Aurora Magazine

The Unbearable Pressures of the Peer Perfect Life




Yawar Iqbal examines the anxieties that lurk behind the social media screen.

Yawar Iqbal

12 Mar, 2025

On any given day, a quick browse through LinkedIn, Instagram or TikTok will help one see the way Gen Z is engaged in so many fantastic opportunities. They are constantly creating and seeking. They are deciding their own working hours and breaking the drudgery of a typical nine-to-five mould. They are widely understood to be the most brilliant and the most desired by brands, organisations and recruiters. Every boardroom wants to be embellished by these magnificent creatures. They are the horses everyone is betting on…

Yet, behind this great array of achievements, what is the barter they are making? A study by the Harvard Medical Journal suggests that Gen Z has reported twice the rates of anxiety and depression compared to the preceding generation. Why is a generation of overachievers battling with so much? According to an article in the Guardian, “there is something different happening with Gen Z.” The article reports how one in three 18 to 24-year-olds indicate mental health struggles, such as depression or anxiety disorders, compared to one in four in 2000.

In the context of the flourishing of social media, we are all witnessing an excess of achievements, promotions, success stories – ‘20 under 20’, ‘30 under 30’ lists and start-up success stories – as well as elaborate posts of accomplishments decorated with confetti.

On LinkedIn, in particular, most posts are either about winning or how to win through motivational tips and tricks. Have we, in promoting this kind of dangerous hustle culture, somehow erased the word ‘failure’ from the vocabulary of young people? All anyone is chasing is how to win in the least amount of time possible. This is all well and good until an individual slips and fails – which is an ordinary part of real life. Everyone fails and it’s normal. What is not normal is believing that everyone around us is constantly winning, so we should too. So, although the job of a social media site is to help recruit and inspire, it has turned into a wall of fame for overachievers, who are doing mighty things daily and getting thousands of likes and comments.

If it is always so sunny in the life of a Gen Z-er, why are depression, anxiety and fatigue kicking in? Well, the pressure of constantly being the best, smartest and most productive achievers has its flip side. In the world of sports, all great athletes have a therapist who will help them overcome defeat. Similarly, the biggest movie stars also tend to keep their therapists on speed dial to get them through periods of failure. Unfortunately, since social media platforms tend to project stories of success and brilliance, the people consuming them begin to believe this constructed reality to be authentic, so when reality hits them hard, they collapse.




Even brands that address Gen Z as their target group end up creating the most frivolous communication, where the Gen Z individual is either running a successful start-up, playing PUBG on a swanky smartphone or partying at the beach or up in the mountains in Western attire. There is no trace of failure, depression, trauma or anything even remotely representative of their mental health.

The problem is that when a society fails to normalise losing, the result is a high rate of young adult suicides. According to WHO data, in Pakistan alone in 2019, 8.9 suicides occurred for every group of 100,000 people (male 13.3% and women 4.3%), and between 15 and 35 people died by suicide every day – which almost equates to one person ending their life every hour.

Most companies that recruit Gen Z are banking on miracles by expecting them to have fresh perspectives along with ample experience, which is an oxymoron. Experience comes with age and time, and it teaches one how to deal with and react in tough circumstances. By learning how to navigate the different stages of success, one also learns how to process failure and rejection, which are part and parcel of any job. In advertising, most agency heads will talk about recruiting issues among young creatives, as most graduates from art and film schools often choose to launch their own ventures rather than working for an ad agency in a traditional setting, and when a Gen Z person joins such an organisation, they don’t view long-term commitment as a positive. Their fragile minds are already dealing with a lot and a toxic work environment certainly does not help.

Perhaps brands and organisations should spend some time putting together a study on Gen Z. This may help us all be more efficient in understanding them and their mindsets, beyond the idea of representing them with neon lights and catchy rap songs. Perhaps brands could take up Gen Z’s mental health and make it part of their brand purpose. I look forward to collaborating with such empathetic brands to help fight the mental health issues of Gen Z and beyond.

Yawar Iqbal is a multidisciplinary creative.
yawariqbalsyed@gmail.com

INVISIBLE PEOPLE, INVISIBLE BORDERS

For many coastal families in Pakistan, fishing is a way of life — until an invisible border turns it into a nightmare.

Tahera Hasan | Maliha Najib 

Published April 6, 2025

DAWN

Every day, Pakistani fishermen venture out into the Arabian Sea, setting off on a voyage that is as much a necessity as it is a risk.

For many coastal communities, fishing is more than just a job; it is a lifeline and a legacy woven into the very fabric of their identity. Marginalised and facing limited alternatives on land, these communities depend on the sea for survival, handed down through generations as a sacred heritage. Yet, this connection comes with a heavy cost. Fishermen venture into open waters, risking arrest or worse, as they unknowingly cross invisible borders in pursuit of a livelihood.

A single miscalculation, an unseen current, or an ill-fated gust of wind can push their boats across the perilous boundary — a border known simply as the ‘zone’. Crossing it, even by accident, can ignite a cycle of despair that haunts families for generations.

With no room for error in a harsh and unforgiving environment, these fishermen live in a delicate balance between tradition and survival, where even a minor misstep can have life-altering consequences. This article sheds light on the plight of these coastal communities who, bound by their heritage and driven by necessity, find themselves entangled in the geopolitical tensions that divide our seas.

The detention of fishermen from Pakistan and India for inadvertently crossing maritime borders is a longstanding issue that underscores the complex relationship between the two countries. Fishermen frequently drift into disputed waters while pursuing their livelihoods, resulting in arrests by the coast guards of either country. The ongoing political tensions between Pakistan and India further exacerbate this humanitarian crisis.


For many coastal families in Pakistan, fishing is a way of life — until an invisible border turns it into a nightmare. When fishermen unknowingly drift across poorly marked maritime borders, they become pawns in a geopolitical quagmire, imprisoned for years in a foreign country with no contact with their families. An investigation by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) uncovers the legal and procedural failures involved, and the human cost for communities

The impact of these detentions is significant and far-reaching. Fishermen are often held for extended periods under harsh conditions, with no communication allowed with their families and uncertain release dates.

The absence of these fishermen disrupts family units and local economies, intensifying poverty and social instability. Families left without a primary breadwinner endure immense mental anguish, compounding the challenges faced by already vulnerable populations.

Indian fishermen in a train at the Lahore Railway Station after being released by Pakistan: the detention of fishermen from Pakistan and India for inadvertently crossing maritime borders is a long-standing issue that underscores the complex relationship between the two countries | White Star


STRANDED BETWEEN BORDERS

In a small corner of Karachi’s Machhar Colony — an informal settlement of about 800,000, primarily involved in the fisheries trade — an elderly man, Abdul, and his son, Faiz, recount a story that reflects the plight of many fishermen caught between international waters and political conflict. Inviting us to sit outside for a cooler breeze, the family arranged chairs borrowed from local vendors, a testament to the tight-knit community here.

Years ago, Abdul* and Faiz* set off on a routine fishing expedition. When sudden weather changes caused their boat to drift into Indian waters, they found themselves detained by Indian authorities. Despite carrying all necessary documentation, including boat licenses and Pakistani identity cards, they were accused of illegal entry. Abdul was detained for three years, while Faiz spent a staggering decade in detention.

During their incarceration, they were held alongside other non-Indian detainees but faced a unique plight. While fishermen from neighbouring countries such as Sri Lanka and Bangladesh were released within a matter of days, Abdul and Faiz were held for years without any communication with their family, a prolonged ordeal that tested their resilience and their ties to home.

“I felt as if our own country had forgotten us,” Faiz confides, his words tinged with both hurt and frustration.

The trauma of detention has had a lasting impact. Faiz shared a heart-wrenching account of attempting suicide during his imprisonment, driven by despair over an indefinite future. Since their release, he has struggled to regain any semblance of stability. Their ID cards were confiscated upon detention and never returned, rendering them stateless in the eyes of official authorities back home. Without these documents, Faiz has been unable to secure any other form of employment, forcing him to return to fishing — a profession that nearly cost him his freedom.

Their story also reflects broader systemic issues.

Both countries have signed and ratified several international laws designed to safeguard the right to liberty, security and communication with family during detention. Yet, these protections seem to fade amidst the geopolitical tensions between India and Pakistan. Detainees from other countries are granted timely release, while Pakistanis such as Abdul and Faiz are held without due process, enduring indefinite detention in violation of basic human rights.

Their case is not an isolated one. As per reports, there are hundreds of Pakistani fishermen detained in Indian jails. Advocacy groups have called for improved consular access and the restoration of identification documents after release, to enable such individuals to reintegrate into society.

In the meantime, Abdul and Faiz’s life remains one of survival. Abdul, now too elderly to work, relies on his son, who braves the traumatic memories of incarceration each time he sets out to sea. “I have no other choice,” Faiz says solemnly. “I must provide for my family.”

Their story is a stark reminder of the urgent need for improved cross-border detainee protections, consular access and fair treatment, irrespective of nationality. Abdul and Faiz represent countless forgotten fishermen whose rights remain lost between politics and policy.

Fishermen are showered with rose petals after their arrival at Karachi Cantt railway station following their release from Indian prisons: for some fishermen, even after returning home, the trauma of detention has a lasting impact | White Star

THE HUMAN COST OF DETENTION

In Machhar Colony, a focus group discussion with the members of three other families revealed the profound impact of cross-border detentions on families affected by the arrests of their loved ones and incarcerated in India since 2019.

Family A, consisting of a mother and father, recounted the harrowing day their son left home for a fishing trip and never returned. Their world shattered when they discovered his detention through a fleeting news segment that displayed his photo in the corner of the screen.

The mother, overwhelmed by grief, depression and anxiety, often finds herself confined to bed. During the discussion, her emotions surged as she spoke about her son and the family’s plight, prompting a pause in the interview to allow her to regain her composure. The family’s financial situation deteriorated rapidly, as their son was the primary breadwinner, leaving them struggling to meet even basic needs.

Family B, represented by a woman with two children whose husband is detained in India, and Family C, represented by a woman whose uncle is yet to return, also shared their experiences of anguish and uncertainty. The emotional trauma extends to the young siblings in Family B, whose education has been interrupted due to the financial strains caused by their father’s absence.

All three families expressed frustration with the government’s response to their loved ones’ detentions. While they received their family members’ names on a consular list acknowledging their detention, no further information or support was provided. They highlighted how ongoing tensions between India and Pakistan exacerbate their situation, leading to prolonged uncertainty about their family members’ conditions and release dates.

Acknowledging the immense pain of losing a family member under such tragic circumstances, we asked the families what might ease their suffering. Their response was heartbreaking yet simple: even basic communication with their loved ones would provide some relief. A written note to reassure them of their well-being would mean a lot, they said.

The cases presented in this focus group underscore systemic failures in consular support and communication channels between India and Pakistan. While bilateral agreements exist to exchange consular lists, these lists often serve as formalities without substantive follow-up.

The families’ anguish over their loved ones’ unknown fates highlights the psychological toll of prolonged separation and the lack of information. The absence of regular updates or direct communication fosters a sense of helplessness and isolation, exacerbating their shared emotional distress.

The families’ situations raise significant concerns about upholding international legal standards and human rights. Family A’s son’s detention by Indian authorities, which the family learned of only through media reports, raises critical issues regarding the right to prompt notification of arrest or detention — a fundamental safeguard under international human rights law.

The lack of subsequent communication or updates regarding their family member’s well-being and legal status further compounds this violation, denying all three families their right to information and deepening their distress.

Furthermore, the roles of the detained son and husband as breadwinners for families A and B underscore the severe economic impact of their prolonged detention. The families are left unable to provide basic necessities or education for their younger wards. The geopolitical tensions between India and Pakistan contribute to these prolonged detentions, creating a cycle of hardship for affected families.

These circumstances emphasise the importance of adhering to national and international obligations, including the right to a fair trial, humane treatment of detainees, timely release, and effective communication with families. Such measures are essential to mitigate the human rights implications of cross-border detentions and alleviate the suffering of those caught in this humanitarian crisis.

Machhar Colony is an informal settlement of about 800,000: for many of its residents, fishing is more than just a job — it is a lifeline and a legacy woven into the very fabric of their identity | Imkaan Welfare Organisation



THE WOMEN LEFT BEHIND

In another poignant interview, we spoke with Khadija* and Masooma*, two mothers whose husbands were captured together from a fishing boat and have been imprisoned in India for the past four years.

Khadija shared her struggle to support her two unmarried children, one of whom has special needs. To make ends meet, she works long hours at a local fishery, labouring 12 hours a day, seven days a week, for a meagre salary in harsh working conditions. “I do everything I can to provide for my family,” she said, her voice heavy with emotion.

Masooma cares for her household and her youngest child. Meanwhile, her three older children, all teenagers, have taken it upon themselves to contribute financially, insisting that Masooma should not have to work at the fishery.

When we asked them to recount the day their husbands went missing, a heavy silence filled the room. Both women became teary-eyed, struggling to revisit the traumatic memories even after four years. They shared a single photograph with us — an image capturing five or six men kneeling on a boat, their arms bound, gazing directly at the camera. Armed officials surrounded them, also looking into the lens.

Khadija and Masooma pointed out their respective husbands in the photo, explaining that this was the only evidence they had received regarding their husbands’ capture and imprisonment. In four long years, they had received no messages, calls or updates — only this solitary photograph.

The emotional weight of the situation became overwhelming, and we paused the interview to allow them a moment to gather their thoughts. When we inquired how they had learned of their husbands’ detainment, they revealed that the photograph had been given to them by someone who had returned home after being released from prison in India.

Since their husbands’ imprisonment, life has taken a drastic turn for the worse. The women lamented that their community, neighbours, and even their families had not provided support. Instead, they have been exploited by individuals promising to find information about their husbands in exchange for money. In their desperation, Khadija and Masooma gave cash and gifts to these opportunists, only to discover that the promises were empty.

“Even now, we continue to search for help, running from place to place,” Khadija explained, her voice trembling. Masooma said her sons had also joined the effort, scouring for anyone who might assist in securing their father’s release.

The fatigue etched on their faces was palpable as they expressed their exhaustion and despair.

“Please help us,” they implored, their voices breaking. “No one will listen to us.” Their pleas echo the silent suffering of countless families affected by cross-border detentions, highlighting the urgent need for greater attention to this humanitarian crisis.

THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK

Despite various diplomatic efforts to resolve the issue, progress has been slow. Both countries occasionally release fishermen as goodwill gestures, but these incidents highlight the urgent need for a more permanent and humane solution. The human suffering and the economic impact on fishing communities call for consistent cooperative measures to address this pressing issue.

The legal landscape governing fishermen’s arrest and detention includes domestic laws and international agreements. In India, the Maritime Zones of India Act 1981 and the Foreigners Act 1946 empower authorities to enforce maritime boundaries and detain foreign vessels for violations. Similarly, Pakistan’s legal framework comprises the Pakistan Maritime Zones Act 1996 and the Registration of Foreigners Act 1939. These laws define Pakistan’s maritime boundaries and provide for the detention and deportation of foreigners, including Indian fishermen caught trespassing.

On the international stage, both countries are signatories to several human rights conventions. For instance, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea mandates that detained vessels and their crews be promptly released upon posting a reasonable bond. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ensures that all individuals, including fishermen, are treated humanely and have the right to a fair trial.

Despite these frameworks, bureaucratic delays and differing interpretations of maritime boundaries often complicate the situation, leading to prolonged detentions and legal uncertainties for fishermen. Detaining individuals for years without any contact with their families has profoundly negative implications from a human rights standpoint.

THE WAY FORWARD

Addressing the humanitarian crisis surrounding the detention of fishermen necessitates a multifaceted approach that emphasises adherence to constitutional provisions and international norms within the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).

By prioritising the rights of detained fishermen, we can foster a more cooperative and stable regional environment. The following recommendations aim to improve conditions for detained fishermen, promote cooperation and facilitate resolution.

Uphold constitutional guarantees and international norms, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This framework should ensure fair treatment, consular access and protection against discrimination, thereby preventing arbitrary arrests and enhancing legal certainty for fishermen operating in shared waters.


Strengthen bilateral agreements between India and Pakistan to ensure humane treatment and expedite justice for detained fishermen. This includes necessary amendments in the Agreement on Consular Access 2008, such as introducing stricter timelines for consular access and verifying prisoners’ nationalities, which would expedite their release, enhancing the current agreement’s efficacy.


Establish effective communication mechanisms to inform families upon the arrest of their loved ones, minimising the mental anguish that accompanies uncertainty. A standardised protocol for communication should be implemented to provide regular updates on detainees’ conditions and for direct communication between detainees and their families.


Formalise protocols for the immediate release and repatriation of detained fishermen and ensure their access to legal counsel.


Reactivate the Joint Judicial Committee to review cases and recommend speedy repatriations, involving representatives from both countries’ fisheries departments.


Implement buffer zones along maritime borders and joint maritime zones to help monitor fishing activities, prevent inadvertent crossing violations, and encourage collaboration in managing shared fishing grounds.


Initiate efforts to locate and release detainees who have completed their sentences, underscoring the commitment to human rights and timely justice.


Provide immediate access to mental health support for detainees and their families to help address the psychological impacts of prolonged separation and uncertainty.


Establish compensation frameworks for the socio-economic impacts of detention, to support affected families and help them rebuild their lives.


Put in place rigorous checks and balances within consular and legal processes, to ensure accountability and adherence to agreed protocols, enhancing trust and cooperation among SAARC member states.

Machhar Colony is an informal settlement of about 800,000: for many of its residents, fishing is more than just a job — it is a lifeline and a legacy woven into the very fabric of their identity | Imkaan Welfare Organisation


CONCLUSION

The plight of fishermen detained across maritime borders between Pakistan and India is a pressing humanitarian issue that demands immediate action. The heart-wrenching stories of families affected by detentions highlight the devastating psychological impact of such circumstances, where uncertainty and fear overshadow daily life.

For many women in these communities, the absence of their husbands not only disrupts family structures but also thrusts them into the roles of primary breadwinners, often without adequate resources or support.

The emotional toll is profound; these families grapple with the psychological burden of not knowing their loved ones’ fate, exacerbated by the community’s indifference and the exploitation they face from unscrupulous people.

Children grow up in an atmosphere of anxiety and instability, deprived of parental guidance and support, which can have lasting effects on their well-being. The sudden shift in familial roles often forces young people to forgo their childhoods and educational opportunities to fill the void left by their absent fathers.

This situation calls for urgent, comprehensive action that goes beyond legal frameworks to address the human stories. By implementing effective communication protocols and strengthening bilateral agreements, we can alleviate some of the burdens these families face. Access to mental health support is crucial in helping them cope with the emotional fallout of prolonged separation.

The need for a multifaceted approach is clear: we must recognise the humanity of those affected by the detentions and prioritise their well-being. Every delayed communication, every moment of uncertainty, and every lost opportunity for reuniting adds to the collective trauma experienced by these families. A commitment to justice, compassion and humanitarian principles is essential to ensure that no family is left to suffer in silence.

Addressing these challenges requires a concerted effort from governments, civil society organisations and international stakeholders. By fostering a just and humane approach to cross-border detentions, we can restore dignity to those impacted and work towards a future where families can reunite and heal.

Ensuring the rights and well-being of all individuals in these distressing situations is not merely a legal obligation but a moral imperative that transcends borders.

*Name changed to protect privacy

This essay was commissioned by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and is based on a commissioned paper written by the authors. It has been published in Eos with permission

Tahera Hasan is a lawyer and human rights advocate. She leads the Imkaan Welfare Organisation

Maliha Najib is a programmes and strategy officer at the Imkaan Welfare Organisation

Header image: Families of Pakistani fishermen languishing in Indian jails hold a hunger strike and protest outside the Karachi Press Club: the absence of regular updates or direct communication fosters a sense of helplessness and isolation, exacerbating the emotional distress of family members | White Star

An abridged version of this piece was published in Dawn, EOS, April 6th, 2025

PAKISTAN

Farmers plan countrywide rallies against corporate farming

The Newspaper's Staff Reporter 

Published April 7, 2025

DAWN

LAHORE: Farmers have decided to launch a nationwide protest on April 13 against corporate farming being introduced under the Green Pakistan Initiative (GPI).

According to a decision taken by a joint sitting by the Pakistan Kissan Rabita Committee, Anjuman Mazareen Punjab, Hari Jedojehad Committee, Crofter Foundation and others, rallies and conventions will be held in various towns and at public sector farms on April 13 (next Sunday).

The participants will demand an end to corporate farming and the eviction of peasants from the lands they have been cultivating for generations.

They will also seek a ban on construction of controversial canals in southern Punjab, and will demand all public sector agricultural lands distributed among the peasants, withdrawal of notices to tenants for payment of outstanding dues worth millions of rupees, and that wheat purchase price should be fixed at Rs4,000 per 40kg during the ongoing harvesting season.

The GPI is the federal government’s initiative aimed at enhancing agricultural development and tackling environmental issues by transforming uncultivated land into high-yield farms using modern technology, advanced irrigation systems, high-quality seeds, AI-driven monitoring, and better farming equipment.

Farmers and activists fear that the transition to large-scale agribusinesses may threaten small landowners, displace peasants of state lands and limit their access to crucial agricultural resources.

Published in Dawn, April 7th, 2025

PAKISTAN

Artificial glaciers boost water supply in Gilgit-Baltistan

AFP Published April 6, 2025 

A general view of the melting Lewis Glacier in Mount Kenya National Park on March 7, 2025. — AFP

This photograph taken on March 18, 2025 shows an artificial glacier built by local residents during winters to conserve water for the summers at Pari village in Kharmang district, in Pakistan’s mountainous Gilgit-Baltistan region. — AFP

This aerial photograph taken on March 18, 2025 shows a man (R) looking at an artificial glacier built by local residents during winters to conserve water for the summers at Pari village in Kharmang district, in Pakistan’s mountainous Gilgit-Baltistan region.— AFP

At the foot of Pakistan’s impossibly high mountains whitened by frost all year round, farmers grappling with a lack of water have created their own ice towers.

Warmer winters as a result of climate change has reduced the snow fall and subsequent seasonal snowmelt that feeds the valleys of Gilgit-Baltistan, a remote region home to K2, the world’s second-highest peak.

Farmers in the Skardu valley, at an altitude of up to 2,600 metres (8,200 feet) in the shadow of the Karakoram mountain range, searched online for help in how to irrigate their apple and apricot orchards.

“We discovered artificial glaciers on YouTube,” Ghulam Haider Hashmi told AFP.

They watched the videos of Sonam Wangchuk, an Indian environmental activist and engineer in the Ladakh region less than 200 kilometres away, who developed the technique about 10 years ago.

Water is piped from streams into the village, and sprayed into the air during the freezing winter temperatures.

“The water must be propelled so that it freezes in the air when temperatures drop below zero, creating ice towers,” said Zakir Hussain Zakir, a professor at the University of Baltistan.

The ice forms in the shape of cones that resemble Buddhist stupas, and act as a storage system — steadily melting throughout spring when temperatures rise.
‘Ice stupas’

Gilgit-Baltistan has 13,000 glaciers — more than any other country on Earth outside the polar regions.

Their beauty has made the region one of the country’s top tourist destinations — towering peaks loom over the Old Silk Road, still visible from a highway transporting tourists between cherry orchards, glaciers and ice-blue lakes.

Sher Muhammad, a specialist in the Hindu Kush-Himalayan mountain range that stretches from Afghanistan to Myanmar, however said most of the region’s water supply comes from snow melt in spring, with a fraction from annual glacial melt in summers.

“From late October until early April, we were receiving heavy snowfall. But in the past few years, it’s quite dry,” Muhammad, a researcher at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), told AFP.

The first “ice stupas” in Gilgit-Baltistan were created in 2018.

Now, more than 20 villages make them every winter, and “more than 16,000 residents have access to water without having to build reservoirs or tanks”, said Rashid-ud-Din, provincial head of GLOF-2, a UN-Pakistan plan to adapt to the effects of climate change.

Farmer Muhammad Raza told AFP that eight stupas were built in his village of Hussainabad this winter, trapping approximately 20 million litres of water in the ice.

“We no longer have water shortages during planting,” he said, since the open-air reservoirs appeared on the slopes of the valley.

“Before, we had to wait for the glaciers to melt in June to get water, but the stupas saved our fields,” said Ali Kazim, also a farmer in the valley.
Harvest seasons multiply

Before the stupas, “we planted our crops in May”, said 26-year-old Bashir Ahmed who grows potatoes, wheat and barley in nearby Pari village which has also adopted the method.

And “we only had one growing season, whereas now we can plant two or three times” a year.

Temperatures in Pakistan rose twice as fast between 1981 and 2005 compared to the global average, putting the country on the front line of climate change impacts, including water scarcity.

Its 240m inhabitants live in a territory that is 80 per cent arid or semi-arid and depends on rivers and streams originating in neighbouring countries for more than three-quarters of its water.

Glaciers are melting rapidly in Pakistan and across the world, with a few exceptions including the Karakoram mountain range, increasing the risk of flooding and reducing water supply over the long term.

“Faced with climate change, there are neither rich nor poor, neither urban nor rural; the whole world has become vulnerable,” said 24-year-old Yasir Parvi.

“In our village, with the ice stupas, we decided to take a chance.”

PAKISTAN

Agriculture: Deepening water crisis

Chaudhary Mohammad Ashraff | Khalid Saeed Wattoo 

Published April 7, 2025 

DAWN

Pakistan, home to over 250 million people, is edging close to a deeper water crisis. Climate change is tightening its grip, with rising temperatures, shrinking glaciers, and increasingly erratic rainfall. As a result, the water supply has become less reliable than ever. Hotter days mean higher evaporation, driving up demand for both drinking water and crop irrigation — which consumes over 90 per cent of the country’s available water.

At the same time, the expansion of cultivated land, rising cropping intensity, and a rapidly growing population are placing an even greater strain on already-stretched water resources. By an unfortunate twist, recent drought-like conditions and the ongoing heated debate around the six proposed canals have thrown the issue into sharp focus.

Over the past few decades, climate change, the environment, and the water sector have taken a back seat to large infrastructure projects like highways, underpasses, flyovers, and city bypasses; this neglect has come at a cost. As a result, many parts of Pakistan today face extreme water stress for crop irrigation — and for some, even access to drinking water will be a challenge in the years to come.

Beneath the surface, things are no better. Groundwater is depleting at an alarming rate due to our rising dependence on it, as river flows continue to dwindle. Indiscriminate pumping continues unchecked, further fuelled by solar panels. Even in irrigated areas, water tables are declining by more than five feet each year. Compounding the issue, water quality is also worsening as a result.

Pakistan should prioritise rainwater harvesting as a key solution to address its declining groundwater levels

Though the issue has come to the limelight, and recently the Lahore High Court urged the Punjab government to declare a water emergency, yet meaningful progress remains elusive. There is still no clear policy, no coherent strategy, and little public investment to turn things around. Unlike other countries in the region, Pakistan still lags in adopting proven technologies for water storage and groundwater recharge.

One such technology is the inflatable rubber dam — a sealed, flexible structure installed across water channels. Made of durable, waterproof material, these dams typically span hundreds of metres in length and stand 1-3 metres in height. Anchored to a concrete foundation with bars and bolts, they are inflated with air or water to form a rigid barrier.

Widely used in several countries across Europe, North America, and Asia, inflatable rubber dams serve multiple purposes — from storing water and controlling floods to recharging groundwater aquifers — each tailored to meet specific regional needs and environmental conditions. Japan and China lead globally with thousands of such installations. Bangladesh has also built dozens since the 1990s. Most recently, in 2025, Kazakhstan installed similar dams in its Kostanay region.

Unfortunately, despite identifying over 30 viable sites along the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, and Sutlej rivers, the Punjab government has spent the past decade in indecision. Not a single inflatable rubber dam has materialised. The plans gather dust while billions are funnelled into highways and other concrete-heavy projects that offer far more political visibility than long-term water security. It’s a telling reflection of misplaced priorities.

Another cost-effective, high-impact technology is groundwater recharge wells that have been largely overlooked in the past despite their immense potential to combat falling water tables and mitigate urban flooding. During heavy rains — particularly in the monsoon season — farmers often struggle to drain excess rainwater from their fields. They even shut off their canal watercourses and skip their weekly irrigation turns.

Likewise, in urban areas, rainwater from rooftops inundates roads, residential areas, and commercial hubs. Eventually, all this surplus water flows through flood drains, into rivers, and finally into the sea — a tremendous loss in a water-scarce country.

Unlike other countries where rainwater harvesting mainly serves as a substitute for water transported from distant sources, Pakistan should prioritise it as a key solution to address its declining groundwater levels.

Therefore, there is an urgent need to harvest this untapped resource — and that starts with promoting groundwater recharge well technology on a large scale across both rural and urban areas. The key lies in mobilising the private sector to manufacture and supply the necessary components.

A similar approach has worked before: Punjab’s On-Farm Water Management programme introduced precast concrete parabolic lining and nurtured a large pool of local manufacturers. Initially serving government projects, these businesses now sell directly to farmers, who look to reduce their individual on-farm water losses.

In conclusion, Pakistan ranks among the 10 countries most vulnerable to climate change, and the drought-like conditions witnessed in recent months may intensify in the years ahead. Enhancing surface water storage is one solution — but equally important is replenishing the country’s overexploited groundwater reserves. The path forward demands not just awareness but actions — a decisive course correction and a collective effort to secure the nation’s water future — before it’s too late.

Chaudhary Mohammad Ashraff is the former Director General (On-Farm Water Management) of the Punjab Agriculture Department, and Khalid Wattoo is a farmer and a development professional.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, April 7th, 2025

Share in profit

Parvez Rahim

Published April 5, 2025

DAWN

The writer is a consultant in human resources at the Aga Khan University Hospital.



THANKs to the devolution of labour laws to the provinces, by virtue of the 18th Amendment, some prominent labour welfare laws were adversely affected. As a result, the benefits intended for workers under these laws have not fulfilled their objectives as originally envisioned by the legislature. These laws include the Provincial Employees’ Social Security Ordinance, 1965; the Companies Profits (Workers’ Participation) Act, 1968; the Workers’ Welfare Fund Ordinance, 1971; and the Employees’ Old-age Benefits Act, 1976.

Prior to devolution, the rate of monthly contribution and the salary threshold for employee coverage under the Social Security Ordinance of 1965 were centrally determined by the federal government. The provinces would then issue their own notifications in line with this directive, ensuring uniformity across the country. After devolution, however, a dispute arose between employers and the social security institutions over the rate of contribution. This issue was eventually settled through a Supreme Court judgement dated March 11, 2021, which ruled that contributions should be based on a percentage of the prevailing minimum wage.

Currently, the rate of monthly social security contribution is uniform across all provinces — six per cent of the existing minimum wage of Rs37,000 per covered employee.

The Companies Profits (Workers’ Participation) Act, 1968 — popularly known as WPPF or Workers’ Profit Participation Fund — mandates the disbursement of a share in company profits to workers within prescribed limits. Under this Act, a company posting a profit in its financial year must allocate 5pc of its net profit to the fund. Workers lightly referred to the law as the ‘5pc’.

Once the stipulated amounts are distributed to the three categories of eligible workers, according to the prescribed formula, any remaining funds must be transferred to the Workers’ Welfare Fund, established under the 1971 ordinance. A worker’s share in the fund is capped at four times the minimum wage for unskilled workers — ie, Rs37,000 X 4 = Rs148,000.


Workers’ intended benefits have not fulfilled the goal.

Following devolution in April 2010, the Sindh government enacted the Sindh Companies Profits (Workers’ Participation) Act, 2014. Punjab followed with its own law in 2018, and Balochistan in 2022. Prior to these provincial enactments, confusion reigned among employers with regard to both the disbursement of profits to workers and the transfer of the residual amount to the government.

Another issue emerged in relation to trans-provincial companies, which continued to be governed by the federal Act of 1968. A ‘trans-provincial’ establishment refers to any company with branches in more than one province. While the definition of ‘worker’ in the provincial laws covers a wider pool of employees, the federal Act of 1968 remains applicable only to workers earning a monthly salary not exceeding Rs5,000. This outdated threshold was never amended after devolution.

Under the Sindh law, a ‘worker’ is defi­ned as a company employee — including those employed by or through contractors — who falls within the definition set out in Section 2 of the Industrial Relations Act, 2013, and has been in service, for at least six months. The Punjab and Balochistan laws adopt a similar definition.

In contrast, the federal Act still defines a ‘worker’ as one whose average monthly emoluments do not exceed Rs5,000 and who has been employed for not less than six months — despite the minimum wage now standing at Rs37,000.

The definition of ‘company’ in the Sindh law also diverges from those in other provinces. The Sindh Act defines a company as one “whose registered office is situated in the province of Sindh and has its office, department and bra­n­ches in Islamabad, the capital territory or falling in more than one province and has a common balance sheet”.

Meanwhile, the other provinces define a company as “a company within the meaning of [the Companies Act, 2017]…”.

In defining ‘company’ in this way, the Sindh legislature arguably encroaches on the domain of the National Assembly, which holds the constitutional authority to legislate on matters pertaining to trans-provincial organisations. The provisions of the federal profit participation law of 1968 — including its outdated definition of ‘worker’ — need to be harmonised with provincial laws so that workers of trans-provincial companies can enjoy the same rights and benefits.

This issue, along with appeals concerning the rate of monthly employer contributions under the Employees’ Old-age Benefits Act, 1976, is pending before the Supreme Court. If these issues are decided by the court urgently, they will provide relief to all three stakeholders: the employers, the EOBI, and most importantly, the workers.

The writer is a consultant in human resources at the Aga Khan University Hospital.

Published in Dawn, April 5th, 2025

Hurting women

Editorial 

Published April 7, 2025

DAWN

MONTH after month, the figures of crimes against women in the country indicate that our society is close to collapsing under the weight of its own disgrace, yet public outrage is absent. For starters, the Sustainable Social Development Organisation’s 2024 report, stating that while globally 20pc women face abuse, a shocking 90pc of Pakistan’s females endure violence, should have shaken us to the core. But the dire situation of women, despite progressive legislation, has been overlooked by the state. According to a Lahore police performance report for the first quarter of the ongoing year, over a 100 women were subjected to assault in the Punjab capital; the force claims that it arrested 110 suspects involved in attacks on 103 women along with others implicated in 40 cases, including murders of 15 women, and rescued 988 female abductees. As numbers swell in Lahore, data says that out of the 4,641 reported rape cases in Punjab, a dismal 20 resulted in convictions.

It is time for men and women to confront this rampant misogyny. Each statistic is a tragedy with lessons: prejudice, victim-shaming, poor access to justice and the sexist whataboutery by politicians have consolidated misogyny and brutalised society. While robust investigation and policing are crucial, these measures are weakened by the lack of unequivocal commitment to the issue from lawmakers and political parties. Parliamentarians need to use their positions to censure atrocities against women irrespective of class and ideology; maligning a woman for political point-scoring is not politics but perversion. Messaging in educational institutions and in homes across the country to convey that respecting women is a must should also gain momentum. Empathy and unity ensure equality and freedom from rigid chauvinistic structures through stringent enforcement of laws, and higher conviction rates with solid evidence collection. The state has to guarantee a humane environment and a life without violence for its female citizens.

Published in Dawn, April 7th, 2025

Victory for women

Rafia Zakaria 

Published April 5, 2025

DAWN

The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy.



THE town of Karak in KP is located in a society known to uphold tribal customs and traditions, even if they exact a tremendous cost. Even here, however, things are changing — and it is women who are the drivers of that change.

One such woman is Zahida Parveen, whose father worked at the Government Girls Primary School in Karak. She herself had an interest in education and wanted to be a schoolteacher. When her father passed away, Parveen petitioned to be appointed to his post at the Government Girls’ Primary School under the government quota reserved for the sons or daughters of deceased government personnel, as per the province’s Civil Servants Act. Parveen, who was married when she filed the petition, got the appointment. However, a little while later, the district education officer in Karak withdrew the appointment, stating that a daughter is only eligible to be appointed under the quota if she is unmarried and shares her parents’ household, or if she is married but separated from her husband. The implication was that if a woman is married, then she is her husband’s responsibility and cannot benefit from her father’s government post.

It was this interpretation that came before the Supreme Court in the ‘Zahida Parveen vs Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’ case. At the heart of the issue was whether a woman is considered a financial dependent of her husband as soon as she marries. In an extensive decision, the Supreme Court held that the interpretation of the statute adopted by the KP government was incorrect. Instead, the court ruled that a Pakistani woman is an independent financial entity even when she is married and has a husband. As a result, the court reasoned that Zahida Parveen was eligible to receive the benefits under the statute regardless of her marital status or whether her husband was providing for her financially.

The decision is significant. First and most obvious, it acknowledges women as financially independent entities. Second, it sets a precedent that women’s eligibility for benefits is not dependent on their marital status. Finally, it reiterates the human rights basis of recognising women as full and equal citizens without their marital status being a consideration. This last point is important because in the past, the marital status of women — and the husband’s prerogative over their lives — has loomed large over their exercise of rights. Zahida Parveen may be a government school teacher in a far-flung area, but her refusal to allow the government to exclude her from benefits based on her marital status has led to a landmark step forward for women across Pakistan.


Women challenging patriarchal customs are reshaping legal boundaries and reclaiming long-denied inheritance rights.

Zahida Parveen is not the only woman from the province who stood her ground in refusing to give up rights under pressure from a patriarchal culture. Another is Syeda Fouzia Jalaal Shah, who filed a petition under Article 203-D of the Constitution. In her filing before the Federal Shariat Court, Shah alleged that she and other women in district Bannu were being denied their right to inherit property due to a local tribal practice. Shah referred to a customary pressure known in the area as parchi or chaddar, under which women were coerced into relinquishing their right to ancestral property. The petition also cited religious verses which set out the rights that Muslim women have to inherit property.

In its proceedings, the FSC reviewed responses from all four provinces regarding such practices. While all provinces denied the existence of any custom by the specific names of chaddar or parchi, they acknowledged that women were regularly being deprived of their inheritance rights, often through emotional pressure or local custom. The court ruled that any practice — regardless of name — which deprives women of their rightful inheritance is unIslamic and illegal. However, it did not grant Shah any personal remedy for the alleged denial of her late mother’s inheritance rights, stating that such in personam relief lies outside its jurisdiction in a Shariat petition.

This distinction is crucial. While the court did not resolve Shah’s personal grievance, it did set down a general legal and moral precedent: customs that pressure women into relinquishing property rights, whether called parchi, chaddar, or any other name, have no legal or religious basis.

In a society where tradition and faith have long been entangled to limit women’s autonomy, this recognition is of critical importance. The ruling reinforces that women can challenge coercive practices such as haq bakhshwana in court using existing remedies. Among these is Section 498-A of the Pakistan Penal Code, which criminalises depriving a woman of her inherited property and prescribes imprisonment and fines for offenders.

The two decisions reflect crucial steps in recognising the financial autonomy of women — whether in terms of being considered financially independent or in their ability to inherit property. That it is two women whose stance contributed to this change and who refused to back down in the face of male pressure shows how women are becoming financially and legally literate — and are unafraid to raise their voices. It was particularly heartening to see the members of the FSC bench acknowledge the role of familial pressure and emotional blackmail in depriving women of their rights.

We are living through moments of great change, which can engender both anxiety and fear about the future of society. Inroads like these are essential sources of hope because they reveal how even institutions or customs once considered impenetrable and unassailable can be transformed for a more just and equitable future. As the story of these two cases — and the women behind them — suggests, sometimes change can be a good thing.

rafia.zakaria@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, April 5th, 2025

BALOCHISTAN IS A COUNTRY

Govt keeps BNP-M long march to Quetta at bay

Saleem Shahid

Published April 7, 2025 

DAWN

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Security personnel are stationed outside the Lakpass Tunnel on Sunday, which is blocked with shipping containers to prevent BNP-Mengal protesters from marching towards Quetta.—AFP

• Law enforcement personnel encircle sit-in to arrest Mengal; party calls for strike across Balochistan today

• Almost two dozen picked up as protesters clash with police

QUETTA: The Balochistan National Party’s (BNP-M) long march to Quetta could not move towards the provincial capital — despite the expiry of its April 6 deadline to allow the marchers to proceed — while a large contingent of law enforcers were deployed around the protest camp to arrest party leader Akhtar Mengal.

In light of the government’s action to stop his party’s march, Mr Mengal announced a shutter-down strike across the province today (Monday), while vowing to continue the sit-in at Lakpass — on the outskirts of Quetta — until the acceptance of their demands.

He said the sit-in at Lakpass would continue until the government allowed the long marchers to enter Quetta. The BNP president also asked the party workers and supporters to block all highways in the province and stage sit-ins wherever they are stopped by the security forces.

Meanwhile, the Balochistan government said Mr Mengal would risk arrest under the Maintenance of Public Order if he marched on Quetta. “Security personnel encircled the sit-in camp of BNP at Lakpass for the arrest of Sardar Akhtar Mengal, who refused to surrender to the police when informed about the decision of the provincial authorities,” said Shahid Rind, spokesman for the Balochistan government.

Sardar Akhtar Mengal also confirmed reports about the encirclement of the party sit-in.

“We are completely encircled and we decided to continue our protest sit-in at Lakpass and also asked the party workers and supporters who were stopped by the authorities in different towns and cities for joining the march towards Quetta to stage sit-ins and block all roads,” he added.

Meanwhile, BNP-M supporters and the police clashed in Sona Kahn, a neighbourhood on the outskirts of Quetta, leading to over two dozen arrests. The workers and supporters had arrived in large numbers to welcome their party leader and marchers.

They also blocked different roads and streets in Sariab and the western and eastern bypasses, burning tires and putting up barricades and boulders. They also pelted the police with stones, while the latter used batons and tear gas to disperse the crowd. The clashes continued between police and protestors in different areas till late evening.

They burned tyres and erected roadblocks at major junctions, including Mughal Chowk, Faizabad, Killi Bangulzai, Burma Hotel, and Qambrani Road. The barricades at highways had brought all types of traffic to a halt, leaving commuters and transporters stranded.

The central traders’ organisation also backed the shutter-down strike announced by Sardar Akh­tar Mengal for Monday and said traders would close their business throughout the day in Quetta.

Separately, the protesters also took to the streets in Kalat, Hub, Noshki, Khuzdar, Mastung, and other districts.

Lakpass sit-in to continue

Meanwhile, BNP Senior Vice President Sajid Tareen said that the long march was not over despite the blockade. “Our protest at Lakpass continues, and we are being unlawfully prevented from exercising our democratic right to protest,” he said while speaking at a press conference flanked by the leaders of allied parties, including Agha Hassan Baloch (BNP), Shams Kurd (Jamhoori Watan Party), and Rasheed Khan Nasar (Awami National Party).

“We condemn the suppression of peaceful protests. The current regime has shut down all democratic avenues,” Mr Tareen said, announcing a province-wide strike on Monday.

He further revealed that BNP leaders had been approached by federal officials, including Sadiq Sanjrani, Ayaz Sadiq, and Khalid Magsi, who acknowledged they lacked the authority to resolve the situation, deferring responsibility to the establishment.

Shams Kurd of the Jamhoori Watan Party and Rasheed Khan Nasar of the ANP both denounced the government’s use of force. “The people are being made to suffer due to poor decisions. Roads have been closed for days, cutting off entire districts,” Nasar said, urging the government to allow the BNP to hold their sit-in at Quetta’s Hockey Chowk instead.

Meanwhile, Balochis­tan government spokesperson Shahid Rind defended the administration’s actions, stating that Akhtar Mengal had been informed that he would face arrest under the Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) law if he advanced toward Quetta. “Law enforcement is on-site to prevent chaos. The BNP’s call to block highways only adds to the public’s difficulties,” Mr Rind posted on social media.

Published in Dawn, April 7th, 2025

Balochistan deadlock

Editorial 

Published April 6, 2025

DAWN

THE state’s efforts to stifle political activity in Balochistan are unlikely to improve the situation, and instead may further enflame matters. After the authorities placed obstacles in the way of the BNP-M’s ‘long march’, Akhtar Mengal’s party has warned that it will march on Quetta today.

The Baloch leader had originally launched a long march from Wadh to the provincial capital on March 28, calling for the release of Mahrang Baloch and other detained women activists.

However, unable to reach Quetta due to obstructions placed by the state, the party transformed the procession into a protest sit-in. Negotiations with the state have failed to end the impasse, though the provincial government’s spokesperson said on Saturday the BNP-M may be allowed to march to Quetta, but not to the red zone.

In a related move, the provincial head of the JWP has also been detained. Meanwhile, political parties in Balochistan have called on the state to lift restrictions on political activities in the province.

Peaceful protest is the democratic right of all citizens, and the state should not be creating hindrances in the exercise of this right. In the context of Balochistan, where political expression has been severely curtailed, the need to protect this right is even greater. Rather than trying to stop the protests, the government should ponder over why Balochistan’s people have taken to the streets.

Akhtar Mengal’s demands to release women activists should seriously be considered. What is needed in Balochistan is sagacity and vision, not the colonial-style methods that have been employed for the past several decades, which have failed to address the situation in the province or neutralise the insurgency. Political activity should not be equated with ‘political opportunism’, and the state needs to make a clear distinction between terrorists and peaceful political activists.

Defending the right to assemble and express oneself is not the same as expressing sympathy with terrorists. If the state shuts all avenues of political expression, then the volcano of disaffection in Balochistan is likely to explode with even greater ferocity. That is why Akhtar Mengal and other moderate nationalists and rights activists should be engaged and listened to.

The militarised approach may bring temporary quiet to Balochistan, but it will not address the long-standing grievances militants tap into to fuel the insurgency. The state, therefore, must handle the situation with wisdom.

Published in Dawn, April 6th, 2025

Thousands of Afghans depart Pakistan under repatriation pressure


By AFP

April 7, 2025


Thousands of Afghans have returned from Pakistan in recent days ahead of a deadline to leave set by Islamabad - Copyright AFP -

Thousands of Afghans have crossed the border from Pakistan in recent days, the United Nations and Taliban officials said, as Islamabad ramped up pressure for them to return to their country of origin.

Pakistan last month set an early April deadline for some 800,000 Afghans carrying Afghan Citizen Cards (ACC) issued by Pakistan authorities to leave the country, another phase in Islamabad’s campaign in recent years to remove Afghans from the country.

Families with their belongings in tow lined up at the key border crossings of Torkham in the north and Spin Boldak in the south, recalling similar scenes in 2023 when tens of thousands of Afghans fled deportation threats in Pakistan.

“In the last 2 days, 8,025 undocumented & ACC holders returned via Torkham & Spin Boldak crossings,” the UN International Organization for Migration (IOM) said in a post on social media platform X on Monday.

Taliban officials also said thousands of people had crossed the border, but at lower rates than the IOM reported.

Refugee ministry spokesman Abdul Mutalib Haqqani told AFP that 6,000-7,000 Afghans had returned since the start of April, warning that the numbers could increase in the coming days after the end of the holidays marking the end of Ramadan.

“We are urging Pakistan authorities not to deport them (Afghans) forcefully — there should be a proper mechanism with an agreement between both countries, and they must be returned with dignity,” he said.

The UN says nearly three million Afghans live in Pakistan, many having fled there over decades of war in their country and after the return of the Taliban to power in Kabul in 2021.

Ties between the neighbouring countries have frayed since the Taliban takeover, with Pakistan accusing Kabul’s rulers of failing to root out militants sheltering on Afghan soil, a charge the Taliban government denies.

They built a home, a family, a life. Now they must leave for a land they know nothing of

Pakistan has in recent days witnessed hundreds of Afghans dragging their belongings across the Torkham and Chaman borders as the govt began its second drive of deportations on March 31.

Muzhira Amin 

Published April 7, 2025

PRISM/DA

Under an unforgiving Karachi sun, Qari Zaeenuddin and his daughter patiently stand outside Ameen House — a hostel turned detention centre — in the Sultanabad locality. The duo is surrounded by nearly a dozen policemen and their vans guarding the building, where hundreds of Afghans from across the city have been brought of late.

The father, a petite man dressed in a shalwar kameez and white topi, clutches a file close to himself. The girl, whose face is hidden under a naqab, carries a bloated backpack, the weight of which bends her 18-year-old timid back. Both are sweating profusely, but wait silently for their turn. When the station house officer of the area makes an appearance, they rush to him. There is more waiting to do, they are told.

Zaeenuddin, an Afghan refugee, migrated to Pakistan in 1996 when he was just a boy. Initially based in the Hazara division of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, he later moved to Karachi, where he got married. Bibi Razia, who is accompanying him, too, was born and recently married in the port city. On the third day of Eid, however, her husband was arrested from a naan shop in Banaras, Orangi Town.

“He lost his POR (proof of residency) card, and so they took him,” he says. That day, Zaeenuddin made multiple visits to the area police station before he was told that Kamaluddin had been sent to Ameen House. “I have come here with all the documents,” he points to the file. Inside is Razia Bibi’s neatly stapled POR card, marriage certificate, birth certificate and vaccination cards.

“I have one request: either let him out or take my daughter in too so that they can both go to Afghanistan together … what will she do here alone?” the father cries. “I will wait all day if need be, but I won’t leave until I’m given a definitive answer.” And so Zaeenuddin continues to stand outside the hostel until one of the policemen gives him a seat.

Qari Zaeenuddin and his daughter wait outside Ameen House.


Pakistan has in recent days witnessed hundreds of Afghans dragging their belongings across the Torkham and Chaman borders as the government began its second drive of deportations on March 31, which targeted those holding Afghan Citizen Cards — an identity document jointly issued by the Pakistani and Afghan government in 2017.

The drive is part of a larger campaign that the government began in 2023 to repatriate all illegal foreigners. Under the first phase, all undocumented Afghans were deported, those who didn’t have identity proof.

In Karachi, over the last five days, at least 307 Afghan refugees, particularly those holding an Afghan Citizen Card or ACC, have been sent back to the country their families fled from years ago, according to a provisional police statement available with Dawn.com. Separately, 11,272 Afghans have been repatriated through the Torkham border crossing since April 1.

In 2017, Pakistan, in collaboration with the Afghan government, introduced the ACCs, which were to be issued to those who could not obtain the PoR cards for some reason. The estimated number of ACC holders is around 840,000.

Many of those who crossed the border left behind not only the property, homes and lives they built over the years, but also family members. On the other hand, the ones on this side of the border have found themselves in a constant state of panic and distress.
A tug of war

At an hour’s distance from Ameen House, fear is palpable on the streets of Afghan Basti — a four-decade-old settlement located on the outskirts of Karachi. The road leading up to the camp is almost deserted, the only exception being the honking of loaded trucks.

But deeper inside the safety of the narrow and uneven lanes, the first signs of life appear; young men gathered around a foosball table, children running barefoot, a newly constructed mosque, freshly baked kulchas and the aroma of seekh kebabs.

Kulchas spread out on a table at a naan shop in Karachi’s Afghan Basti.


“Here, we are safe,” says resident and tailor Ibadullah. “Most of us have not stepped outside for almost a week now for fear of being arrested.” A crackdown on the informal settlement a few days back has left him and his neighbours shaken. “Personnel of law enforcement agencies entered our homes and arrested people without even checking their IDs,” he recalls.

A similar incident also took place near the Al-Asif Square at Sohrab Goth on Thursday, a 23-minute drive from the settlement where most Afghan men come for work. Policemen conducted raids and arrests.

“They say we are living here illegally … we were born and raised here, how can we be illegal? These POR (proof of residency) cards were given to us by the government,” Ibadullah says, taking the card out of his pocket. “Why did they issue it to us if we are illegal?”

The POR cards were introduced in collaboration with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and were issued to over 2.15 million Afghan refugees between 2006 and 2007. These cards were valid for two years, after which they would have to be renewed every two years. Under the programme, the refugees can avail benefits such as opening a bank account, getting jobs and acquiring education.

According to Advocate Moniza Kakar, the government’s deportation deadline for POR holders currently stands at June 30. Kakar is a lawyer and founder member of the Joint Action Committee for Refugees.

He claims that the arrests are money-making tactics. “If you give them (the police) money, they will spare you. If you don’t, they will pack you up and send you to the detention centre,” an angry Ibadullah alleges. “What other option do we have? It is a tug of war between hiding here and getting deported.”

For some, though, the battle is between life and death. Gul Alam, Ibadullah’s neighbour, stands subdued nearby. Lately, he finds it difficult to walk or stand for long. A kidney patient, he has to make weekly trips to the Dr Ruth Pfau Civil Hospital in the city centre for treatment, but it has been two weeks since he left his home.

Ibadullah and other residents of Afghan Basti gather on the streets.



“I have nine children, most of them daughters, what will they do if I am deported?” he frowns. Nearby, a young girl peeks from a stained and hastily sewn curtain draped on the main entrance of the house and brings out a tablet with water for her father. “She does not even know what or where Afghanistan is,” the 55-year-old says.

Most of the residents of the Afghan Basti hold POR cards, which means they aren’t being deported yet. But that does not ease their fear or anxiety. “When they come, they don’t ask for cards, they just use sticks and brute force.

“This has forced so many families to leave the basti and go into hiding,” Alam adds.
From bad to ‘worse’

The raids and crackdowns that Afghan refugees narrate follow a pattern similar to that of 2023, when the deportation campaign first commenced. But Saeed Husain, an anthropologist whose work focuses on Pashtun migration in Karachi, highlights that they have become aggressively worse.

“They are raiding houses and plazas past midnight, and picking up people just based on the suspicion of looking like an Afghan,” he tells Dawn.com. “And once arrested, these people aren’t taken to the magistrate as per due process; instead, they are directly taken to Ameen House and the border from there.”

The entrance of Ameen House in Sultanabad, where Afghans are kept before deportation.

Ameen House was officially designated as an Afghan detention centre in 2023. But Saeed calls it a “black hole” because neither lawyers nor activists are allowed inside. “We don’t know how many Afghans are there, what conditions they are in or how they are treated.

“We also don’t know if the people arrested hold ACC permits or POR cards,” he adds. The Afghans whose family members were taken to the hostel also expressed similar sentiments.

“My nephew is at the detention centre and sent us videos,” an aged resident of Afghan Basti, who wished not to be named, shares. “Around 50-70 people are clamped in a single room, it is extremely hot, and they are being given food only once a day. Hundreds of people are being forced to share a single washroom.”

Dawn.com also visited the tightly guarded Ameen House but was also not allowed inside. The hostel sits next to the Ranger headquarters near Haji Camp. There are hardly any signs that tell it is a detention centre, which Saeed says were there before but have been taken down lately. Only the flurry of activity, most of which takes place at night, signifies that something is happening inside.

According to Deputy Inspector General-South Asad Raza, the hostel is a “bare minimum shelter home that provides lodging and food”. Teams of the National Database and Registration Authority and the Federal Investigation Agency are present at the centre for verification.

“So if in case an Afghan with a POR card is brought, they will be handed back to the respective police station if the Nadra database confirms the same.”

Shops at the Afghan Basti, Sohrab Goth.



DIG Raza further adds that the police did not have any instructions from the government regarding showing high-handedness towards the refugees. Rather, they were given the “task of detaining and deporting those who weren’t leaving voluntarily”.

In case of an arrest, “if any illegal Afghan is arrested, he/she may be presented before the court after being charged under the illegal foreigner act and then sent from jail to the Chaman border for deportation”, he explains.

However, the DIG admits that there were some “handling issues” where Afghan refugees holding POR cards were also detained, leading to scuffles. “But by design, our duty is to repatriate them in a respectful and dignified way.”
To Chaman and beyond

Meanwhile, at the Ameen House, the refugees undergo verification and biometric scans that are conducted by teams of Nadra and FIA. These are used in preparing lists or a “manifest document”, Raza explains. It includes the refugees’ names, IDs, picture, age, gender and the border through which they are set to enter Afghanistan.

Once the document is prepared, the refugees are all filled in buses and taken to the Chaman border via Jacobabad. In the wee hours of Sunday, a convoy of six buses, each with a security in charge on board, departed from Ameen House and headed to the Malir Expressway onto the Karachi-Hyderabad Motorway.

An old man sits outside a shop at Afghan Basti.



Escorted by eight police mobiles, these buses make a stop at a similar detention centre in Jacobabad, from where they head to Chaman, which is at a distance of six hours.

At the border, the “manifest document” is shared with officials from the UNHCR and the Afghan government. For the refugees, those moments are their last in Pakistan, before they enter a country they or their parents were forced to escape.

According to Saeed, who is also a member of the Joint Action Committee for Refugees, once the border is crossed, it is very difficult to maintain contact with those back at home. “Because these people are now looked at with suspicion from authorities on both sides of the border.”

The Taliban government, he continues, has even said that they can’t take in all the refugees. “Where does that leave these people then? You have forced them out of one country and sent them to a place that doesn’t want them.”

Boys play foosball at the Afghan Basti.



UNHCR spokesperson Qaiser Khan also expresses similar concerns in a chat with Dawn.com. “It is imperative that the return of Afghan refugees is voluntary and dignified so that their reintegration in Afghanistan is sustainable,” he says, highlighting that the body is urging Pakistan to look at their situation through a humanitarian lens and calling for engagement between Islamabad and Kabul.

He adds that the agency is also in talks with the government regarding the arrests of Afghan refugees, and lawyers are working on the release of those seeking asylum and POR holders.
Fight till the end

Hundreds of miles from the Chaman border, the residents of Afghan Basti hide their fears, apprehensions, anger and disdain under a veneer of hope. One of them is Ziaul Haq, who runs a general store in the area, atop which the flag of Pakistan is hoisted. The walls of his shop are painted with ‘welcome’ in Urdu.

“My father came to Karachi during the 1980s and he named me after the military dictator at the time,” he gleams with pride. “I named my son Ejazul Haq to continue the tradition.”

He recalls how his father set up the business here at the Afghan Basti and passed away after living a long life. “I was born and raised here … my kids were born and raised here … my parents and grandparents are buried here … my country is Pakistan and none else,” Haq says.

A Pakistan flag hoisted atop a general store at Afghan Basti.



“Jaan jaan Pakistan, dil dil Pakistan,” he chants. “We hope and pray that the government will see our love for this country and give us an identity here.” Soon after, he reaches out to an activist standing nearby and asks: “Sab theek hojayega naa? (Will everything be fine?)”

Haq hasn’t been able to go to the market to restock his supplies since Eid. The reason? Fear, again. “What if they arrest me or demand a bribe?”

The same is the case with several other shopkeepers in the area, who are keeping a trip outside Afghan Basti the last on their list, despite depleting stocks.

But while the men fear, it is 65-year-old Ziabah, who is prepared for everything. She was just 25 when she came to Karachi with her husband and a breast-fed son. “I have spent 40 years of my life here, how can I leave now? And where will I go?” she says, seated cross-legged in her one-room house.

Across from her is a crib where her grandchild coos, an embroidered blanket draped over him. “I don’t remember the name of my village or the people I lived with there … who is waiting for me there?” Ziabah laughs. “Even my language is different now.”

Ziabah, a 65-year-old Afghan woman, sits in a room at her small house.

She is soon joined by her son, Muhammad Rasool, who drives for a livelihood. “I recently visited Afghanistan,” he tells Dawn.com. “Do you know they have a left-hand drive, how will I work there? Even if I lose my job here, I know I will find another. But I don’t know anyone there.”

He takes out his POR card. “This is my identity card, no matter what anyone says,” Rasool asserts. Ziabah, on the other hand, is adamant. “I won’t leave until they forcefully put me in a bus or something,” she says.

Outside her house, children continue to play, almost oblivious to the tense environment around them. One of them wears a green and white cap, adorned with a star.

Header image: Two young Afghan boys walk at the Afghan Basti near Karachi’s Sohrab Goth as a deportation drive is underway in the city. — All photos by 

Afghan return

Editorial 

Published April 7, 2025

DAWN

AS expected, the government of Pakistan is moving ahead with its plan to forcibly repatriate Afghan Citizenship Card holders still residing in the country. It may be recalled that it had earlier announced March 31 as the deadline for ‘voluntary repatriation’, after which stragglers would be deported. By making good on that warning, Islamabad has chosen to ignore repeated calls from humanitarian organisations — including the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, whose representative in Pakistan spoke on Eid to advocate a more compassionate approach and to give refugees more time to return. This decision is the state’s prerogative, and clearly, there’s little anyone else can do about it. As the Foreign Office keenly reminded critics of Islamabad’s Afghan policy around two weeks earlier, Pakistan is not bound by the Refugee Convention, and everything it has done for Afghan refugees has been done ‘out of the goodness of its heart’. Therefore, views like UNHCR Representative Philippa Candler’s, who observed that “Over time, Afghan refugees have become woven into the fabric of Pakistan’s society,” find no currency in Islamabad, where policy hawks have chosen to see Afghans as outsiders and an existential threat.

Now that it has chosen this path, the least the government can do is ensure that all Afghans who are subject to deportation orders are treated humanely and respectfully on their journey back. There is a very strong possibility they will not be, and given their vulnerable status, there are bound to be predators, both state officials and civilians, looking to exploit their situation. The authorities must go out of their way to ensure that deportees’ lives, property and dignity are protected and that they are given ample opportunity to set their affairs in order. Many Afghans came to this country empty-handed. During the time they spent here, some of them have managed to scrape a little of their lives back together. The Pakistani state’s decision to return them to where they fled must not come across as their punishment for being Afghan. If they are being returned ‘home’, as the Pakistani authorities like to frame their decision to deport them, then they must be given reason to feel so. The state can be as firm as it needs to be in order to implement its policy, but it must strive not to do anything cruel. That would help no one.

Published in Dawn, April 7th, 2025