Thursday, January 02, 2025

Go Bonobos in 2025


 January 1, 2025
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Photograph Source: Wcalvin at English Wikipedia – CC BY-SA 4.0

Happy Slappy Mother-Effing 2025. Will anyone here get out alive? I’ll take my chances… 2024 having been such a bust (and not the good kind) of a year, an awful spin cycle of sorrow and fear, un-bonoboneopuritanism, Artificial Ignorance censoring and killing us, sadistic injustice, raging extortion, medical murders, the rich enriching the richwar crimes galore and many more horrible horrors, or – in the plundered Latin of that lionized late queen for whom plundering was the family business – an “annus horribilis.”

Indeed, Brothers and Sisters, Lovers and Sinners, you can sling this ‘orrible annus up your Uncle Sam’s anus – and send Mr. $400 Billion Man and his “fast friend” Barron all the way up to UranusHappy Nude Rear! It’s been a rude year.  Sure, there’s much to be grateful for and a whole lot to love, and I’ll get to that – maybe – but I must start by shoveling last year’s manure out of the hemorrhoidal annus of 2024. Hold your noses, Comrades, squeeze that sphincter muscle and release! Or, as your friendly American Medical Insurance Ghouls like to say – along with “Deny, Defend, Depose” – Discharge!

Damn, 2024 was bad, and not the good kind of bad. It wasn’t just because 2024 started with a heroic Burning Man and ended with a horrific Burning Woman. And it wasn’t just because my so-called “people” (the Zionist war criminal branch of the Ashkenazi family tree) spent the entire year (and many before) committing certified genocide – using the money and gaily autographed missiles of my other so-called people (the American war criminal branch) – to slaughter, landgrab, lingeriegrab(!) and generally exterminate the indigenous peoples of Palestine, then Lebanon and now Syria – despite my protestationsand lamentations (not that I expected much; no one’s ever listened to me in that family before, so why would they now?), not to mention the outrage of pretty much the whole world. For an anti-Zionist, Jewish-American, Pagan-Agnostic, Ethical Hedonist like me, this aspect of the past annus that is now bleeding like a malignant cyst into the new one. Rumors are that it’s also traveling up Bibi Netanyahu’s ass, but that doesn’t change this Shandah, this shameful horror, this indelible gory stain of aeternus horribilis (eternal horror) on the Ashkenazi soul.

Yes, 2024 sucked (not in the good way), and it wasn’t just because that old Shepherd of Suckers, the TrumpusAmerica’s KrampusDictator DonKing of the Cons, proud convicted Pussy-Grabber, grabbed the wheel of the exhaust-belching Clown Car of American Politics away from the hapless Democrats – who clearly couldn’t drive anything but Netanyahu’s getaway car. Having packed his buttlicking mob of Billionaire Thieves, Wrestlers, Liars, Slavers, Grifters, War Profiteers, Roadkill-Diners, Rapists and Killers into the trunk, Trumpty Dumpty rolled like an Easter egg through 2024 – as we all (never mind who we voted for) got orange egg on our faces. Now careening into the crumbling White House once again, he’s coming at us live from the twinkling lights of Mar-A-Lago, looking more and more like The Handmaid’s Tale with gaudier décor, porn-star-quality boob jobs, the Musky smell of Elon everywhere, and everything for sale, including the nukes

Yes sir, would you like fries with your nukes?

And it wasn’t just because, no matter how many years I make a New Year’s resolution to “Go Bonobos in the New Year” (and 2025 is lucky #11), it seems that we (or at least our government and media fiefdoms) are all-in-all acting more like baboons (with apologies to baboons).

Moreover, the real bonobos are even more endangered than we thought. All of what we know as *life* on Earth is getting more endangered every trip we take around the sun. Yes, whether we knew it or denied it, 2024 – the warmest year on record – was another ecological annus horribilus for us all.

Stroke of Max

But for me, it was personal. Too personal. The profound horribilis-ness of this awful annus hit home when, on the morning of May 19, 2024, my beloved and amazing husband, my collaborator, my publisher, my “witness,” my lover and friend, my Amor AeternusMaximillian R. Leblovic di Lobkowicz di Filangieri, aka “Capt’n Max,” had a stroke.

I wish it was a joke. Or the good kind of stroke – a stroke of luck, a soft caress, a pleasure stroke. But no, Max had a stroke of seismic – or “ischemic” – pain… which is like a very bad joke that the body plays on the brain. The neurological term is cerebrovascular accident (CVA), but we call it a “stroke” – though it’s really more of a strike (and not the good kind) – less a caress than a bullet to the brain, or, in Max’s case, an unexploded bomblet that formed a blood clot blocking the flow of oxygen to the cerebrum, causing sudden and severe damage, a cerebral “Shock & Awe” splintering of the mind while incapacitating half the body (the right half, in Max’s case).

As anyone who knows Max knows, he was – and still is – an astoundingly strong, vibrant, creative, passionate, Zorba-like character, the most loving and romantic husband, but also a force of nature, always creating, publishing, helping and mentoring others, making you think or laugh or maybe making you mad – a larger-than-life lover of life.

But no matter how lively you are, a major ischemic stroke takes you – body, shattered brain and soul – to as deathly a place as you can go in life – short of death itself.

What a stroke of madness, immobility and pain for my beloved Prince Max! Though it can always be worse; he could have had a stroke in Gaza.  Sorry, I don’t mean to be flippant; I am truly thankful for the life-saving medical care Max has received that so many others – from bombing victims in Palestine to abortion-seekers in Texas – cannot get right now. Indeed, Max is *privileged* to have access to healthcare – crippled as it is by America’s insurance-dominated medical system. And I am privileged to take on the utterly impossible task of navigating it for him.

And yes, since the proverbial stroke of dawn, 5/19/24, when Max’s deep growl turned into a howl of cosmic terror and pain, shocking me awake, catapulting me into a real-life Bizzaro World – until now, tapping this out on my phone next to him as he naps in the “SNF” (skilled nursing facility) – I’ve been by his side – both the “good,” strong but rambunctious left side and the “bad,” stroke-stricken right side.

It’s a crazy level of life we’re now living. Sometimes I don’t know if he knows who I am. Sometimes I don’t know if I know who I am. Our lives have been flipped around and upside down in one stroke of old Cronus’ clock.

“The goal is the journey,” Max has often said, and – for better or worse – this is a journey we “witnesses” to each other’s lives have been on together for almost 40 years, 32 of which we’ve been married. It’s a particularly challenging leg of the journey, of course – especially for Max’s twisted right leg – but this is the road we’re on right now.

Aphasia Maxolalia

He’s come a long way from life-support and intubation in those first weeks after the stroke, but Max still suffers from several life-threatening physical complications – a dangerously leaky g-tube, a frightening (or as the nurses like to say, “gnarly”) bed sore, recurring congestion and infections – as well as the uniquely frustrating post-stroke brain injury/side effect of “aphasia.”

I’d never even heard of aphasia before. My only relative who had a stroke was my grandfather on my father’s side who died 10 days after the stroke struck, so I had no experience with post-stroke life, let alone the maddening mysteries of aphasia, a language disorder that greatly damages the stroke patient’s ability to speak, breaking words into incomprehensible nonsense syllables. That is, even as Max’s remarkably resilient and enterprising brain cells forge new pathways, partially restoring his powerful creative mind, the aphasia mixes up the words, phrases and sounds so that they come out mostly broken, garbled and out of order, like a jigsaw puzzle you spilled on the floor so most of the pieces are in the wrong places and many are just missing.

Apparently, aphasia is a *secret* language that no one understands – not even the speaker. No neurologist, no multi-lingual interpreter, no speech therapist, not even the great linguist and leftist Noam Chomsky – who happens to have recently had a stroke that sounds very similar to Max’s – can translate the lingual mysteries of aphasia. And yes, Chomsky is still alive and convalescing, though many news outlets reported that he was dead – just going to show how deathlike strokes tend to be, especially with aphasia in the mix, not to mention how news outlets don’t fact-check anymore.

Aphasia is a one-person Tower of Babel.  I call it “Maxolalia,” as it’s rather like “Glossolalia,” or “speaking in tongues,” a much more deliberate oral practice in which devout church-goers utter fluid but incomprehensible words or speech-like sounds – rather like Max’s verbal jigsaw puzzle parts flung around the room. Unlike aphasia, which is understood to be incomprehensible, glossolalia is often thought by believers to be mystical and divine languages, though like aphasia, the meaning of the words is confounding, even to the speaker. The term glossolalia wasn’t used until 1879, but in Acts and First Corinthians, Jesus’ followers speak in the tongues of at least fifteen nations.

It’s heart-wrenching to see Max wrestling with simple words that used to flow so easily from his silver tongue. It’s enough to make a tough guy cry. Though sometimes the struggle explodes in a symphony of laughter. Every so often, he blurts out pithy phrases like “spoken word” poetry or delivers carefully pronounced but utterly scrambled instructions with the gravity of a Mafia don.  Once, in the midst of a rush of babble, Max suddenly and very clearly declared, “We Are An Art.”

I wish I could say that was a breakthrough, but more unintelligible Maxolalia ensued. Of course, we all have trouble finding the right words to get our thoughts across sometimes, but aphasia is the epitome of frustration in communication, creating a virtual solitary confinement of the mind.

2024: Annus Horribilis & Mirabilis

One language Max and I still understand – maybe better than ever – is the language of love. Pleasure is the most effective painkiller, and the oxytoxin of love works better and faster than the oxycontin of drugs.  Even stroke patients need to be stroked; Max certainly does! Maybe especially stroke patients need to be stroked – mentally and physically – encouraged and caressed.

So, every day, all day, and sometimes deep into the night, for the past seven months and change, in three hospitals, four rehabs and over ten ambulances, I’ve stroked Max’s arm(s), held his hands, rubbed his shoulders, smoothed the crease in his brows, caressed his chest (and other things….) and tried my imperfect best to help my lover and friend of almost 40 years to survive and somehow ease his staggering agony.

And yes, there are those moments of ecstasy in the agony, waves of pleasure that heal the pain, cute crooked smiles, whispers of desire, joyous giggles, big left-handed hugs, flashes of radiance, hope, healing, holding, even profound eroticism, fun, flirtation, sensuous touch, precious kisses and bonobo love glowing like a fire in the darkness. Desire is at least as strong a motivator as fear. The health benefits of pleasure ought to be explored among adults in medical settings, to kill pain and promote healing – but don’t hold your breath until that’s covered by your insurance.

Too bad Max and I don’t have more of a medical fetish. Maybe we’re developing one.  I know, I always find a sex angle – usually several – even in a stroke, and after all, this stroke patient is my lover of 35 years. But it’s true; sex heals a billion times more than it kills. I’ve learned that truth every day of my life, but I feel like I’ve taken a Sexual Healing Stroke-Training Intensive through 2024. Basically, it’s been a nonstop nightmare, occasionally interrupted by moments of transcendent adoration, radiant romance, infinite empathy, deep eye-gazing, tantric connection, laughter, singing (Max loves to sing), awe and amazement.

So yes, on a certain level, this Annus Horribilis has been an Annus Mirabilis – an Amazing Year – for us. In a way, I have never felt so much miraculous love as I felt for Max in these horrible, draining months of 2024.

Ironically, Queen Elizabeth’s Annus Horribilis – 1992 – was an Annus Mirabilis – an amazing year – for Max and me: it’s the year we got married. And there’s something amazing – mirabilis – about every moment we share, the good and bad, the pleasure and the pain, this life on its journey of wonders toward death.

America’s Killer Insurance

This is where Max hovers, as 2024 turns into 2025, clinging to the rungs of life with all of his formidable strength and joie de vivre, as kind nurses, doctors and therapists help him to find his way… and medical insurance adjusters step on his fingers.

Consider some American Health Insurance history:  Exactly 17 years before Max’s stroke, on May 19th2007Michael Moore’s Sicko premiered at Cannes. Nine years old at that time, little Luigi Mangione was not in attendance, but when he did see Moore’s brilliant documentary on being sick under the boot of American health insurance, he was, according to his manifesto, deeply affected. Our paths would cross – at least in my mind – on Wednesday, December 4, 2024, when Medicare denied Max’s Appeal for much-needed post-stroke care. As I was desperately disputing their now-notorious imperative to “deny… defend… depose” and discharge Max prematurely from the hospital, little did I know the tables were being violently turned in midtown Manhattan.

That is, just as Max was being denied and discharged by Medicare, UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson was being assassinated – allegedly by the now 26-year-old Luigi Mangione, sickened by Sicko and his own experience in that same UnitedHealthcare/Medicare/Denial-of-Life system in which Max and I were, and still are, ensnared like rabbits, with Max’s right leg and arm caught in the trap. Such is the American Way of Medicine.

From manifesto to mug shot to perp walk, Luigi Mangione (sounds like one of Max’s Filangieri cousins) appears to be acing the audition to play the role of himself in the ongoing movie casting America’s greatest enemy – unfair healthcare – as his foil. Or maybe he’s the fall guy. With his striking good looks and thick Italian eyebrows (just like Max!) – and with the atrocious state of insurance-driven healthcare, as 2024 gives way to 2025, Luigi is Sicko America’s date for the New Year.

But time out; regardless of what the Trumpus said about being able to “shoot somebody” in the middle of New York and not lose any votes, let me be clear:  I condemn murder!

One among many problems with murder is that it is NOT bonobo. Humanity’s closest genetic cousins, bonobos are the “Make Love Not War” chimpanzees who swing through the trees as well as with each other, valuing love over hate and lust over greed, practicing what I call “The Bonobo Way,” an uncanny but very real path of peace. More to the point, bonobos (pan paniscus) are the only great apes who have never been seen killing, let alone murdering each other in the wild or captivity.

How do they do it? Bonobos make peace through pleasure (including but not limited to sexual pleasure), with a generous helping of female empowerment (females rule Bonoboville), male well-being (we must nurture our dudes), ecosexual intelligence (save our planet!), a strong sense of connection (community is key) and sharing resources (sharing is caring).

By “caring,” I don’t mean just feeling strongly about something. After all these months of being Max’s “caretaker” while hearing so many people say they “care,” I realize that caring is easy – like “thoughts and prayers” – but caretaking is hard and so much more essential to life, especially if you value relationships more than personal gain, like bonobos do. Bonobos don’t just care about each other; they take care of each other. They are caretakers for one another. That’s why this is a very special Year of the Bonobo for me.

My 32-year marriage to Max is intertwined with our mutual love for bonobos who showed us the way to mix lust with trust, to combine passion with compassion, to put the fun into caretaking, to reduce pain with pleasure.

Pleasure is an essential part of Max’s pain management. Of course, sick people aren’t supposed to be sexual, but they are, and it’s healing. Here’s where the good kind of strokes, kisses and squeezes come in to counteract pain (better, cheaper and healthier than Norco), raise endorphins, lower stress levels, and remind Max he’s a dude with a reason to live.

So, I’m resolving to “go bonobos” in 2025, aka MMXXV (Make Rome Imperial Again). Call it My Project 2025.

And yes, it was my last year’s New Year’s Resolution and My Project 202420232022202120202019201820172016 and 2015 … and now it’s the 11th Great Year of the Bonobo! Let’s go!

So being very pro-bonobo, I must say that murder – even murders of thieving, grandma-killing, Max-killing(!) CEOs – is very bad, and not the good kind of bad.

However, there’s very bad, and there’s astronomically bad. Compared to the gargantuan lethal collateral damage of the American medical insurance racket, on top of the American war machine and rising economic injustice, the murder of one medical insurance mogul, albeit nothing to celebrate (well, maybe just one glass of bubbly for the New Year…), was a remarkably precise surgical strike. Unlike other strikes – and strokes – this one is already having a remarkable effect, galvanizing medically disenfranchised Americans across the political spectrum to join together to commiserate, communicate, laugh, lust after Luigi (ooh-la-la!), protest massive medical injustice and maybe even DO something to improve the disgraceful state of American healthcare.

Unfortunately, it’s not happening fast enough for Max. So, we’re grateful for what we can get. Denied and discharged, we did some very fast fancy footwork and were lucky to find a SNF willing to take Max just hours after he was prematurely discharged, the same day sacrificial CEO Brian Thompson was summarily dispatched to Hell.

Better a bed in a SNF than “dumped” on the street (as some are) by Medicare. The SNF’s care, especially wound care, is far below hospital level, but we are grateful and always mindful that almost none of this mess is the fault of the individual overworked nurses, doctors, therapists or even the insurance-minded administrators and case workers; all of them – all of us – are chained to the American Insurance Racket. There is not much choice. This is not a hobby, religion, game or political party; this is life-and-death.

As our friend, the fantastic artist, Dominatrix, human rights activist, patient advocate and founder/director of The Sidewalk ProjectSoma Snakeoil, who is helping me get through this, put it, “Suzy, you are in the belly of the beast now.” And oh, what a beast it is, having chewed us up in 2024, now about to “hawk tuah” us into the new year… hopefully not into a mass grave, but who knows?

Bonoboville Under Attack!

The medical insurance racket may have been the worst, but it wasn’t the only beast threatening to stomp Bonoboville through the floor in 2024.

For almost 40 years, Max and I have been on a sometimes bumpy, but generally pretty amazing roller coaster of romance, mixing lust with trust in a Bonobo Way. But no couple is an island, and our community of Bonoboville is especially vital to our survival and success. Our business model has always been an intentional, sexy, lefty community sustaining our unique variation of a “Mom & Pop Shop” (and vice versa) as we support the individuals in that community, and it’s worked like a charm for over three decades, but then Pop had a stroke, and though Max is the patient, the excruciating and discombobulating trauma of his stroke has struck us all.

Reactions have been mixed – from the stoic to the heroic, from the frustrated to the exploitative to astonishingly destructive extortion and lies. It’s quite eye-opening to see how different friends, family, members of our community and City officials have reacted to Max suffering a stroke. People who are great company in good times can be the opposite in bad. I guess that when you get hit by a missile, a setback or a stroke, the people in your life show their “true colors.”

Some in our community have risen to the occasion, soaring so high, they are real-life angels. Others we thought we could trust are weaponizing their relationships with us (even now as I write this!) to exploit Max’s tragedy for their financial and personal gain, launching untrue, extortive and wildly insane attacks on our lives and legacy, doing their damnedest to destroy all the bonoboësque goodness we have worked so hard… with pleasure! – for over 35 years to build – perhaps out of envy and/or in the hope that they can lie their way into an impossibly and ridiculously big payday from our litigious society. It’s just another 2024 – 2025 soap opera scenario that plays out dozens of times every week these days on social media, but when it falls on you – while your husband is recovering from a stroke – it can trigger your annihilation, or at least, damage your foundation.

Usually I prefer to punch up – against MetatRumpZionismZuck the Cuck and the LAPD – and not down against the villainous extortionists, depraved marauders, envious interns, petty administrators, quack journalists stalking me at Max’s rehab and hacking into my phone(!) and gangster-destroyers I find myself now battling – parrying attacks from the right, left, above and below. Honestly, it’s so bad, my attorney/s won’t even let me talk to the press, and I always (used to) talk to the press. Someday soon, I will write about this; for now, I’ll just say: no more 2024.

Too much fighting! I’m a lover not a fighter. I love to love (and make love!) and I hate to fight, but sometimes I have to fight, such as when it’s for something I love. And I had to fight for love in so many ways this year – for my great love Max, for our work over the past forty years, for Free Speech, for our Bonoboville community and for our kissing cousins who so inspire us, the bonobos.

Go Bonobos for Sexual Healing

Bonobo also fight (like humans), but unlike (some) humans and every other Great Ape, bonobos never kill each other or make war – and they seem to use pleasure, including sexual pleasure, to keep the peace.

So, let’s go bonobos in 2025!  That’s my resolution anyway, and the resolution—as well as The RƎVO˩ution—starts with me… and you. Since you’re reading this New Year’s plea for bonobo awareness (perhaps for the 11th time), I hope you’ll join me, Max and Bonoboville in helping save the highly endangered bonobosfrom imminent extinction.

If there’s any hope for us humans going bonobos—even if our chances are slimmer than a blade of rainforest grass—we must do all we can to keep the real bonobos alive and thriving in their native habitat of the Congolese Rainforest, as well as in sanctuaries, primate centers and even in zoos.

Lola ya Bonobo (Bonobo Paradise) is a bonobo “refugee” sanctuary outside Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Founded by the visionary Claudine André, Lola rescues “orphans” of the devastating “bushmeat” trade, cares for these little refugees like “family” and eventually releases them back into the wild. Donations are administered by Friends of Bonobos, including our amazing friendsVanessa Woods and Brian Hare, authors of Survival of the Friendliest, as well as Ashley Stone and Amanda Kuttner, all of whom tirelessly help Lola to keep studying and saving bonobos.

+ The Bonobo Conservation Initiative (BCI), founded by another wonderful pro-bonobo friend, Sally Coxe, is developing the Bonobo Peace Forest, providing much-needed food, medical care, school supplies and jobs to indigenous villagers who live close to the bonobos in the Congolese Rainforest, and who protect their precious and vulnerable wild populations from the ruthless, desperate or just uninformed poachers who shoot them for bushmeat. BCI saves many bonobos, often giving the orphans to Lola ya Bonobo.

Thus, in 2025, while some resolve to destroy – even to destroy lil old indestructible me! – I resolve to help save the bonobos, as well as release my inner bonobo and help Max and others to release theirs. Make Kink Not WarBe Bonobo (Save the Humans). It’s getting tougher by the algorithm, but let’s try to care-take each other – like the late great post-President Jimmy Carter did for so many – so we can survive and maybe even thrive… in 2025.

Something to celebrate from 2024: Julian Assange went free! Hounded by various U.S. and U.K. governments for daring to publish the American War Machine-humiliating truth about perma war (just like perma press, only instead of pants that don’t crease, it’s wars that won’t end), and its inevitable, insidious, Collateral Murder, Assange is a true Free Speech hero. We have been rooting for his freedom since 2011, before we even started resolving to “Go Bonobos” in the new year.

Let’s really do it this time! It’s now or never. Amen. AWOMEN. Praise the Lord and the Ladies, especially all the ladies (as most of the care providers are female) who have helped keep my darling Max in my life for another Happy Nude Rear! It’s true that our two nude rears aren’t in as good shape as they used to be… but at least they’re ALIVE. #GoBonobos in 2025!

© January 1, 2025. Susan Block, Ph.D., a.k.a. “Dr. Suzy,” is a world renowned LA sex therapist, author of The Bonobo Way: The Evolution of Peace through Pleasure and horny housewife, occasionally seen on HBO and other channels. For information, call 626-461-5950. Email comments or questions to her at drsusanblock@gmail.com and you will get a reply.


 

Disaster nationalism is the new fascism

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Trump and Modi

First published at Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung.

The inchoate breed of fascism emerging today thrives on disasters, chronic and acute. Today’s far right is not yet fascist, or not-yet-fascist. It does not organize paramilitaries with the aim of overthrowing electoral democracy and destroying political freedom. Rather, it has a thin, networked civil society base whose energies are wrapped around culture wars that occasionally explode into the meatspace violence of lone-wolf murderers, vigilantes, riots, pogroms, and pseudo-insurrections. Its elected leaders such as Modi, Trump, Bolsonaro, Duterte, Orbán, Milei, and Netanyahu direct their aggression not at electoral democracy, but at the liberal state. They have at times unleashed popular violence in an offensive on bourgeois legality, but the aim is to effect a constitutional rupture that tilts the balance of rule toward authoritarian democracy rather than outright dictatorship.

The fascism that is being prepared through this sequence will not resemble classical fascism. The world that made fascism — colonialism, class civil war, revolution, and intense industrial modernization — has passed. The new world is one in which the big questions will be those raised by the climate crisis: who gets what and who does without, who lives and who dies. Neonate fascism, whether green or brown, is preparing the terrain for a war on what it sees as mutant or out-of-place biology: the migratory or criminal.

According to Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, classical fascism liberated a popular desire for suicide: its fulfilment was not the fabulated Reich stretching from Western Europe to East Asia, but the Nero decree ordering the destruction of German infrastructure as the Nazis’ final act. Today’s incipient fascisms metabolize the mulch of misery into a form of collective excitement tending toward the ecstatic brush with death that is the metier of the lone-wolf murderer. Wholly lacking the utopian aspects of interwar fascism, with its idea of refining the species through brutal demographic culls and improving living standards through colonial expansion, it is today, more nakedly than ever before, a suicidal programme.

Let me begin with a contemporary disaster story. In the summer of 2020, the US state of Oregon witnessed a wildfire bigger than anything in living memory — so far. Winds blew wildfires into megafires, and downed power lines to create more fires, burning at up to 800C. Ten percent of the state’s population was forced to evacuate. Thousands of homes were destroyed. Thirty-three people were killed.

This acute disaster came hard upon a series of chronic disasters: the financial crash of 2008 was followed by economic depression, soaring poverty rates and joblessness especially in rural counties, pervasive alcoholism, the highest addiction rates in the United States — before the fentanyl crisis took off — and a surge of suicides. We often hear that disasters bring people together: the “city of comrades”, the “democracy of distress”, or what Rebecca Solnit calls “disaster communities”. It isn’t necessarily so. Kai Erikson, a sociologist specializing in disasters, found not a single example of this. If it happens, it happens only where the community wasn’t already riven with ethnic and class fault lines. Erikson found that in most scenarios, acute disaster compounds chronic disaster.

The chronic disasters — of poverty, addiction and public squalor — creep around and shut down a person’s defences without them noticing. When the acute disaster comes, she is in no position to resist. She instead experiences something akin to a “psychological concussion”, a “dull silence”, a retreat to the survivalist enclaves of life. And hopelessness — apocalyptic hopelessness. They share the sense that some bleak truth about the world has been horribly and irreversibly disclosed.

Loving catastrophe: The spectre of disaster nationalism

Yet, today’s far-right loves disaster. In a world where disasters are not exactly scarce, they can’t stop fantasizing about imaginary disasters: the “Great Replacement” in which migrants will allegedly swallow up white Euro-American societies, the “white genocide” that will be its supposed result, the “Great Reset” favouring globalist elites after Covid, the “gender ideology” that is said to be a plot to destroy Western masculinity from Eastern Europe to Latin America, the “cultural Marxists” plotting sedition from within, and, in India, the “Romeo Jihad” in which deviant Muslim men seduce and convert Hindu girls as part of a thousand-year-old war on the Hindu nation. They love raging and pogroming against imaginary disaster.

In Oregon, this took the form of a spontaneous, mass apocalyptic fantasy spread through social media networks — because there is scant local news in these rural areas — and then echoed by figures in authority, from local police to Donald Trump. Since 2017, rumour had it that a seditious group called “Antifa” was planning a massacre of white, conservative Christians to impose a liberal tyranny. In 2020, they looked at the Covid lockdown and said, this is the tyranny we have been warning of. They looked at Black Lives Matter and said, this is the sedition we’ve been warning of. They’re burning the cities — they’re coming for us.

The rumour spreads that Antifa is the cause of the fires: it’s too weird, the conspiracists say, there are too many fires. Someone is doing this to us. The fires are caused by terrorists and paid mercenaries of the Democratic Party. Vigilantes set up armed checkpoints. Some people refuse to evacuate. A man told to flee for his life says: “I’m protecting my city. If I see people doing crap, I’m gonna hurt them.” This is an exciting alternative to fleeing disaster. It’s not exciting to undergo disaster. But, as Michael Billig’s work on the psychology of British fascism shows, it can be exciting to be threatened by people.

Why? Psychoanalytically, it allows something that is already there to enter conscious experience: the sense of threat. Politically, it allows you hit back. Because you can’t shoot capitalism or climate change, even if you acknowledge them: they’re abstract forces, difficult to deal with. But you can shoot Antifa, and Black Lives Matter, and then go to the Capitol in Washington, DC, and string up the “communists” in charge. It’s exciting. Of course, it solves nothing because, like any symptom, it exists to avoid the solution. It is part of an addictive cycle of threat and release.

Disaster nationalism, as an alternative to the pervasive depression borne of the chronic decay of liberal civilization, is much more effective than CBT or happy pills. It says, “Those demons in your head, are real: and you can kill them.”

Fascist antitotalitarianism

In recent years, there have been a series of botched, far-right pseudo-insurrections. Less than a year after the riots in Washington, DC, on 6 January 2021, an alleged coup attempt by the neo-Nazi Reichsbürger movement was thwarted in Germany. In the following months, supporters of defeated Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro stormed government buildings in the hope of triggering an “intervençāo military”. Then, in Russia, members of the paramilitary Wagner Group led by Putin ally Yevgeny Prigozhin marched halfway to Moscow to force out the military leadership they blamed for betraying their war on the “hohols” (a racist slur for Ukrainians). In every case, the uprising was precipitated by conspiracist paranoia. More tellingly, in most cases the dirty work of finishing the coup was supposed to be carried out by the “good guys” in power.

A similar logic sustains the outbursts of vigilantism in the US and Brazil, pogromism in India and the West Bank, and the volunteer anti-drug death squads in the Philippines. Popular violence is conducted alongside and with the indulgence or aid of the state’s violence professionals. It supports far-right administrations and their supporters in the repressive apparatuses, going farther than they can within their present legal constraints, while widening the opportunities for further state violence. It is not simply countersubversive, but aimed diagonally at what it perceives as a split in the state between a treasonous and legalistic establishment and the traditionally repressive and authentic authorities whom it supports.

Another aspect of contemporary far-right disaster disinfotainment, from QAnon to Querdenken, is how it often positions itself as a species of “anti-totalitarian” thought defending traditional individual liberties. It is terrified of claims to the “social” or “collective”. Just as “Red Rosa” was a figure of terror for the Freikorps, at least according to Klaus Theweleit, so today’s far right is appalled by the blue-haired female “social justice warrior”.

At the outset of the Covid-19 pandemic, we were warned that “social distancing is communism”, and that Covid health interventions were the necessary preliminaries of a new “Fourth Reich”. This “sociophobia”, as Wendy Brown dubs it, indicates the extent to which today’s far right has been penetrated by neoliberal political economy. Although they resent the institutional forms of neoliberalism as overweening “globalism”, they share the anti-democratic, anti-welfare, and rigorously competitive elements of its vocabulary. From Viktor Orbán and Marine Le Pen to Narendra Modi, far-right leaders have even experimented with authoritarian versions of neoliberalism. This also helps explain why some who had been bien pensant progressives during the neoliberal era turned to the far right during the pandemic: the mythical “sovereign individual” had abruptly become countercultural, and they experienced a queasy sense of normality slipping away.

None of this is entirely novel. In a way, a blueprint for fascist “antitotalitarianism” had already been supplied in the founding conspiracist manuals of Abbé Barruel and John Robison, blaming the French Revolution on illicit networks of Templar or Freemason power. From the Protocols of the Elders of Zion to the “New World Order”, to the syncretic millenarianism of QAnon and Querdenken, the most violently authoritarian politics begins in the fantasy of an occult despotism threatening human freedom. Fascist intellectuals such as Pierre Drieu de La Rochelle and José Antonio Primo de Rivera were enthralled and terrified by the image of the individual being submerged in the mass. Rochelle would “kill off statism by making use of the state”, while Rivera reviled Marxism because he feared “being an inferior animal in an ant-nest”.

Yet neoliberalism has profoundly changed today’s far right. There is no hint of the “class transcendence”, of which Michael Mann wrote, in today’s incipient fascisms. While interwar fascists felt the need to promise serious reforms to change the spiritual meaning of class, to nationalize it, today’s far right embraces muscular capitalism shorn of “woke” and “politically correct” constraints. Even the weak animus against “globalism” is specific to the far right in the Global North: in rising middle-income countries like India, Brazil, and the Philippines, far-right governments embrace globalization. Aside from occasional cash transfers distributed on a clientelist basis, all the contemporary authoritarian right is willing to offer is some national protections against migrant competition. Even that is subordinate to the more potent and overriding offer: the chance to destroy a neighbour.

Violence works

The convection cells of this storm have long been in view. For official liberalism in the West, the cliff-edge moment was the year 2016, when Trump was elected and the UK voted to leave the European Union. Yet that is to focus misleadingly on electoral and institutional outcomes. These are the results of a social and emotional contagion decades in the making. In the “s-curve” of contagion, the critical inflection point would have been around the time of the 2008 financial crash.

The trends maturing today began right in the era of peak liberalism, the endlessly misremembered 1990s. When Hindu nationalists demolished the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, Pat Buchanan made a breakthrough for the nativist right in the Republican primaries, and Jörg Haider’s Freedom Party came second in the Austrian elections. They were accelerated by the “war on terror”, during which the liberal state was hardened by practices of torture, kidnapping, police shootings, renewed ethnic repression, and worldwide civilizational combat. However, while the Islamophobia climate drove up the far-right vote across Europe, the ethnonationalist alliances forged under that rubric, from Narendra Modi’s pogrom in Gujarat to Ariel Sharon’s flattening of the West Bank, showed that the real innovators of the new far right would be in the Global South. In the analysis of fascism, as in so much else, it is time to provincialize Europe.

In North America and Europe, the 2008 financial crash — metabolized as a series of sovereign debt crises and austerity experiments — hardened civil society through the relentless monstering of the undeserving poor, migrants, and minorities. As excess deaths soared thanks to these programmes, the cause of death would mostly have been recorded as heart disease, diabetes, or drug overdose — the proximate political causes were obscured. Yet for those who noticed that life was deteriorating but lacked an intuitive political explanation, official discourse provided one. The “white working class” had, it was explained, been “abandoned”. The operative term here was “white”: these workers were not exploited or oppressed, but denied a certain recognition they had historically enjoyed as whites thanks to the overzealous efforts of governing liberals to recognize minorities. The unhappiness of assorted downwardly mobile class strata was ascribed to a kind of ethnic usurpation.

Amidst the ensuing social decomposition, there followed the rise of militias, cyber-fascism, and anomic lone-wolf fascism. Internationally, the crisis of imperialism in Iraq gave us the garishly nihilistic “Islamic State”. Globally, it is the involution of liberal civilization and the pervasive affects of depression and resentment that it generates that has birthed the new far right.

In electoral terms, the real breakthrough was not Brexit (a regional misfortune) or Trump (an excrescence of imperial decline), but Narendra Modi’s victory as Prime Minister of India in 2014. His role in the brutal, sanguinary ecstasies of an Islamophobic pogrom was forgotten, his visa rights restored. The “Gujarat development model”, built on the back of that pogrom and the political success it enabled, was celebrated by Obama and the business press as a model of economic success. The essence of that fabled success was: slash welfare, health, and education to fund business subsidies for development.

What this demonstrated was that popular violence was not an embarrassment or an electoral weakness for the far right, but a unique selling point. The Indian far right really discovered the specific conjuncture of muscular capitalism, murderous ethnonationalism, and Islamophobia — what, following Deleuze and Guattari, we might call a “resonance machine” — that came to define the post-millennium European far right.

Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), having been expected to lose the coming legislative election in Gujarat in 2002 after its catastrophic mishandling of an earthquake, saw its vote rise by 5 percent after the pogrom. This established the political foundation for Modi’s version of capitalism with pogromist characteristics. The ensuing successes of Donald Trump on a white nationalist programme, Rodrigo Duterte on a pledge to murder millions of drug addicts, and Jair Bolsonaro on the back of a Brazilian establishment soft coup against the Workers’ Party, all profited from that example.

It isn’t the economy, stupid

Disaster nationalism has upended the political orthodoxy of the governing centre. For years, we had been ruled by a false idea, inherited from classical political economy, of enlightened self-interest. This only described how people ought to be governed, pitting avaricious passions against seditious passions. Most people, most of the time, do not vote with their wallets: and the new far right has repeatedly demonstrated that they will gladly take a hit for the chance of a symbolic win.

Yet even after years in which economic threats and the experience of dismal incumbencies has done little to damage the far right electorally, one frequently encounters the idea that neonate fascism is in some way a distorted expression of “neglect” or of “interests” not met. The Left has its versions of this story, where “identity” issues have been allowed to squeeze out the real, universal “bread-and-butter” concerns of the majority. Yet those who do vote, riot, or kill for the right show little sign of being especially disenfranchised or poor. There is some evidence that they have experienced personal trajectories of class decline, or that they are embedded in declining regional economies. But millions of people have their lives wrecked by capitalism all the time without radicalizing to the right.

To understand this moment, we need to look again Marx’s account of the passions: passion as humanity’s fundamental relationship to its object. We need to look at the role — in a context of relentless social comparison and steepening inequality, the extolment of winners and sadism toward the losers, where the costs of failure are increasingly psychologically toxic — of persecutory and vengeful passions. It is not enough to talk about disinformation, as if the problem were the excessive credulity of a susceptible audience. There is disinformation out there, but it thrives on a lack of trust: the credibility crunch experienced by authority. Most of what we know, we get from others: if we cannot trust, we cannot know. In a crisis of trust, where neoliberalism says everyone else is a competitor and a risk to be managed, and everyone is out to get you, many are turning toward cultures of DIY investigation.

The problem is how these politically ambiguous cultures, which in the 1990s exhibited a curiosity and openness to the “alt” and the “alien”, and in the early 2000s seeped into anticapitalist and anti-war movements, have been assimilated and weaponized by the far right for cyberwar. The point is not simply to misinform for grift or electoral advantage, but to activate wayward vengeful passions against well-selected enemies, to destroy their reputations, careers, and even cause them to be killed. Modi “reward follows” his favourite trolls, and his team has target lists of enemies to be fed to the trolls. Bolsonaro ran an “Office of Hate”. Duterte organized mass-distributed campaigns of sexual harassment and death threats against opponents before jailing them or having them murdered.

Taking us further away from the idea of enlightened self-interest, these vengeful fantasies are ensconced in the far right’s erotica: their visions of extreme sexual evil — elite paedophilia, bathroom predators, Romeo Jihad by Muslims seducing Hindu girls, gender ideology brainwashing children against masculinity, the Chads and Stacys and Tyrones with their sexual tyranny over lonely, sexually isolated males — are not simply conservative. They are brutally transgressive. Men’s rights fora revel in rape and paedophilia. Andrew Tate fans support rape and sexual slavery. Modi became a sex symbol in Gujarat after the pogrom he incited.

Why? Because in their bleak purview, someone always gets violated — it’s just a question of who. As a female Hindutva activist explained about the rape of Muslim women in India: “They have raped so many of us, we must now rape some of them.” The far right’s critique of communism is that they want to violate and humiliate the wrong people. Disaster nationalism seeks a redistribution of violation and humiliation.

The dialectic of mutual radicalization

This is why violence becomes a unique selling point. The Gujarat pogrom followed an imaginary “genocide”: a fire on a train that killed dozens far-right Hindu activists, and was later found to have been the result of an accident, was immediately described by local authorities as a genocidal attack by thousands of Muslims firebombing the train. BJP officials, local police, and businessmen helped Hindu activists hunt down, torture, rape, burn, cut to pieces, and kill Muslims, including their infants.

This same libidinal pattern can be seen in the Philippines, where Duterte’s death-squad populism kept his approval ratings at over 90 percent no matter what else he did, despite the fact that most voters also said they feared they or someone they knew might be killed. The violent purge of the undeserving poor was marketed to the nation as economic uplift: let us violate and destroy the wretched and broken, and your grandmothers will feel safe on the streets, businesses will invest and the country will grow.

We are beyond enlightened self-interest. There is a relation between this violence and far-right political economy. Nowhere does today’s far right, having abandoned all trace of utopianism, pretend to be anticapitalist. Not only has it internalized the predicates of neoliberalism, it has also benefited from a curious symbiosis with the neoliberal centre. They overlap in their interest in cultivating both hopelessness and vengeful passions: sado-pessimism. They differ only in that they are prepared to enable the enlivening outbursts of demotic violence fostered by these passions, rather than contain them and expect people to passively enjoy the cruelty of the state as it targets migrants and protesters.

A fatal tipping point is what I will call the dialectic of mutual radicalization. The armed base, egged on by the leadership, engages in shock attacks on the enemy. It goes farther than the state legally can. The leadership defends it, supplements it with official violence, and ups the rhetorical ante. This encourages the base to go further.

A minor example of this dynamic would be the sequence arising from the Black Lives Matter uprising in 2020. Trump exhorted the vigilantes with the famous segregationist slogan, “when the looting starts, the shooting starts”. When Kyle Rittenhouse shot and killed several antifascist protesters, Trump and his allies made him the poster boy for suburban revenge. His defence was supported by right-wing fund-raisers. Then, Trump despatched federal paramilitaries to abduct protesters on the streets and extrajudicially execute a man, Michael Reinoehl, who was suspected in the shooting of a far-right activist. This was the necessary prelude for the wannabe “insurrection” on 6 January.

The end, the telos of this process, is genocide. In Israel, the symbiosis between the bourgeois centre and the far-right is also, because of its importance to Western foreign policy, a global coalescence. In Gaza, an army of 20-something men — hankering for revenge and a thorough redistribution of humiliation after the Hamas-led attack on 7 October 2023 known as the “Al-Aqsa Flood”, primed for genocide from every quarter of society, socialized in a dehumanizing state, and enjoying themselves immensely according to their social media postings — operate without written rules of engagement. Whatever is not expressly forbidden is assumed to be permitted.

They are the products of a state in decline: the post-war nationalist utopia won through the originary bout of ethnic cleansing known as the Nakba has been collapsing for decades, leaving an increasingly unequal, pessimistic society prone to messianism. Being young, they will be disproportionately represented among the dati leumi and secular far right. Many of them do not want to leave Gaza and think the annihilation of Amalek is proceeding too slowly. According to Ha’aretz, the rank and file have been in de facto insurrection against the military leadership from the earliest months of the war. Meanwhile, in Israel, anyone who ventures even a humanitarian critique of the war risks being sacked, hunted by fascist mobs, or tossed in solitary confinement.

This is what they’ve been waiting for: the internal traitors will be killed, the neighbour destroyed. And the liberal fellow-travellers will either follow them all the way down this road or be destroyed too. This is what it is to live in a dying civilization.

This article originally appeared in LuXemburg. Richard Seymour is a founding editor of Salvage. His latest book is Disaster Nationalism: The Downfall of Liberal Civilization (Verso, 2024).

Murder of the Dead. First Published: Battaglia Comunista No. 24 1951; Source ... murderer also of the dead: “But as soon as people, whose production ...