from town. You couldn’t get a job in town. But this was the first time, due to the technology, that a blacklist was national and accompanied by a loaded word, “communist,” that could get you fired anyplace.

For Yip, it was horrible, because his friends, who were artists, suddenly had no income. And there were suicides. There was divorces. There were people who left the country. There were people whose lives were just ruined. And so, Yip supported some of them. Dalton Trumbo, who was one of the Hollywood Ten who were first picked out by the House Un-American Activities Committee to go to jail for a year, a citation. “Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?” You know, Yip fronted him with money, and so forth. It was a horrible time.

AMY GOODMAN: How long couldn’t Yip work for?

ERNIE HARBURG: For about from 1951 to 1962. He came back to Hollywood in 1962, when he and Harold Arlen did Gay Purr-ee, which is with Judy Garland. She asked them to come back. And it’s a cult animated cartoon now, which you can get in your video. And I remember him putting on a show at the Taber Auditorium. “Welcome Back, Yip,” you know? And he — in ’62.

AMY GOODMAN: But that means that The Wizard of Oz made it big during the time that he was blacklisted. That was — and when you consider the social commentary that it was making, that’s pretty profound.

ERNIE HARBURG: Yeah, but I don’t think hardly anyone knows the political symbolism underneath The Wizard of Oz, because, again, it’s a thing that happens in Finian’s Rainbow, even though as Peter Stone, a noted playwright on Broadway, said, “It’s the only socialist tract ever on Broadway,” all right? People don’t hear the political message in it, OK? They are vastly entertained. The same thing happens with The Wizard. You know, nobody would even think of such a thing.

YIP HARBURG: My songs, like “When the Idle Poor Become the Idle Rich” and “Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?” caused a great deal of furor during a period in Hollywood when a fellow by the name of Joe McCarthy was reigning supreme. And so, they got something up for people to take care of us, like me, called the blacklist. And I landed on the enemy list.

And in order to overcome the enemy list — what was the enemy list? Well, it’s, one, that you were a red; another one, that you were a bluenose; and the other one, that you’re on the blacklist. Finally, I thought the rainbow was a wonderful symbol of all these lists. In order to overcome the enemy list and this rainbow that they gave me the idea for, I wrote this little poem:

Lives of great men all remind us
Greatness takes no easy way,
All the heroes of tomorrow
Are the heretics of today.
Socrates and Galileo,
John Brown, Thoreau, Christ and Debs
Heard the night cry “Down with traitors!”
And the dawn shout “Up the rebs!”
Nothing ever seems to bust them —
Gallows, crosses, prison bars;
Tho’ we try to readjust them
There they are among the stars.
Lives of great men all remind us
We can write our names on high
and departing leave behind us
Thumbprints in the FBI.


AMY GOODMAN: The words of Yip Harburg. And that does it for today’s program, which was actually produced for radio in 1996 with Errol Maitland and Dan Coughlin. Special thanks to Gary Helm, Brother Shine and Julie Drizin. Democracy Now! is produced with Mike Burke, Renée Feltz, Deena Guzder, Messiah Rhodes, Nermeen Shaikh, María Taracena, Tami Woronoff, Charina Nadura, Sam Alcoff, Tey-Marie Astudillo, John Hamilton, Robby Karran, Hany Massoud, Hana Elias. Our executive director is Julie Crosby. Special thanks to Becca Staley, Jon Randolph, Paul Powell, Mike Di Filippo, Miguel Nogueira, Hugh Gran, Denis Moynihan, David Prude, Dennis McCormick, Matt Ealy, Anna Özbek, Emily Andersen, Dante Torrieri and Buffy Saint Marie Hernandez. I’m Amy Goodman. Thanks so much for joining us.

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