Monday, January 13, 2025

LA Asks: Was Mike Davis Right?

As Los Angeles burns, the writer Rosecrans Baldwin hears echoes of the furious, compassionate late intellectual.


GQ
 January 12, 2025
Rosecrans Baldwin


Getty Images

One of the last times I spoke to the great Los Angeles writer Mike Davis was during the Woolsey fire, in 2018. Before this past week, Woolsey was the last megafire to blast Los Angeles. It burned nearly a hundred thousand acres around Malibu, destroyed more than 1,500 structures. I asked Davis back then what he expected to see once the flames died down. “Bigger mansions,” he said. “What tends to disappear is rental properties, trailer parks, people who don’t have adequate insurance.”

“The fires are like gun violence,” he added. “You always get the same mechanical repetition of action, but nothing changes at the root.”

To live in LA, even if you never leave your neighborhood, is to live in Greater Los Angeles, to know you reside in one of the world’s largest megacities, a mountainous, immense plaited landscape—Los Angeles County alone constitutes 88 separate cities, from Beverly Hills to Azusa—that unfurls in all directions. And one that also burns recurrently. Since the last time I checked the news, 16 people were dead. Tens of thousands of acres torched. More than 12,000 structures destroyed, with several of my friends and relatives burned out of their homes, and a bunch of my favorite restaurants reduced to ash. What’s different this time, compared to Woolsey, is the fires’ bandwidth. We have the Palisades and Kenneth fires to the west. Eaton and Creek in the east. The Hurst and Lidia fires up north. All we need now is Disneyland to go up in flames (we do not need this) and we’ll be surrounded.

The first night of the fires, I spent two hours helping friends and acquaintances sign up for emergency alerts, encouraging them to download the Watch Duty app, which tracks burns. But the person I wanted to speak to most was Davis.

Davis died in 2022, at 76, from complications linked to esophageal cancer. In person, he was a sweetheart—a cheerful man with a buzzcut and an oddly high-pitched voice. As a thinker and writer, though, he was strident, both intellectual and street-smart—Davis was a truck driver and Marxist activist way before he was awarded the so-called MacArthur “genius” grant. Of course, Los Angeles has plenty of other great chroniclers—Carey McWilliams, Lynell George, Octavia Butler through her fiction—but it’s Davis I turn to when I’m confused, especially when things are aflame.

The book he’s best known for is City of Quartz, a dense, controversial opus from 1990. In it Davis showed LA to be both utopian and dystopic, a sunshine-soaked fortress of capitalism-sodden concrete, from vile prisons to the private, gated real estate that fuels so many Netflix shows. Quartz is both fascinating and somewhat impenetrable, which is why I sooner recommend his follow-up, 1998’s Ecology of Fear, which is easier to dip into. That doesn’t mean it’s any less provocative, though, especially the chapter titled “The Case for Letting Malibu Burn.”

Davis’s argument in “The Case” is forcible, and kinda obvious: It chronicles the region’s fire history to show Southern California as a place that ignites regularly. Making the point that to live here, alongside the Santa Monica Mountains, in the flightpath of Santa Ana winds, is either to accept fire as part of the ecology, as natural as the Pacific’s waves, or to live in denial. Because the fires don’t care, but that doesn’t seem to stop celebrities from building mansions in fire-prone zones, or the city, county and state to continue blowing taxpayer money to protect and rebuild them. As a result of the cyclical, ever-expanding builds and rebuilds, Davis wrote, “our horticultural firebreaks are gone, strawberry fields are now aging suburbs, and the quest for beach fronts, mountain view lots and big trees has created fire hazards that were once unimaginable.”

On a personal level, it’s an extremely tough argument for me to endorse, especially this week. My mother’s cousin, my first cousin once removed, just lost her adorable, petite hillside home, where she raised her children and survived multiple fires. I enjoyed many beautiful Easter and Thanksgiving meals on her deck while Malibu’s storied sunsets turned everything to rose. Last I heard, she’s staying with friends, she’s okay, but what is okay in this scenario? No one is sleeping well. Everyone is extremely stressed. Last week’s incessant faulty evacuation notices didn’t help. One day I spent the morning volunteering at a food bank, the afternoon clearing brush from a friend’s hillside, knowing the work is only just beginning—because with battleships of smoke on all horizons, it’s hard to guess when this will end. I cry daily for people I know and people I’ve never met; my Instagram stories are one Gofundme after another. So when I indulge my rage toward politicians controlled by lobbyists, toward climate crisis deniers, toward real estate developers who build unaffordable housing in unwise spots, I think Davis was broadly right in his polemic—as Angelenos, we live in Mike Davis’s world—even if he was slightly trolling. “I’m infamous for suggesting that the broader public should not have to pay a cent to protect or rebuild mansions on sites that will inevitably burn every 20 or 25 years,” he once told me. “My opinion hasn’t changed.”

I bet his opinion would be as firm as ever.

There’s a lot of Luigi Mangione in the air right now, and I didn’t sense that during Woolsey. We’re feeling the magnitude of shared suffering—you can live in Hollywood or Pasadena and still experience the destruction of the Palisades like a bat to the gut—but that doesn’t mean we’re blind to the starkly unjust dynamics inside the emergency. Los Angeles is charred, hurting, and angry. Altadena, one of my favorite towns, full of middle class homes that rarely experienced fire, is in ruins. Still, there is a compassionate underbelly to be found in all the mutual aid compensating for our government’s gaps and failures—people shuttling supplies, sorting donations, helping the least protected; I spoke to a bartender Saturday night who makes ends meet cleaning houses, and she’s taking on additional jobs just to give away the extra cash. Yasi Salek, host of the great podcast Bandsplain, lost her Altadena house, with all the material things that make up a life—T-shirts, ticket stubs, books she loved. “I felt so protected and cocooned by these things, grounded in my own history. It’s all gone now and that’s okay,” she wrote on Instagram.

Again, what does it mean to be okay, today and tomorrow, knowing fires are still burning and will return again soon? That the climate crisis will continue to make them worse? In my ideal scenario, each round will make more folks open up to and care more for their neighbors. Because what I value most about Los Angeles is its people—all these open-hearted, striving, oddball, courageous people. I remember Davis saying something similar on the phone one time, and I wrote it down: “Whenever you bring large numbers of people from diverse cultures and they have to live with each other, you can’t have a better incubator or crucible for creating new culture. It’s really in my mind the glory of LA.”



Rosecrans Baldwin is a GQ correspondent and the best-selling author of Everything Now: Lessons From the City-State of Los Angeles.



Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the Imagination of Disaster by Mike Davis

1999
Reilly, Michael

Published Web Locationhttps://doi.org/10.5070/BP313113034

Abstract


In Ecology of Fear, Mike Davis contends that Los Angeles is exceptional in the number of major natural and social disasters it experiences, and that both types of tragedy are intensified through similar types of human (in)action. The former argument largely fails because Davis does not control for the enormous size of LA. Nor does he compare the results of these disasters to other dangers threatening residents. He thus makes pointless an assessment of the overall importance of these avoidable tragedies. Unfortunately, his gloomy tone has led many critics to dismiss him as paranoid and to miss the importance of the latter argument. Here, Davis relates three historical accounts where social and political factors are at least as important as the truly natural in determining the understanding and attempted management of "natural disaster." The unsupported argument that LA is exceptional and the narrative power of the case studies, combined with the rest of the nation's latent contempt for LA, may leave readers fantasizing about the ruin of the City of Angels when, in fact, they ought to be bringing this insightful analysis to bear on their own disaster policy questions.


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Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and The Imagination of Disaster Michael Reilly In Ecology of Fear, Mike Davis contends that Los Angeles is exceptional in the number of major natural and social disasters it experiences, and that both types of tragedy are intensified through similar types of human (in)action. The former argument largely fails because Davis does not control for the enormous size of LA. Nor does he compare the results of these disasters to other dangers threatening residents. He thus makes pointless an assessment of the overall importance of these avoidable tragedies. Unfortunately, his gloomy tone has led many critics to dismiss him as paranoid and to miss the importance of the latter argument. Here, Davis relates three historical accounts where social and political factors are at least as important as the truly natural in determining the understanding and attempted management of "natural disaster." The unsupported argument that LA is exceptional and the narrative power of the case studies, combined with the rest of the nation's latent contempt for LA, may leave readers fantasizing about the ruin of the City of Angels when, in fact, they ought to be bringing this insightful analysis to bear on their own disaster policy questions. Throughout the book, Davis argues that LA is more prone to disaster than other regions of the US but fa ils to support this with any numbers normalized to take LA's enormous size into account. He admits that "other metropolitan regions ... face comparable risks of disaster," however "none bear Los Angeles's heavy burdens of mass poverty and racial violence" (p. 54). This insistence on the exceptional nature of LA is poorly supported by evidence mostly limited to absolute numbers of people killed or dollars lost. Any argument - especially one where risk figures so prominently -about such an enormous region should include relative measurements that account for the LA region having over I 0 million residents and a larger economy than most nations. The definition of "major" disaster employed by Davis is also weak, because he rarely discusses the impact of these events in relation to the impacts of the host of other problems humans face. The number of people dying from storms or fires each year means little unless it is compared to the number of people dying from Berkeley Planning Journal 13 ( 1999): 133-135


Berkeley Planning Journal other major factors. This fa ilure becomes especially clear when Davis criticizes community (over)reaction to crime without noting that - on a purely statistical basis - such fe ars are more reasonable than fear of natural disaster. The only time Davis does hint at a relative comparison, e.g., while assessing the danger posed by a potential large tornado, contradicts his preoccupation with natural disaster: "The dead and injured, in our secret Kansas, should not be much more than the average Friday night carnage on the freeways" (p. 194 ). These two related fa ilures along with the book's pervading tone of gloom have led many critics to label Davis as paranoid. After all, if LA is really so bad, why do so many people keep coming? How important is it to worry about a theoretical hurricane ripping a 747 from the sky when actual bullets fired by angry residents have hit a number of helicopters over the last few decades? Unfortunately, these distractions have obfuscated Davis' more important argument on the relationship between the natural and the social in determining the impacts of natural disasters. The central part of the book sets up a framework for the interaction of social and political processes with natural disasters. Davis illustrates this with three historical case studies where human factors decidedly condition that which is generally supposed to be natural. "As a result, Southern California has reaped flood, fire, and earthquake tragedies that were as avoidable, as unnatural, as the beating of Rodney King and the ensuing explosion in the streets" (p. 9). Each history supports this view by looking at one type of disaster: fire, wind, and wildlife. "The Case for Letting Malibu Burn" establishes a connection between the very expensive, high­tech efforts to protect Malibu from naturally-recurrent wildfire and the almost ignorance of policy directed at deadly tenement fires in central Los Angeles. "Our Secret Kansas" recounts LA's twentieth­century tornado history and how the Los Angeles Times and civic boosterism successfully downgraded such occurrences to "freak winds." Finally, "Maneaters of the Sierra Madre" compares policy reactions to the seldom-deadly but much fe ared mountain lion and the cute but sometimes plague-ridden squirrel. Together, these cases demonstrate Davis' considerable skill in integrating complex scientific and social knowledge and provide support for his dialectic. Davis concludes with an interesting but somewhat forced connection between natural and social disaster. He uncovers links between literary disaster and racism where the "invading hordes" or superhuman post-disaster societies are thinly veiled appeals to 134


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Jun 4, 2015 ... PDF | On Jan 1, 1994, Mike Davis published The Ecology of Fear | Find, read and cite all the research you need on ResearchGate.

Feb 4, 2011 ... Ecology of fear : Los Angeles and the imagination of disaster. by: Davis, Mike, 1946-. Publication date: 1998. Topics: Social problems, ...

Metropolitan Books, New York. 1998. 484 pp, $27.50 paperback (ISBN 0 8050 5106 6) Since the publication of City of quartz in 1990, Mike Davis has developed ...


Climate Scientist Peter Kalmus Fled L.A. Fearing Wildfires. His Old Neighborhood Is Now a Hellscape
January 11, 2025
Source: Democracy Now!


At least 10 people have died in the devastating Los Angeles wildfires as firefighters continue to battle multiple infernos in the area. Thousands of homes and other structures have been destroyed, and some 180,000 people are under evacuation orders. Multiple neighborhoods have been completely burned down, including in the town of Altadena, where our guest, climate scientist and activist Peter Kalmus, lived until two years ago, when increasing heat and dryness pushed Kalmus to leave the Los Angeles area in fear of his safety. “I couldn’t stay there,” he says. “It’s not a new normal. … It’s a staircase to a hotter, more hellish Earth.” Kalmus discusses an op-ed he recently published in The New York Times about the decision, which he says was toned down by the paper’s editors when he attempted to explain that fossil fuel companies’ investment in climate change denial and normalization has only accelerated the pace of unprecedented large-scale climate disasters. “This is going to get worse,” he warns, “Everything has changed.”




Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: We begin today’s show looking at the devastating fires in Los Angeles, where at least 10 people have died. More than 10,000 homes and offices have been damaged or destroyed. Entire neighborhoods have burned down. The death toll is expected to rise. More than 35,000 acres have already burned. The fires continue to burn due to high winds and dry conditions. The largest blaze, the Palisades fire, is just 6% contained. The Eaton fire near Pasadena remains 0% contained. Analysts project the costs of the fires may reach a record $150 billion. The climate-fueled fires come as scientists at the European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service have confirmed last year was by far the hottest year on record, with global temperatures exceeding 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial times for the first time.

We’re joined now by Peter Kalmus, climate activist, climate scientist at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Lab. He’s speaking on his own behalf, not on behalf of NASA. He’s just written an opinion essay for The New York Times headlined “I’m a Climate Scientist. I Fled Los Angeles Two Years Ago.” He joins us now from Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

Peter, thanks so much for joining us today. Explain why you fled Los Angeles two years ago.

PETER KALMUS: Well, Amy, I just have to take a moment to — I don’t know what to say anymore. I’ll get to that in a second, but I just want to make sure — the reason I wrote the piece was because we have to acknowledge that this is caused by the fossil fuel industry, which has been lying for almost half a century, blocking action. They’re on the record saying that they will continue to spread disinformation and continue to attempt to block action. They’ve known the whole time that the planet would get hotter like this and that impacts like this fire would happen.

And then, something I really wanted — a point I really wanted to make in the piece, which they wouldn’t let me make, is that this is still just the beginning. It’s going to get way worse than this. Two years ago — well, 2020, when the Bobcat Fire happened, the whole time I was living in Altadena, it was getting hotter and more fiery and drier and smokier. And it just didn’t feel like I could stay there. Like, I could — you know, when you have a trendline, things getting worse every year — right? — like, where’s the point where something — where it breaks? You know, like, you keep going, keep pushing the system, getting hotter and hotter, getting drier and drier — right? — like, emitting more and more carbon dioxide from burning fossil fuels, eventually things break. I didn’t expect my neighborhood to burn this soon.

AMY GOODMAN: Explain what’s happened, Peter, in Altadena, in the town that you left.

PETER KALMUS: It’s complete devastation. I mean, your audience probably has seen some of the images. The neighborhood I lived is gone. I would say the majority of my friends have lost their homes there. Every now and then, there’s a home that’s still standing amidst the ashes and the devastation. I don’t even know what kind of rebuilding after this is going to look like and feel like. I don’t know how this is going to affect the housing market, the insurance industry going forward.

The thing, again, you know, I think everyone needs to understand, and I wish The New York Times would have let me make this point, that this is going to get worse. I can see that today just as clearly as I could see how hotter and drier and more fiery Los Angeles was getting. I mean, I think, in the future, if we don’t change course very quickly — and maybe it’s even too late to avoid some of these much more catastrophic impacts, but I am fully expecting heat waves to start appearing where 100,000 people die, and then maybe a million people die, and then maybe more after that, as things get hotter and hotter, because there’s no — there’s no upper limit, right? Like, we keep burning these fossil fuels. The fossil fuel industry keeps lying. The planet just keeps getting hotter. These impacts just keep getting worse.

It’s not a new normal. A lot of climate messaging centers around this idea that it’s a new normal. It’s a staircase to a hotter, more hellish Earth. And, you know, a lot of climate impact predictions have erred on the side of least drama. It’s hard for even scientists to wrap our heads around how everything is changing right now on planet Earth. No matter where you look, the indicators — you know, when spring comes, how hot the winter is, habitats that are moving, ice that’s melting — everywhere you look in the Earth system, including, of course, ocean temperatures and land surface temperatures, you’re just on this trend towards a hotter planet and all of the impacts that are associated with it. And I don’t know what it’s going to take for us to stop all these stupid wars and come together and actually deal with the emergency that our planet is in the process of becoming less and less habitable and everything that means. We, humanity, we’ve got a real crisis here, and we’re ignoring it.

You know, another paragraph they took out of the piece, both the Democratic presidents, Obama, President Obama, and President Biden, they were very proud to expand fossil fuels. President Obama said, you know, “All that oil and gas expansion, that was me, people” — right? — right after he was done being president, at a lecture he gave at Rice University. And now, of course, we have a Republican president coming into office who says this is a hoax, who’s gaslighting the people who are following him. Like, I don’t know how long it’s going to take for conservative working-class people to believe what’s right in front of their eyes, that the planet is getting hotter, and that we have to come together and stop listening to these clowns who say it’s a hoax. I mean, look at — it’s all around us. Why do I have to be on Democracy Now! saying this? Right? It’s very obvious what’s happening.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, Peter, we thank you for being with us. We’re so sorry about what’s happening there in your community and all over Los Angeles. And, of course, we’re talking about a heating world, so around the world. And we hope to have you on next week.

PETER KALMUS: My heart —

AMY GOODMAN: Peter Kalmus is a —

PETER KALMUS: My heart breaks for all the victims, too. It’s just — I can’t wrap my head around what’s happening.

AMY GOODMAN: Peter Kalmus is a climate scientist at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Lab, speaking on his own behalf, not on behalf of NASA. We will link to your piece in The New York Times, “I’m a Climate Scientist. I Fled Los Angeles Two Years Ago.” And just reading his last sentence of his op-ed, “Nothing will change until our anger gets powerful enough. But once you accept the truth of loss, and the truth of who perpetrated and profited from that loss, the anger comes rushing in, as fierce is the Santa Ana winds.” Peter Kalmus, the NASA scientist, has been arrested numerous times for his climate change activism.
How Mass Deportation Harms All Working People


January 11, 2025



Donald Trump vowed to begin deporting undocumented migrants “on day one” of his administration, and day one is rapidly approaching.

If Trump’s working-class voters believed that deporting 13.3 million people will somehow improve their economic lives, many will soon learn that mass deportation harms all working people, not only migrants, and will help exacerbate a growing, oppressive inequality.

Consider first the anticipated labor shocks in agriculture and construction.Almost three-quarters of agricultural workersare immigrants, and 40 percent of them are undocumented. About one-fifth of workers in construction are undocumented. Because these undocumented immigrants make up such a significant proportion of workers in these key industries, deporting them will lead to critical labor shortages that will likely drive up food prices and hinder efforts to increase the housing supply.

Consider, too, anticipated losses of tax revenues and contributions to Medicare and Social Security. Because undocumented workers pay taxes and pay into Medicare and Social Security, their expulsion will mean the loss of billions in local, state, and federal tax revenues (e.g. $76.1 billion paid in 2022 alone) and the loss of billions more in contributions to Medicare and Social Security ($28.3 billion annually).

A large-scale deportation will cost taxpayers immense sums to cover the expense of rounding up, detaining, and deporting 13.3 million people: $88 billion a year if one million people are deported annually, or $315 billion if all 13.3 million were deported in a single year, according to estimates of the American Immigration Council. (As noted by the Council, the former sum, spread over 10 years, could be better spent on building 2.9 million new homes or on other kinds of much-needed social investments).

Someone will have to pay for deporting millions of people, and if Republican lawmakers have their way, it won’t be the billionaires and multimillionaires who’ve cast their lot with Trump. Donald Trump has committed to making permanent the individual tax cuts that, like the corporate and individual cuts he signed in 2017, favor the wealthiest individuals in the nation. Since extending these cuts would add $4.6 trillion to the federal deficit over several years, according to Congressional Budget Office projections, the immense cost of a mass deportation requires that something be cut in order to pay for it – and the burden will undoubtedly fall on lower-income Americans.

Elon Musk (net worth: $416.8 billion ) and Vivek Ramaswamy (net worth: $800 million-$1 billion) have been enlisted by Trump to find ways of cutting the federal budget, and these two men say that $500 billion can be slashed. One can only wonder at the financial juggling needed to fund an immensely expensive deportation effort while cutting hundreds of billions in tax revenues.

There’s nothing illusory, however, in the proposed cuts to Medicaid, the nation’s largest single source of health coverage, serving primarily low-income Americans. Advanced by House Republicans and by the Heritage Foundation in its Project 2025, these proposed cuts, which could range from $459 billion to $742 billion over several years, would severely underfund or cut entirely health services for many people (Medicaid serves 72 million people overall).

When you connect all the dots – the immense financial costs of mass deportation, the losses of revenue from the expulsion of millions of earners and from tax cuts favoring the wealthy, plus the proposed cuts to vital social and health services – you begin to see the enormous damage that deportation will inflict on all working people, and on the nation as a whole.

In large measure, the damage is driven by racially based scapegoating, a powerful divide-and-rule strategy. Setting person against person, group against group, it corrupts inasmuch as it mainstreams cruelty toward the most vulnerable populations in the society. And it carries force for a simple reason: fear sells.

But fear and financial figures don’t constitute the whole picture. In addition to advocacy groups and sanctuary jurisdictions (cities, counties, states) that uphold and advance immigrants’ rights, there’s the powerful role that unions play in affirming the solidarity of all workers, no matter what their immigration status may be. In my home city of Los Angeles, where immigrants constitute a high percentage of the workforce, visionary and courageous union leaders in the 1990’s saw that immigrants’ rights and workers’ rights were one and the same. They began organizing on that fundamental premise, changing the political landscape of the city and, eventually, the national immigration policies of the AFL-CIO.

We’re now on the threshold of a very large-scale, renewed struggle for the dignity, rights, and well-being of all working people in this country. So much will depend on the creativity, energy, and discipline injected into the struggle – and on success in sharing a common vision of solidarity and mutual support among all workers, whatever their background or status.




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Andrew Moss is an emeritus professor from the California State Polytechnic University, Pomona, where he taught a course, “War and Peace in Literature,” for 10 years.
Syria’s “Human Debris”

The new government’s greatest challenge may be rebuilding a just society in the aftermath of barbaric state violence.
January 12, 2025
Source: Boston Review



In the fall of 1997, I took part in my first protest—a student demonstration in Beirut. At the time, Lebanon was controlled by the late Syrian president Hafez al-Assad, father of the recently ousted Bashar al-Assad. Like other students, I was appalled by the ruthlessness of his rule. During its nearly three decades of occupation (1976–2005), the Syrian regime assaulted, kidnapped, tortured, and killed those who opposed its diktat, including journalists, intellectuals, artists, and politicians. It also censored every aspect of our lives. Books were banned; films were censored; public talks were prohibited, and independent broadcasting was either heavily monitored or outright forbidden.

The protest I attended was held at the Université Saint-Joseph, founded by French Jesuits in 1875 and run in the 1990s by a Lebanese Jesuit. I remember that day vividly. The Faculty of Law and Political Science’s entrance on rue Huvelin was surrounded by hundreds of security officers, mukhabarat (the dreaded intelligence services), and other armed henchmen. The only thing that separated us from them was the gate of the university and the black soutane of the Jesuit rector, who was trying to talk the men out of entering the campus and arresting us. I don’t remember how the protest ended, but in retrospect, I think the Jesuit father was trying to buy us time. I managed to escape with other students through a back exit.

Today I write from Beirut, not far from that gate of the university. This time, however, I find myself witness to a transformative moment in Syria’s history and perhaps even the region. On December 8, thirteen years after peaceful pro-democracy protests gave way to a devastating civil war that consolidated Assad’s brutal regime, the Syrian opposition, led by Abu Mohammed al-Jolani and the rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), entered the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, bringing an end to the Assad family’s five-decade rule.

It is no coincidence that al-Jolani—now known by his real name, Ahmed al-Sharaa—chose this mosque to declare the triumph of the Syrian revolution. The first Muslim dynasty to establish a vast empire, the Umayyads began building their mosque in 705 to rival the grandeur of Roman and Byzantine religious monuments, reflecting the caliphate’s ambitions and legitimacy as a new empire. Their rule marked a major transition to a new regime—a bridge between the early Islamic period and the later caliphates—and institutionalized many aspects of governance and administration that became hallmarks of Islamic empires. The mosque also houses relics of John the Baptist, or Prophet Yahya, as he is known in Islam. It is built on the site of a Byzantine church, itself constructed on a temple dedicated to Baal Hadad, the Semitic god of storms, thunder, and rain. It stands as a living symbol of the layers of history, culture, and religious diversity in the Middle East.

The site is meaningful in another sense, as well. It was sheer force and an Islamist ideology, not the secular and peaceful opposition movement that had launched a revolution in 2011, that successfully liberated Syria from the Assad regime. And, yet, like the Umayyads, Al-Sharaa now speaks of the “transition” to a “new Syria.” Claiming that HTS has moved on from its jihadist past, he has vowed to govern with inclusivity and respect for Syria’s diverse society.

Many are skeptical. Some members of the transitional government have already sparked outrage over their views on women. Meanwhile, rebel groups have fragmented, with different factions governing different parts of the country, variously influenced by other powers—Iran, Russia, Turkey, Israel, and the United States among them. Then there is the question of free elections. In late December Al-Sharaa emphasized the importance of establishing security and stability and the need for a “comprehensive population census” before holding them. While he acknowledged what previous movements overlooked—that drafting a new constitution requires time and a clear vision for a new social pact—others view this delay with distrust. It remains to be seen how the transitional authorities will govern a country devastated by war, sanctions, corruption, and an economy in ruins.

Despite the anxieties and uncertainties about the path ahead, one thing is clear: HTS’s victory has starkly exposed the murderous, paranoid, and barbaric nature of the Assad regime. The task of rebuilding a just and inclusive society in the aftermath of such unfathomable state violence may prove to be its greatest challenge.

One of the first acts of the Syrian rebels was to liberate prisons across the country, allowing the world to bear witness to Assad’s crimes. The first wave of emotions—joy and anger mingled with horror—emerged from the liberated Saydnaya prison, notorious for housing political and military prisoners and often described as a “human slaughterhouse.”

Videos posted to social media show thousands of prisoners being freed from medieval-like cells, including children and women. Thousands had been confined, deprived of light for decades. Haunting images of the liberated—emaciated and broken—draw chilling parallels to the liberation of Nazi concentration camps. Gaunt figures, lost and disoriented, unable to recall even their own names, spill out. Osama al-Batayneh, a Jordanian who spent thirty-eight years in Saydnaya, had completely lost his memory. Other tortured bodies were discovered in the morgue, some so severely tortured that they were unrecognizable by their relatives. Thousands were still unaccounted for—many likely cremated in a nearby crematorium. The White Helmets, a humanitarian group that assisted in the rescue efforts of the detainees, observed “bodies in ovens” and reported that daily executions took place within the complex. Piled bodies showing signs of unimaginable torture from Saydnaya were dumped in other hospital morgues, including the Harasta military hospital in Damascus’s countryside.

The numbers of released prisoners and bodies discovered pale in comparison to the more than 130,000 people who had been imprisoned across Syria, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights. On December 9, the director of this independent human rights organization, founded in 2011 to document the atrocities of the regime, broke down live on television after announcing that most of the forcibly disappeared should be presumed dead.

As prisons were liberated, mountains of files were uncovered—in one instance, stacked high at the politburo in the city of Suwayda, where it seemed that every family in the city had a dossier. There are likely many other such bureaucratic warehouses throughout the country, as if lifted straight from Kafka. Unlike in The Castle, however—and pace the new de facto governor of Damascus—Syrian bureaucracy has had direr consequences than inefficiency, alienation, and corruption. It was a tool of repression, a mechanism for consolidating authoritarian power, and the glue that kept this ruthless regime in place.

Paradoxically, state bureaucracies have often documented their own crimes. In Nazi Germany, the Shoah was meticulously documented, from train schedules for deportations to records of executions. In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge kept detailed documentation on prisoners, including photographs and confessions, at facilities like Tuol Sleng, today the site of the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. In Latin America, despite government efforts to conceal methods of repressing those labeled as “subversive” during the so-called “dirty wars,” dictatorial regimes left behind troves of archival traces, even as significant gaps and silences persist. Over the last decade, detailed records of detainees, torture, and executions have been leaked from Syria, too. In 2013 alone a former Syrian military forensic photographer, using the pseudonym “Caesar,” smuggled thousands of photographs out of Syria—images from the state’s own intelligence and security agencies that document the deaths of more than 11,000 detainees between 2011 and 2013.

After being entrusted with the Caesar files, Human Rights Watch published a damning report in 2015 entitled If the Dead Could Speak. Three years later, Amnesty International reported evidence of widespread torture, starvation, beatings, mass hangings, and disease in Saydnaya as well as other Syrian government detention facilities. The United Nations Special Envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, who visited the liberated prison in Saydnaya last month, was met with angry relatives of prisoners outraged by the UN’s inability to secure access to the prison or demand accountability—despite several reports and statements by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic over the past decade.

Since December 8, numerous mass graves have been uncovered in Syria, confirming Caesar’s crucial assertion that his forensic documentation represented “only a snapshot in time, geography, and place.” The International Commission on Missing Persons in The Hague said that there may be as many as sixty-six mass graves of political prisoners throughout the country. In al-Qutayfah, 40 kilometers north of Damascus, as many as 100,000 bodies have been discovered. According to various accounts from locals, everyone had known for years what was happening there, yet the fear of repercussions kept them silent—except perhaps for the town’s former mayor, who was detained after refusing orders to construct a mass grave.

“We really haven’t seen anything quite like this since the Nazis,” said Stephen Rapp, former Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues and head of the Office of Global Criminal Justice at the U.S. State Department, on a visit to al-Qutayfah last month. Having previously led prosecutions at the Rwanda and Sierra Leone war crimes tribunals, Rapp is now collaborating with Syrian civil society to document evidence of war crimes and assist in preparations for potential future trials.

The Nazi reference should not be taken lightly. In an interview in December, historian UÄŸur Ümit Üngör, coauthor of Syrian Gulag: Inside Assad’s Prison System (2023), observed that some of the methods of torture used in Saydnaya, such as the falaka (striking soles with a stick), were adopted from the Ottomans, while others, like electrocution, were borrowed from the French in Algeria. But still others appear to draw direct inspiration from Nazi practices. A major exposé published in 2017 in the French quarterly Revue XXI highlighted the crucial role played by Alois Brunner, the “Nazi of Damascus,” as the two journalists who broke the story, Mathieu Palain and Hédi Aouidj, called him. Eichmann’s right-hand man, Brunner was responsible for killing 130,000 Jews and eluded capture after World War II. He died in Damascus in 2001 and was reportedly instrumental in advising the Syrian regime on torture, interrogation, and extermination methods.

The similarities with the Nazi methods are indeed uncanny. One common mode of torture used an iron press that literally crushed people to death. Another notorious method, known as bisat ar-reeh (“flying carpet”), involves strapping detainees to a wooden slab that is then folded until their spine cracks. (Moaz Mor’eb, a reporter who covered the U.S. invasion of Iraq, and who was arrested upon returning to Syra and imprisoned for eighteen years, described enduring various torture methods including the dreadful bisat ar-reeh, which he said was designed to break a person completely, both physically and morally.) Most harrowing are the cells where torturers could release a type of gas to kill prisoners.

Nevertheless, the liberation of Saydnaya has revealed something more perverse and complex than the “banality of evil,” as Hannah Arendt described the way Nazis carried out their crimes with the diligence of mindless bureaucrats. Blending Stasi-like practices with Soviet-style repressive methods, the Syrian bureaucracy did not merely monitor dissenting behavior to enforce accountability and obedience. It deployed “barbaric” means of extreme violence and fear as tools of governance, as Michel Seurat argued in his important work, Syrie: L’État de barbarie (1989). (The book was published a year after he died in captivity at the hands of the Islamic Jihad Organization, the precursor to Hezbollah, during the Lebanese civil war.) Moreover, many of these bureaucrats sustained authoritarianism through ties of blood, sect or ethnicity making resistance all the more difficult. The state security apparatus was so pervasive and perverted that it coerced family members into informing on one another, turning neighbors against neighbors and families against their own.

Some political prisoners freed in early December spoke of unimaginable horrors. Other stories were simply miraculous. Many faced arbitrary arrest—among them Amjad Baiazy, a friend I know from our time studying in London. He disappeared for three months at the start of the 2011 revolution, swept up in the regime’s widespread crackdown, and was detained in one of the security prisons notorious for torture. According to a message he sent me in December, he was charged with defaming the regime and “weakening national sentiment.”

Raghid al-Tatari was a twenty-seven-year-old pilot when he was imprisoned in the early 1980s. His crime: refusing to bomb Hama where Assad père brutally repressed an uprising by the Muslim Brotherhood, killing tens of thousands of people. Suhail Hamwi, a Lebanese citizen (one among 9,000 Lebanese believed to have been forcibly disappeared in Syria), spent thirty-three years in various prisons, including Saydnaya. His crime: “collaborating with the Lebanese Forces” (a Christian political party critical of the Syrian regime), as he stated in an interview. Taken from his home, he left behind his eleven-month-old son and only last month returned to see his grandchildren. In an interview following his liberation, he stated that one should not ask about suffering, because, “Everything there is suffering—the air you breathe carries the taste of it, and even your dreams, the last private and free space left to you, are consumed by despair and suffering.” His words remind me of what Frantz Fanon called “atmospheric violence, this violence rippling under the skin.” And these are only a few stories among thousand other political prisoners who were freed that day—to their disbelief.

Prominent activist Mazen al-Hamada, one the faces and voices of the revolution and the living archive of Assad’s torture machine, was hanged days before the liberation of Saydnaya. His body was found in the morgue of the prison with signs of torture. In a powerful documentary released last year, Syria’s Disappeared, you can see him, while living in political asylum in the Netherlands, breaking down in tears on camera, saying soberly, “The law will hold them accountable. I won’t rest until I bring them to court and achieve justice.” Remarkably, he decided to return to Syria in 2020—a move that underscores the weight of his convictions and the risks he was willing to take. But like the historian Marc Bloch and countless others who were executed by the Nazis just before the liberation of death camps, he did not live to see the collapse of “Assadism,” as Syrian intellectual Yassin al-Haj Saleh prefers to call the Baathist regime. French president Emmanuel Macron recently announced that Bloch will be interred at the Panthéon. Will Syria ever have a Panthéon to honor its intellectuals, artists, activists, and ordinary citizens with a conscience—those who were so coldly and horribly executed?

This brutal context explains why many feared that the Syrian revolution that began in 2011 could not possibly succeed. Among them was al-Haj Saleh himself, who spent sixteen years in Assad’s prisons after being arrested while studying medicine in Aleppo and whose wife Samira Al-Khalil was forcibly disappeared by an extremist Islamist armed faction in 2013. In his poignant book The Impossible Revolution (2017), he describes the Syrian uprising as both an extraordinary act of defiance and an insurmountable struggle against a deeply entrenched system of power, corruption, and violence. While he embraced the revolution’s ideals, he believed their realization would be elusive.

As Pankaj Mishra has noted, Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, saw Holocaust survivors as poor material for the new Jewish state, calling them “human debris.” “Everything they had endured,” he thought, “purged their souls of all good.” To Ben-Gurion these wounded and deeply broken individuals were obstacles to his vision of the land of milk and honey.

Yet, Shoah survivors endured—though some, overwhelmed by guilt of surviving and the weight of living in a world that had largely abandoned them, chose suicide. Their suffering spurred the emergence of trauma studies and brought greater understanding to the deep intergenerational effects of state violence, oppression, discrimination, racism, and genocide.

Witnessing today the overwhelming destruction of all institutions that sustain life in Gaza, the systemic oppression by Israel through the imprisonment and torture of thousands of Palestinians (most notoriously in Sde Teiman and Ofer), the destruction of lives and livelihoods in south Lebanon, and now this grotesque naked state violence in Syria, I cannot help but wonder how these “brutalized” and traumatized societies will ever heal. Are they the “human debris” Ben-Gurion condemned, or can we, even amid so much ruin, devastation, and abysmal moral decay, imagine seeds of hope and positive change? Are we doomed to repeat the traumas of the past? Will trauma beget more traumas? What kind of reconciliation can Syrians pursue while embracing the imperative of Holocaust survivors to “forgive but not forget,” making remembrance a moral and historical duty?

Historical traumas are deeply interwoven, with far-reaching legacies. As the Sunni majority now turns against the Alawi minority that has ruled Syria for decades, many observers have warned the country will go the way of Libya or Iraq and face civil war. Must these historical patterns be our destiny? We should ask how a society fractured by violence and oppression can heal, confront its painful past, and address a litany of unresolved traumas: from the Hama massacre in 1982 (10,000–40,000 killed) and the 2013 Ghouta chemical attack (over 1,400 killed, including many children) to the more than 100,000 forcibly disappeared and thousands executed in Saydnaya prison, to say nothing of the Syrian regime’s brutal occupation of Lebanon. Al-Sharaa has been notably cautious in recent weeks, acknowledging Assad’s role in assassinating Lebanese opposition figures but framing it as a matter of the past. And while asserting that the new Syria would refrain from “negative interference” in Lebanon, he also signaled the need to address the lingering issue of Islamists in Lebanese prisons.

As the prominent (and dearly missed) Syrian philosopher Sadiq Jalal al-Azm once argued, the war in Syria has been primarily waged by a murderous state against its own people, whom it regards “as no more than rabble—ignorant, backward, unprepared for democracy, and undeserving of liberty of any sort.” To the Syrian regime, the people were brutes to be silenced at any cost. The rationale was one of extermination, in line with the genocidal logic of settler-colonial empires, so powerfully described in Sven Lindqvist’s book, “Exterminate all the Brutes.” After all, the regime’s infamous slogan, “Al-Assad or we burn the country,” mirrors another, “après moi, le déluge” (after me, the flood), attributed to King Louis XV of France. Both prioritize the ruler’s self-preservation and threaten inevitable chaos in their absence; they serve simultaneously as an ex ante means to terrorize opposition and an ex post self-fulfilling prophecy.

It is no exaggeration to say that Syria’s path forward could shape the future of the entire region. After the fall of Saddam Hussein, Iraq—under the direct interference of the United States—opted for a “de-Baathification” campaign to purge the administration, police, and security forces of people formerly affiliated to the Baath party. The policy had disastrous consequences, fueling violence, sectarianism, governance failures, and the alienation of a significant portion of the population. Meanwhile, merely two years after the killing of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, the General National Congress in Libya voted for a “Political Isolation Law” banning all officials who ever worked with him. This too had dramatic consequences on the democratic transition, deepening the divisions in Libyan society.

Perhaps learning from these catastrophic results in Iraq and Libya, HTS has granted a general amnesty for low-ranking officials and all military personnel who had been conscripted under the Assad regime while pledging to create special tribunals for high-ranking officials and others who have “committed crimes against Syrians.” The UN has called for “the humane treatment of ex-combatants,” and the preservation of all evidence and crime scenes, including mass grave sites, to ensure that justice can be served. In the past few weeks, it has swiftly intensified its commissions and documentation of atrocities, already compiling a list of 4,000 perpetrators of human rights violations in the hope of securing accountability at the highest levels.

The Syrian “transition” has so far been relatively bloodless, with only a few isolated incidents of revenge killings and attacks. But will this be enough to forge a new social pact, the “rebirth of the republic” that al-Azm hoped for in a 2014 essay in these pages, two years before his passing? How will the Syrian people, who have endured so much suffering, find a path to healing? How do we think about the deep traumas inflicted on populations where violence and fear serve as the currency of the ruling political class and its security apparatus? What of those who were raped, humiliated, tortured to death, and mutilated—and of those who inflicted these unimaginable acts of violence and terror on their fellow citizens?

Although imperfect and challenging, there are models available as Syria’s new rulers take on the enormous task of uniting the polity. In A Human Being Died That Night (2003), South African psychologist Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela, who served on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), concludes that the only way to overcome the inevitable tension between the need for justice and the need to move on is through forgiveness—not as an act of grace, but as a means to reclaim agency and break the cycle of violence. Of course, the goal of such reconciliation efforts is not simply individual healing, though many former victims have testified to its efficacy in this regard. Rather, such efforts must be coupled with far-reaching structural, institutional, and economic reforms to achieve a truly inclusive and sustainable future. It is important to remember that while the TRC was instrumental in preventing mass violence and fostering a sense of accountability for past atrocities, it fell short of addressing the entrenched inequalities and toxic political economy that have defined post-apartheid South Africa.

In other cases, tribalism and violence have persisted. Following the 2011 Tunisian revolution that ousted President Ben Ali, a Truth and Dignity Commission was meant to address past human rights abuses, corruption, and political repression under the country’s post-independence authoritarian regimes ultimately fell short of achieving meaningful accountability—partly due to its rejection by political elites, many of whom were tied to the former regime or had benefited from its corruption. And in Algeria, the lack of a truth and reconciliation commission reflects a deliberate choice to avoid addressing its complex and painful history. Psychoanalyst Karima Lazali has argued that the failure to address colonial and post-independence trauma—so powerfully documented by Fanon—is eventually mirrored in the fragmentation of the polity.

In the end, Syria’s victims of unthinkable brutality are neither “human debris” nor “natural” prophets of hope and radical change. Whether Syria can become a model of inclusion in a region plagued by sectarian tensions, what Ibn Khaldun called asabiyyah (or tribalism), and the ever-present specter of neo-imperial rivalries, will depend on its commitment to justice, its ability to foster genuine reconciliation, and the establishment of participatory governance that addresses deep-rooted social and political wounds.


Joelle M. Abi-Rached is Associate Professor of Medicine at the American University of Beirut and author of Asfuriyyeh: A History of Madness, Modernity, and War in the Middle East.
The Biden Administration’s False History of Ceasefire Negotiations
January 11, 2025
Source: Center For International Policy


Secretary Blinken Meets With Israeli Prime Minister NetanyahuSecretary of State Antony J. Blinken meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem on January 30, 2023. [State Department photo by Ron Przysucha/ Public Domain] More: Original public domain image from Flickr



Over the past months, outgoing Secretary of State Antony Blinken has given several interviews in which he repeatedly claims that Hamas, rather than Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has been the key obstacle to achieving a ceasefire and hostage deal in Gaza. This messaging has been echoed by other Biden administration officials and surrogates.

At a workshop in Geneva in November, a recently retired US ambassador, who had just returned from meeting White House officials, claimed, “There are currently three ceasefire deals on the table and Hamas isn’t responding to any of them.” The veteran diplomat acknowledged the suffering in Gaza but blamed it on Hamas’ “rejection” of an agreement to end the war.

To my surprise, a former senior Israeli security official in the room rushed to challenge this claim, which he described as a “shameful attempt to rewrite history and blame Hamas rather than Netanyahu for the obstruction of ceasefire talks.”

A few weeks later in Doha, I met a senior Arab official who emphasized to me one of the most crucial things Biden can do in his “lame duck” period is name and shame Netanyahu for systematically foiling ceasefire talks. But the official quickly added the White House is “instead rewriting history.”

Since July, all of the sources I have spoken to confirmed that Hamas had accepted Biden’s ceasefire proposal that was endorsed by the UN Security Council, which is premised on an 18-weeks long ceasefire divided into three phases, at the end of which there would be a permanent end to the Gaza war after all hostages have been released. The same sources, as well as Israeli media, and the Egyptian mediators have consistently blamed Netanyahu for obstructing the talks and refusing to end the war.

Even in the latest ongoing round of negotiations, senior Israeli security officials are sounding the alarm that their Prime Minister is still sabotaging the talks. Yet, the White House keeps insisting that Hamas is “the obstacle.”

The reality is that since July, US president Joe Biden has completely stopped pressuring Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to accept a ceasefire-hostage deal. Rather than tell the truth about Netanyahu repeatedly foiling the talks, the outgoing president and his administration are choosing instead to try and rewrite the history of what has really unfolded over 15 months of negotiations.
The Full Story

For the first four months of the Gaza war, the Biden administration opposed a full ceasefire, instead opting at best for a temporary “pause” to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid, which was briefly achieved in late November 2023. Biden said earlier that month: “a cease-fire is not peace… every cease-fire is time [Hamas members] exploit to rebuild their stockpile of rockets, reposition fighters and restart the killing.”

However, growing US domestic pressure, as well as Israel’s failure to locate and rescue the hostages combined with the sense that Israel had accomplished what it could militarily in Gaza eventually lifted Biden’s ban on using the word “ceasefire” by March 2024.

Talks began to mature with Qatari and Egyptian mediation throughout the spring, as the US exerted significant yet clearly inadequate pressure on Netanyahu, who had foiled two summits in Paris in January and February by procrastinating, severely limiting the mandate of Israeli negotiators, instructing ministers to attack any deal taking shape and publicly vowing to continue the war.

In early April, a concrete proposal was put on the table by the Qatari and Egyptian mediators and the US envisaging a ceasefire of three phases, six weeks each, in which hostages (including those deceased) would be gradually released in return for incremental withdrawal of Israeli forces from all of Gaza, an end to the war, and increased humanitarian and reconstruction aid. The first phase would have seen the release of 33 Israeli hostages.

Serious negotiations then took place in Cairo and Doha, with American officials making a genuine effort to narrow the gaps between the two sides. One senior Arab government source told me CIA director Bill Burns was at some point sitting literally in the room next door to where the Hamas delegation was negotiating in Cairo, and repeatedly amended the proposal with his own handwriting to get a deal done.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu sought to undermine those negotiations throughout April by consistently insisting on an imminent full invasion of Rafah and a continuation of the war after a pause. He also leaked sensitive classified information to extremist ministers in his government to derail the talks and restricted the mandate of Israeli negotiators.

A senior member of Israel’s negotiating team said in April that “Since January, it’s clear to everyone that we’re not conducting negotiations. It happens again and again: You get a mandate during the day, then the prime minister makes phone calls at night, instructs ‘don’t say that’ and ‘I’m not approving this,’ thus bypassing both the team leaders and the war cabinet.”

Throughout this period, Biden refrained completely from publicly calling out Netanyahu for explicitly sabotaging the talks.

On May 5, Hamas accepted the April proposal with reservations and amendments, but before the Israeli negotiating team got to formulate a response, Israel’s prime minister rushed to denounce Hamas’ position as “delusional” and ordered the immediate invasion of Rafah on May 7.

Biden, who had promised to halt arm supplies to Israel if it violated his “red line” of invading Rafah, decided to instead suspend one shipment of MK-84 2,000-pound bombs to Israel and nothing more.
The Only Realistic Deal

On May 31, Biden gave a televised speech presenting what he described as the outline of an Israeli ceasefire proposal submitted four days before. A senior Arab official confirmed to me in August that Biden’s proposal was in fact articulated by the Israeli team who turned to the White House after Netanyahu’s immediate answer was negative. That proposal had incorporated significant principles from Hamas’ May 5 response that Netanyahu had described as “delusional.”

Biden’s speech was designed to give Israel a victory narrative, stating that “At this point, Hamas no longer is capable of carrying out another October 7th.” He warned “Indefinite war in pursuit of an unidentified notion of ‘total victory’… will only bog down Israel in Gaza, draining the economic, military, and human resources, and furthering Israel’s isolation in the world.”

11 days later, the proposal was formally endorsed by the UN Security Council Resolution 2735. However, Netanyahu rejected Biden’s speech as “not [an] accurate” reflection of Israeli positions, and repeatedly asserted his insistence on the continuation of the war. The White House chose again to blame Hamas for the deadlock instead of pressing Netanyahu.

After lengthy negotiations, on July 2 Hamas accepted an updated Biden proposal with minor amendments, particularly relating to assurances that the ceasefire would lead to ending the war instead of a mere pause, according to multiple senior Arab and Palestinian officials involved in the talks.Hamas were informed that the US and Israeli negotiating team were both on board. However, a few days later, Netanyahu issued four new “non-negotiable” conditions that mediators and even Israeli security officials saw as intentionally sabotaging the deal. The conditions were: resuming the war after a pause “until [Israel’s] war aims are achieved”; no IDF withdrawal from the Philadelphia corridor between Rafah and Egypt; Israel would restrict the return of over one million displaced Gazans to the Northern half of the enclave; maximizing the number of living hostages to be released in the first phase.

Israel then quickly escalated its attacks in Gaza. On July 13 it killed Hamas’ chief military commander Mohammed al-Deif in a strike that killed over 100 civilians. On July 31, Netanyahu ordered the assassination of Hamas’ top negotiator, Ismael Haniya in Tehran. The day before, he ordered the assassination of Hezbollah’s top commander Fuad Shukur.

Multiple sources told me Hamas informed mediators that it still endorsed the July 2 ceasefire formula and UNSC resolution 2735. Biden called the Haniya assassination “not helpful” but that was it. Senior White House officials would then leak to Israeli media that Biden “realized Netanyahu lied to him” about the ceasefire-hostage deal, but the president himself never publicly called out Netanyahu.
Buying Time and Gaslighting

In August, ahead of the Democratic National Convention, the US opened a renewed round of negotiations, having received Iranian and Hezbollah promises of refraining from retaliation if a deal was reached.

Instead of building upon Biden’s proposal and pressing Israel to compromise, the Americans simply incorporated Netanyahu’s four impossible conditions as “a bridging proposal.” They attempted to entice Hamas to the table by getting Israel to reduce its veto on which Palestinian detainees it would release in a deal (Hamas presented a list of 300 heavily sentenced individuals, “the VIPs.” Netanyahu vetoed 100 names, including Marwan Barghouti, and insisted on only releasing prisoners with less than 22 years left in their sentence. The Americans lowered this veto to 75 names then 65 in August, per a senior Arab mediator).

A Palestinian source directly involved in the negotiations told me then that Hamas’ leader Yahia Sinwar sent them clear instructions to stick to the July 2 Biden proposal instead of getting stuck in a limbo of endless negotiations. Hamas refused to show up for the August round of talks as long as Israel rejected the most important two stipulations of Biden’s proposal: gradual IDF withdrawal from Gaza and ending the war.

Remarkably, the Americans pressed Egypt and Qatar to issue a false statement on August 16 that emphasized “talks were serious and constructive and were conducted in a positive atmosphere,” although there were no talks to begin with.

A senior Arab official involved in the negotiations told me both Israel, Qatar and Egypt objected to the idea of issuing this statement, but the Americans argued it was necessary to create domestic pressure on Netanyahu to narrow the gaps. The actual goal, according to this official, was likely to make it harder for Iran and Hezbollah to retaliate and to allow Kamala’s Democratic National Convention to pass peacefully without disruptions.

The official added that Netanyahu had been sending his advisor, Ophir Falk, to the talks to undermine Israel’s negotiating team, and that the US asked mediators on multiple occasions to prevent him from attending the meetings.

As soon as the DNC ended, Biden blamed Hamas again for the failure of the talks, and effectively stopped trying to get a deal, with US officials declaring in September that a ceasefire deal has become unlikely during Biden’s term. Since then, the White House has attempted to re-write history and promote an official narrative blaming Hamas for Netanyahu’s systematic foiling of the talks.

Amid the deadlock, Qatar declared in early November that it was suspending its mediation role, which a senior Arab official told me was intended to create domestic pressure on Netanyahu. The Qataris also suspended Hamas’ office in Doha and Hamas leaders left the country by mid-November.
A New Round, Little Hope

In early December, Hamas’ entire leadership were suddenly invited to Cairo then Doha for renewed negotiations. Israel’s Defence Minister Israel Katz quickly expressed unusual hope and optimism about a “real chance” for a deal this time.

However, multiple sources directly involved in these talks told me by then there was no real possibility of a breakthrough. The Hamas delegation kept waiting in Cairo until the last minute, with senior Hamas negotiator Bassem Naim being the last official departing from Egypt to Doha late at night on December 5, hoping for a positive change of position from the Israeli team, who still only offered a temporary pause.

A senior Arab official told me president-elect Donald Trump had asked the Qataris and Egyptians to get a deal done before he takes office. The official, however, added that Israel’s Prime Minister is not budging while at the same time issuing false positive statements of a breakthrough and progress to buy time and pretend to seek a deal until Trump is in office, where Netanyahu can trade the Gaza war for something big in the West Bank.

Between Doha and Cairo, a senior Palestinian official directly involved in the negotiations told me in December that “there are serious talks, there’s progress and discussions of details, but until today no one presented a final proposal to sign.” He added “Unless Netanyahu does something that takes us back to square one, there is great optimism that we can reach something within a short period.”

Israeli officials asserted the same night that a deal could be reached within two weeks, but warned that Netanyahu is still not “granting a sufficient mandate to the negotiating team,” adding “It will not be possible to return everyone without an end to the war.”

More than a month later, no deal is yet in sight, as Israeli security officials say Netanyahu still insists on delaying the withdrawal from the Philadelphia and Netzarim corridors, restricting the return of displaced Gazans to the north, continuing the war after a partial deal, and demanding a higher number of hostages in the first phase. This led the mother of Israeli hostage Matan Zangauker to lead a demonstration in front of Israel’s Knesset on Monday to protest “a partial deal with a return to fighting,” which she said would be “a death sentence for Matan and everyone left behind”.

Israel’s opposition leader, Yair Lapid, said the same day “Our presence in Gaza today, which means that we are not making a comprehensive hostage deal, is contrary to the political and security interests of the State of Israel.”

The real history of these negotiations reveals a troubling truth: while President Biden has consistently blamed Hamas for the failure of ceasefire talks, his own failure to hold Netanyahu accountable has allowed the conflict to drag on. Biden is now trying to hide this failure by absolving Netanyahu of any blame, despite a mountain of evidence showing how he repeatedly sabotaged peace efforts. Recognizing this distortion is crucial, to inform the public in order to mount greater pressure where it’s needed the most to return all hostages and end Gaza’s apocalyptic suffering, and to prevent further manipulation from future administrations.
2024 Will Be Remembered As The Year Israel’s Global Legitimacy Fully Unraveled

After over a year of genocide, more Americans than ever are calling for an end to US military backing of Israel.


January 12, 2025
Source: Truthout


Image via South Florida Coalition for Palestine/@boycottdutyfreeamericas



Since the state of Israel’s founding, its leaders and supporters have sought acceptance among other states as a peer, and legitimacy in the eyes of the global public. It has achieved mixed success on the former — and failed repeatedly on the latter.

The examples are numerous. The 2022 World Cup, for one, saw a flood of social media videos involving Israeli reporters pursuing interviews with soccer fans, only to be rebuffed or confronted for Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. Fans refused to talk to Israeli journalists on camera. English fans shouted “Free Palestine!” during an interview. And in an especially telling scene, a group of Moroccan fans walked away from a reporter after he shared that he was working for Israeli television, prompting the journalist to yell as they left, “But we have peace! You signed the peace agreement!”

The Abraham Accords — which normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states, including Morocco — may have represented the governments that signed them, but not necessarily the people who they ruled. Indeed, with pro-Palestine scenes throughout the event and ubiquitous Palestinian flags, a joke circulated before the tournament’s conclusion: No need to watch the final, because we already know which country won the World Cup — Palestine.

The episode was a reminder of what international law scholar Richard Falk calls “the Legitimacy War,” in which large numbers of people around the world question Israel’s claims of self-defense to justify military violence, and many doubt its legitimacy as a state on Palestinian land. The U.S., however, has been an outlier: Washington leads the small minority of countries in the UN General Assembly that vote in opposition to resolutions condemning Israel’s actions. Those votes have been largely representative of an American public that either embraces or passively accepts Israeli violence and U.S. support for it.

That is, until this past year. The genocidal Israeli offensive that began in October 2023, following a breach of Israeli fences by Palestinians in Gaza and attack on nearby Israeli towns, is historic for a number of reasons. The first is the Israeli assault’s sheer brutality, which experts call “by far the most intense, destructive, and fatal conflict for civilians” in this century. The year of catastrophic violence is also noteworthy for the outpouring of protest it sparked in the U.S.

While popular understanding of the Palestinian struggle in the U.S. is still far from that elsewhere in the world, there has nonetheless been an enormous shift. The yearslong, determined but marginalized movement for Palestinian rights in the U.S. both led and was eclipsed by a massive wave of dissent, which produced some 3,000 campus protests during the spring 2024 semester alone.

Whereas majorities of Americans sympathized with the argument that Israel had a right to self-defense in the days immediately following the October 7 attacks, the devastating Israeli offensive in its wake pushed many to support a ceasefire. When polls showed that a whopping 68 percent of people in the U.S. supported a ceasefire just over a month into Israel’s assault, it marked a breakthrough: For the first time ever, the majority of Americans aligned with the movement for Palestinian rights on a policy demand.

Israel’s horrific offensive has driven this conversation. The apocalyptic toll of its airstrikes, the impact of its forced displacement of Palestinians across Gaza into makeshift camps (which Israel has then attacked), and its systematic targeting of medical and aid infrastructure and personnel have all achieved coverage in mainstream U.S. media. While those news media largely accept Israel’s claims of “self-defense” uncritically, their reporting nonetheless constitutes the most extensive mainstream coverage of the plight of Palestinians in U.S. history.

Crucially though, it is Palestinians in Gaza themselves — as journalists and as ordinary people with phones — documenting their own genocide, narrating their own stories and rebutting Israeli framing, that have most deeply informed sympathies in the U.S. public.

For people in the U.S., this abundant — if devastating — access to the reality in Gaza has combined with mass protest to produce opposition to the U.S. arming of the genocide. From highly visible dissent by Jewish activists, to the largest march against Israeli aggression in U.S. history, to the spring’s student encampments, the movement demanding a ceasefire was a leading factor in convincing Americans to adopt that position.

Remarkably, the protest movement successfully pushed majorities of Americans to go beyond the call for a cessation of hostilities, with a CBS News poll revealing that 61 percent of Americans polled (and 77 percent of Democratic voters) said the U.S. “should not send weapons and supplies to Israel.”

Decisions by the International Court of Justice that Israel was plausibly committing genocide in Gaza, and by the International Criminal Court to charge the Israeli prime minister and defense minister with war crimes and crimes against humanity, only fueled this sentiment.

Rooted in the protest movement, opposition to U.S. support for the Israeli slaughter, calls for ceasefire and support for an arms embargo even found expression in Washington’s halls of power. This began with Biden administration staff confronting their high-ranking supervisors, and in some cases resigning from their positions. It culminated in November, with 19 senators voting in favor of joint resolutions of disapproval against shipments of certain U.S. weapons to Israel.

While recent years have seen isolated but bold critique of U.S. arming of Israeli violence by some members, Congress has institutionally remained adamant in its support for continuing the decadeslong policy of arming Israel without reservation.

In 2024, the number of members challenging that support grew. Not long ago, it was hard to imagine that nearly a fifth of members of one of the most elite political institutions at the core of U.S. power — the Senate — would challenge U.S. pro-Israel orthodoxy. By virtue of a movement that has shaken the country, it happened.

That vote only shows part of the story, of course. The core leadership of the U.S. political class has taken many opportunities to remind members of Congress who question unconditional aid to Israel of their minority status in that body. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to a joint session of Congress in July was a dramatic illustration. Invited by congressional leadership — including Democratic Sen. Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries — Netanyahu repeated the narrative that it is Palestinians who are genocidal, and that Israel was acting in self-defense. The prime minister spoke to thunderous, standing ovations by members of Congress.

But ironically, the event illustrated the growing cleavage between the U.S.’s political class and its population. Indeed, the heavily policed, thousands-strong protest outside of the Capitol during Netanyahu’s speech was more representative of U.S. popular sentiment than the applause of Congress members inside.

Dozens of members — and then-presidential candidate Vice President Kamala Harris — skipped the prime minister’s speech. Most did so quietly, and if they were not necessarily acting out of respect for Palestinian rights, they had at least concluded that being seen at the speech and associated with Netanyahu may be a liability, rather than a boon, to their political fortunes.

When the White House hinted in May at the possibility of consequences for Israel’s conduct in Gaza, Netanyahu responded with bravado: “If we have to stand alone, we will stand alone.”

“But it is an empty promise,” said David E. Rosenberg, economics editor for the Israeli newspaper Haaretz. “As large and technologically sophisticated as Israel’s arms industry is, it could never fulfill the country’s needs for basics such as fighter jets, submarines, and bombs.”

The fact is that Israel’s legitimacy in the eyes of the world — especially among the public of its primary patron, the U.S. — is critical for the state to carry out its plans in Gaza, the occupied West Bank, Lebanon, and beyond.

That legitimacy is fragile, relative to other states. A combination of the recency of its founding, the colonial violence central to its establishment (and every day of its operation since) and the Palestinian refusal to dissolve as a nation, puts the unquestioned assumption of legitimacy that other states enjoy into the spotlight when it comes to Israel. This is why it is so common for conversations about Israel’s egregious acts to quickly escalate to the question: “Do you think that Israel has the right to exist?” States everywhere do horrendous things, but Israel’s fundamental illegitimacy requires constant justification of its actions and its existence by its supporters.

And while Israel’s legitimacy is more secure among older Americans, and hegemonic among senior U.S. officials, “the longer-term outlook for Israel is less certain,” writes Rosenberg. Americans under 29, he notes, “hold a more favorable view of Palestinians as a people than they do of Israelis. If these opinions stay with the young as they grow older and advance to positions of power and influence (and assuming that the Israel-Palestine dynamic remains unchanged), Israel could be in for tough times.”

Indeed, the triumph of referendums supporting divestment among college students, including on elite campuses like Yale and Princeton, suggests a rising generation with an outlook on Israel that diverges from current U.S. policy.

A state’s legitimacy does not need to be vanquished for it to go into crisis. When it is simply seriously contested, that undermines a state’s ability to act. Hence Israel’s enormous investment in shoring up support and normalization of its membership in a global society, including a multimillion-dollar budget for its Ministry for Strategic Affairs, tasked with buttressing Israel’s image. And Israel’s government just proposed the largest public relations budget ever for the Foreign Ministry.

Director General of the Ministry of Strategic Affairs Sima Vaknin-Gil said in 2016, “Today, among the countries of the world, Israel is a pariah state. Our objective is that in 2025 nobody in the world will raise the question ‘does Israel have the right to exist?’”

As we enter 2025, majorities of Americans support cutting military support for Israel. Witnessing the annihilation of sections of Palestinian society in Gaza in an assault that Israeli officials describe as “existential,” more Americans than ever are questioning the legitimacy of Israel.

The movement for Palestinian rights must grapple with the new political possibilities and responsibilities to advance support for Palestinian rights that come with irreversible damage to Israel’s credibility.

In 2016, Vaknin-Gil said that “success will be a change in the narrative about Israel in the world. That the narrative in the world won’t be that Israel equals apartheid.”

As we enter 2025, the Strategic Affairs Ministry is even further from its goal than when its director general articulated it. Because actually, the growing understanding around the world — and in the United States — is that Israel equals genocide.
BEACH FRONT GAZA

How US Activists Are Infiltrating Israeli Events Selling Palestinian Land

To document and stop the illegal sale of Palestinian land, Jewish activists are infiltrating discriminatory Israeli real estate events across the U.S.
January 12, 2025
Source: Waging Nonviolence


A demonstration outside a synagogue where an Israeli real estate auction selling land in the West Bank was being held in Los Angeles in June 2024. (X/Lois Beckett)



Outside of a synagogue in West Orange, New Jersey, a hundred people with PAL-Awda NY/NJ, a local Palestinian rights organization, gathered to protest an Israeli real estate event taking place there on Nov. 13. The protesters accused the realtors from My Israel Home, an Israeli real estate company based outside of Jerusalem, of marketing Palestinian land. They also said that the company was discriminating against event attendees by religion, effectively excluding everyone except especially religious Jews. According to PAL-Awda, the protesters were attacked by counter-protesters, including an organizer of the event, armed with pepper-spray and tactical flashlights wielded as bludgeons.

While the confrontation unfolded outside Congregation Ohr Torah, a protester going by the name “Riley” made their way inside. (The identities of Riley and other event attendees mentioned in this story have been obscured to protect them from any potential retaliation.) In order to register, Riley provided My Israel Home with the name of their synagogue and how they had heard of the event. According to Riley, they were questioned at the door by private security about their synagogue once again, plus their social media accounts, political beliefs and professional background.

After being frisked, Riley says they were allowed to attend the event — and able to document My Israel Home realtors advertising properties in Giv’at Ha-Matos, which is categorized as an Israeli settlement in the West Bank by the United Nations. According to the International Court of Justice, Giv’at Ha-Matos and the 300 other Israeli settlements in the West Bank are all illegal encroachments upon Palestinian land.

“Not only were the properties reserved for Jews only, the realtors were specifically targeting Jewish people in the tri-state area,” Riley said. “That was the focus.”

Israeli real estate companies have recently held more than two dozen similar events across the United States and Canada, marketing property on Palestinian land and discriminating against attendees, according to activists like Riley. In response, activists have been infiltrating the events to document violations of international and domestic laws, which they hope will help stem Israel’s ongoing annexation of Palestine.
Infiltrating the events

Since March, Israeli real estate companies have held more than 27 events like the one at Congregation Ohr Torah, according to Greg, a member of Jewish Voice for Peace, or JVP, which has organized protests against them. The locations span Toronto to Baltimore, Long Island to Los Angeles, and have been put on by at least five different companies. In addition to My Israel Home, others involved include CapitIL, Home in Israel, My Home in Israel and YYK Jerusalem. The properties marketed by the various companies range from apartments in southern Israel for $435,000 to homes in the illegal Israeli settlement of Efrat in the West Bank for more than $2.9 million. (None of the aforementioned Israeli companies responded to multiple requests for comment.)

For Jewish activists like those with JVP, the fact that many are hosted at synagogues like Congregation Ohr Torah is especially objectionable.

“We were horrified to learn of the proliferation of real estate fairs to sell property in the occupied West Bank to North American Jews,” JVP Executive Director Stefanie Fox said. “These events advance ethnic cleansing in the West Bank and are in violation of international law. It is an insult to the Jewish tradition that synagogues around the country would host such events. These are supposed to be our holy spaces and instead they are collaborating in the destruction and displacement of Palestinians.”

According to activists who have attended, or attempted to attend, the events, all of the Israeli real estate companies explicitly required them to answer questions regarding their religious affiliation, without which they would either not receive further details or would be stopped at the door. Greg received a call from a CapitIL agent after registering online for one of the company’s events.

“He asked me where I daven [pray], who the rabbi is there and for the rabbi’s number — seeming incredulous that I wouldn’t just have the rabbi’s number stored in my phone,” Greg explained. “He said he would check on me with the rabbi and asked if the rabbi would know who I was. I said probably not because I don’t go to shul [synagogue] that much.”

Greg did not receive any further information about the CapitIL event, effectively preventing them from attending.

Another JVP member, Parker, successfully registered for an event by Home in Israel, which also asked registrants for the names of their synagogues and rabbis, but they were nevertheless stopped at the door by security. According to Parker, they were on the guestlist, but security claimed that a background check had found anti-Israeli posts on their Instagram account — despite Parker’s account being private. Jay, another JVP member who attended the same event, believes Parker was actually stopped at the door because of their age, as they appeared too young to buy property.

Two other JVP members, Alex and Jess, were able to successfully register for and attend a My Home in Israel event. According to the activists, the online registration process included providing information about their synagogues, and they witnessed another attendee being turned away from the event for apparently failing to register.

In addition to occasionally frustrating activists’ attempts to document violations of international law at these Israeli real estate events, the registration processes themselves may run afoul of domestic laws against discrimination in housing. Realtors cannot discriminate in the marketing of property to prospective buyers, according to Dina Chehata, an attorney with the Council on American-Islamic Relations of Greater Los Angeles, a public advocacy organization for Muslims in the United States. They are planning on filing complaints against My Home in Israel with housing authorities in California over two events held there.

“We have strong policies that really look down on discriminating against somebody in real estate and in the sale of land based on their protected characteristics — national origin being one, religion being another,” Chehata said. “So we would like to appeal to state agencies to say that it’s against our public policy in the state of California, and the United States generally, to have companies that are selling to American citizens in a way that discriminates against their protected characteristics.”
Bring the law to bear

Of course the most pressing violations of law at these Israeli real estate events concern Israel’s ongoing annexation of Palestine. According to activists with both JVP and PAL-Awda, at least four of the Israeli real estate companies that have recently held events in the United States and Canada — CapitIL, My Home in Israel, My Israel Home and YYK — market properties in illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank. Activists’ infiltration of the events have allowed them to document such violations, which in turn provides legal advocates with the evidence necessary to file complaints.

According to Leena Widdi, spokesperson for PAL-Awda, legal complaints are one facet of the multi-pronged approach to opposing Zionism, or Jewish ethno-nationalism, which motivates the Israeli annexation of Palestine.

“We do research, compiling and organizing documentation for legal action,” Widdi said. “We also organize protests when ‘Stolen Land’ events are discovered to confront, publicize and challenge these illegal events. We are continuing to broaden our campaign against the event organizers, their financial supporters and the Zionists and politicians who provide them political cover.”

In March, PAL-Awda assisted the Palestinian Assembly for Liberation Law Commission, another Palestinian rights organization, in filing complaints against My Home in Israel with the attorneys general and other authorities in New Jersey and New York regarding real estate events in each state. Although the New Jersey Civil Rights Division, which enforces local fair housing laws, does not comment on ongoing investigations, PAL Law’s complaint appears to have triggered an investigation into My Home in Israel in New Jersey. The division issued a letter to My Home in Israel, requesting further information about a company event on March 10 at the Congregation Keter Torah synagogue in Teaneck, New Jersey.

In some instances, the combined efforts of protesters and legal advocates have successfully prevented Israeli real estate events from taking place at all. Following calls by PAL-Awda to protest an event by My Home in Israel in Brooklyn, New York, on March 13 and PAL Law’s complaint to authorities in New York, the Israeli realtors cancelled the event. Pressure from protesters and legal advocates has also pushed Israeli realtors to move other events to new venues or hold them online, rather than in person.

While it remains unclear if or when the investigation into My Home in Israel will proceed in New Jersey, activists say they will continue working to ensure that international and domestic laws are enforced to end the marketing of Palestinian land by Israeli realtors, as well as the ongoing Israeli genocide in the Gaza Strip and Israeli occupation of Palestine in general.

According to Riley, who infiltrated the event at Congregation Ohr Torah, ongoing demonstrations are necessary, but other forms of pressure need to be brought to bear on Israeli realtors who seek to benefit from the illegal annexation of Palestinian land.

“They don’t care about anyone shouting ‘Free Palestine’ — they laugh in the face of that,” Riley said. “Things that can provide even the slightest bit of material pressure are better than just the mass demonstrations. And I felt like I was in a position where I could do this.”