Saturday, December 13, 2025

 

Source: Jacobin

Each time I relocate to Germany, I buy a mug. This usually entails a trip to the nearest TK Maxx, where I purchase a €4, extra-large vessel for my herbal tea. The dainty European mugs found in my prefurnished lodgings just can’t hold the quantities I need. My criteria are simple: it must be large and sturdy. I don’t care what it looks like or who manufactured it. In Marxist terms, I’m concerned only with its use value.

If, however, I wished to seem fancy or fashionable, I could purchase a Hermès “H Déco Rouge No. 1” mug for €125. Drinking my ginger brew out of this lovely piece of porcelain might increase my social worth in the eyes of discerning tableware connoisseurs, but its use value remains the same: it holds my tea. Remaining in the vernacular of Marxism, the additional €121 that I could theoretically pay for the Hermès mug represents the difference in their exchange values as commodities.

When Karl Marx discusses the difference between use and exchange values, he refers to material objects that satisfy human wants and needs, only transformed into commodities when traded on a market. In 1857, he used the example of wheat, which

possesses the same use value, whether cultivated by slaves, serfs or free labourers. It would not lose its use value if it fell from the sky like snow. Now, how does use value become transformed into a commodity? [When it becomes a] vehicle of exchange value.

Intrinsic to capitalism as an economic system, then, is the conversion of things that have use values (which, often enough, are abundant and free) into things that have exchange values, i.e., scarce commodities that people must pay for.

Although not a material object, love also has a use value that exists outside of the social relations of exchange that govern capitalist societies. Most, if not all of us, have given and received love, often beginning as children in our families, where we feel nurtured and validated by the people around us. Giving and receiving this most vital of emotions is as essential to human flourishing as food, water, and shelter — and thus, it follows that it ought to figure prominently in any political program for socialist transformation. Yet if we want to develop a socialist analysis and subsequent politics of love, we must understand how our current economic system deprives us of the time and energy necessary to give and receive it.

To better delineate between the use and exchange values of love, I propose that “love” involves at least three distinct constituent components: attention, affection, and reciprocal flow. All of the different forms of love — romantic, platonic, filial, spiritual, and so on — involve some combination of these three components. All three have use values that exist outside of the market, but only two can be directly commodified, leaving the third, reciprocal flow, necessarily beyond the realm of exchange. Understanding how and why capitalism diminishes our ability to give and receive love hinges on its simultaneous devaluation and exploitation of the lone use value that cannot be converted into an exchange value.

Paying (for) Attention

The first component of love is attention, the almost exclusive focus of one being’s cognitive capacities on another subject or object. Human beings crave the attention of others. Our fundamental sense of belonging depends on having access to attentional resources, and our desire for them is so strong that most people prefer negative attention over no attention at all. For example, one 2015 study found that workplace ostracism was actually psychologically worse than “harassing behaviors that directly demean, insult, belittle, or humiliate someone.” Being ignored by one’s colleagues was “more negatively related than harassment to employees’ physical health and work-related attitudes and turnover over time.”

Attention clearly has a use value, given its centrality to human flourishing. Being seen and acknowledged by others is an essential psychological need, as is being listened to and validated for our thoughts and opinions. One 2010 study found that merely having a conversation partner avert their eyes induced a deep feeling of ostracism that reduced “explicit and implicit self-esteem.” Research from 2021 found that feelings of social exclusion even altered auditory perception: ignored individuals subjectively experience the world as a quieter place.If we want to develop a socialist analysis and subsequent politics of love, we must understand how our current economic system deprives us of the time and energy necessary to give and receive it.

Of the three components of love I’ve identified, attention is the most obviously commodifiable. Money can buy attention, and selling one’s attention provides a legitimate way to earn a living. Therapists, life coaches, and personal trainers sell blocks of their undivided heedfulness. Tarot card readers and psychics similarly charge per session. Parents pay childcare workers to attend to their little ones, and in the United States, always at the cutting edge of commodification, a company called rentafriend.com allows users to buy and sell hours of platonic attention. We even hire robots to pay attention to us: the chat logs of popular AI programs like ChatGPT are brimming with confessional writing.

Meanwhile, corporations, algorithms, and the necessities of modern life devour vast amounts of our attentional resources, leaving us with little to spare at our discretion. Our jobs require our undivided attention for the majority of our waking hours. Social media platforms capture our remaining attention and then sell it to advertisers, leaving us depleted. As our economic system drains the ability to concentrate our attention, it grows ever scarcer, thereby increasing its exchange value. At the end of another harried day of late-capitalist hustling, even the most generous parents might half-ignore their children. Friends leave their friends on read. Lovers ghost each other.

If we get used to thinking of attention as something we can buy, we also become less inclined to share (for free) what meager attentional resources remain. Researchers at Harvard University point to a “friendship recession,” as rising living costs force people to spend more time at work and fewer hours socializing. Meanwhile, many American women (26 percent, according to a recent study) are reluctant to date men who aren’t in therapy — another way of saying that women wish to split the attentional burden imposed by romantic relationships with men, whose own social worlds are shrinking as their friends devote attention elsewhere.

As wealthier members of society purchase the attentional resources of others — whether by employing them as workers or designing lucrative distractions for them as consumers — we witness the growth of an underclass of people who enjoy little to no attention at all, fueling the global epidemic of social isolation. According to a 2025 report of the World Health Organization, one in six people globally experience loneliness, a lack of social connection that accounts for almost 900,000 excess deaths per year.

Affection and Flow

Another major component of love is affection, a capacious category that can encompass sex, touch, comfort, kind words, compliments, and any number of actions that express tenderness, passion, concern, or devotion. In his famous 1958 study, “The Nature of Love,” the American psychologist Harry Harlow observed infant rhesus monkeys provided with two inanimate surrogate mothers, the first made of wire that dispensed milk and the second covered in soft cloth but without milk. Harlow found that the baby monkeys desired what he called “comfort contact” more than food. More recently, biological anthropologists suggest that basic human touch can help mitigate the physiological stress associated with extreme environments such as low gravity, high altitudes, or excessive cold and heat. As the climate crisis further challenges the limits of human biology, affection will only increase in use value.

But as with attention, units of affection easily become commodities. In societies where the cost of living exceeds the average paycheck, overwork and anxiety leave people time-poor and exhausted, hoarding their stores of affection for necessary bouts of self-care. If we’re going to cook anyone their favorite comfort food, it will be ourselves. Relentless competition and economic instability deplete us. As affection grows scarce, its exchange value increases, and more workers rationally choose to sell their affection as a form of labor power, particularly when average wages are low.

One clear example is sex work, which existed well before the advent of capitalism but takes a plethora of more creative forms today, from “camming” to “findom.” But money buys other types of affection too. Japanese businessmen pay women in hostess clubs to make them feel desirable and esteemed through personalized compliments. Wealth can also buy a steady supply of professionalized forms of human touch: massage therapy, foot reflexology, spa treatments, beauty services, and so on. As the 1 percent populates its calendars with purchased forms of pampering, affection itself becomes a luxury good — to be hoarded, traded, and displayed, a totem of personal success in an economic system where everything has a price.As affection grows scarce, its exchange value increases, and more workers rationally choose to sell their affection as a form of labor power.

In loving relationships, the sharing of attention and affection is bound up with a third component that I call “reciprocal flow,” a natural cycle of giving and receiving. It’s a generative and productive dynamic: the more attention and affection we receive, the more we feel inspired to give, and vice versa. We find this everywhere in nature, as so beautifully captured in the writings of Potawatomi botanist Robin Wall Kimmerer. The earth nourishes trees, which drop their leaves and fruits to nourish the earth. Bees collect nectar from flowering plants, pollinating them and ensuring plant survival. Humans inhale oxygen and exhale carbon dioxide, while plants inhale carbon dioxide and exhale oxygen. Entire ecosystems rely on the constant giving-and-receiving cycles of reciprocal flow.

The use value of reciprocal flow derives from how it naturally directs these delicate ecosystems and allows for both intra- and interspecies cooperation and the maintenance of system-wide equilibria. In his travels in Siberia, the Russian geographer Pyotr Kropotkin marveled at how different animals collaborated to ensure their mutual survival in the unforgiving climate. Similarly, researchers found that human toddlers engage in cross-species altruistic behavior; they will assist dogs even when there is no hope of reciprocity.

Much of the love I’ve felt for my own canine companions over the years stems from the reciprocal flow of affection and attention that cycles between us. A 2024 study found that US military veterans reported “significantly lower PTSD symptom severity, anxiety, and depression” when paired with service canines. My university brings therapy dogs to campus during exams to reduce student stress. Studies show that petting a dog is as pleasurable for the petter as it is for the petted. A dog won’t pet you back, but the act creates an energy of mutual affection, an aura of love.

We’re All in It Together

Reciprocal flow is not the same as reciprocity. Reciprocity suggests a tally sheet where each party keeps account of the balance between giving and receiving. Reciprocal flow allows for short-term imbalances because it occurs within relationships that persist over time and in close proximity. My dogs and I have shared reciprocal flow because we lived together through the same daily routine over many years; our familiarity grew in tandem with the intensity and longevity of our connection.

Similarly, parenthood requires a certain acquiescence to this state of reciprocal flow. Young children demand an exceptional amount of attention and affection, but many parents also feel a deep sense of purpose and satisfaction from the free sharing of these resources (our species would not have survived otherwise). This reciprocal flow state is sustained by shared expectations that relationships between generations will persist for decades.

A great conversation is a microcosm of reciprocal flow. It involves spontaneous acts of thinking, speaking, listening, and responding in an easy back-and-forth where no one person dominates. We share stories, updates, ideas, observations, and ask for or offer sympathy, insight, and advice without regard to their potential exchange value.

In the creative realms, jazz jam sessions and amateur ballroom dancing rely on the shared joy of reciprocal flow. In the many summer months that I’ve lived in Freiburg im Breisgau, I always stop to marvel at those in the Tanzbrunnen near the cafeteria of the university. In the open-air basin of a fountain that the Allies bombed to pieces in World War II, couples of all ages gather on warm evenings to sway together beneath the stars just for the fun of it. Similarly, on a recent trip to Scotland, I experienced my first ceilidh, where an assortment of people bring their instruments to jam together without sheet music or prearranged set lists. It is a raucous, joyous blend of song and sound, with the musicians just riffing off of each other for the simple pleasure of playing traditional Scottish tunes.

Even in children, the highest stage and most important form of play is called “cooperative play” or “reciprocal play.” Think back to those long days in childhood when you shared imaginary worlds with your playmates, losing track of time in mutually constructed spaces of make-believe. Role-playing, dress-up, and collaborative storytelling rely on natural states of reciprocal flow between the imaginations of the young. These activities teach children to read the emotional cues of others and learn how to respond spontaneously. Child psychologists recognize that engaging in extended bouts of reciprocal play is essential for our cognitive development. Losing ourselves in shared states of reciprocal flow is how we learn the prosocial behaviors upon which our societies are built.

Albert Einstein took this argument even further in his memorable essay “Why Socialism?”, proposing that individuals and society exist within a constant state of reciprocal flow:

The individual is able to think, feel, strive, and work by himself; but he depends so much upon society — in his physical, intellectual, and emotional existence — that it is impossible to think of him, or to understand him, outside the framework of society. It is “society” which provides man with food, clothing, a home, the tools of work, language, the forms of thought, and most of the content of thought; his life is made possible through the labor and the accomplishments of the many millions past and present who are all hidden behind the small word “society.”

When it comes to friendship and romantic love, we naturally enter into reciprocal flow states with other people as a result of longevity and proximity. The reasons for entering this flow might vary (physical attraction, similar political commitments, commensurate intellectual interests, etc.), but the reciprocal flow of attention and affection grows beyond the initial impetus. Unlike with pets and most children, these adult relationships feel more precarious because at any time one of the parties might suddenly withdraw from the flow.

When these relationships falter, it can be because at least one party has abandoned the reciprocal flow state for a much more calculated form of exchange. Narcissism, greed, resentment, trauma, paranoia, or any number of psychological conditions might inhibit one’s ability to sustain a natural rhythm of giving and receiving. And some people are just jerks.

Love Is Not for Sale

The importance of reciprocal flow to our experience of love is further demonstrated by the many representations of it in music, art, literature, and cinema. The plot of almost every romantic comedy or BFF flick revolves around individuals finding their soul mates, the people with whom they most easily fall into this flow state. Other, wealthier or more attractive suitors might present themselves, but “true love” is almost always about a special and irreplaceable connection. Demonstrations of reciprocal flow can also be commodified, with eager spectators hoping to witness reciprocal flow in real time. Improv comedy is an excellent example, as are sports where individual athletes triumph by working together with their teammates. Although the ceilidhs I attended in Inverness were free to join and to watch, the audience sometimes bought beers for the musicians or threw coins into a tip bucket.

But unlike attention and affection, reciprocal flow cannot be commodified. Assigning reciprocal flow an exchange value negates its essence as a natural, rhythmic cycle of giving and receiving without the immediate expectation of a return on investment. It’s like seeing someone with a sign reading “Free Hugs” in one hand while shaking a donation can in the other. They are no longer “free” if any form of payment is solicited. Whereas the use values of affection and attention remain at least somewhat intact whether they are shared freely or sold or fall from the sky like snow, reciprocal flow loses its use value once you drag it into the market. It is predicated upon generosity, a sharing of affective resources out of care rather than self-interest. The very act of attempting to commodify reciprocal flow kills it.

This presents a problem for capitalism.

Capitalists want to recognize the value of reciprocal flow and may even agree that it cannot be assigned an exchange value. For example, family conservatives and right-wing ideologues who otherwise valorize private markets recognize that young children need to experience an abundance of affection, attention, and reciprocal flow to develop their social and cognitive skills. But traditionalists assert that providing attention and affection for young children should only be accomplished through the reciprocal flow state, and that facilitating this state is the inherent responsibility of parents, especially mothers, which the latter must do out of a “natural” and biologically rooted love for their own kids. Although ample evidence reveals that infants and young children can be well-nurtured and securely attached to a wide variety of caring adults (whether paid or unpaid), the ubiquitous idealization of the “special bond” between mother and child has the effect of excluding women’s caregiving labor from the productive economy. In a society where everything has a price, the things that get to remain “priceless” are suspiciously those things from which elites benefit.Assigning reciprocal flow an exchange value negates its essence as a natural, rhythmic cycle of giving and receiving without the immediate expectation of a return on investment.

But on the other hand, there is also an impulse under capitalism to diminish the use value of things that resist commodification. As we grow into adults, highly individualistic societies teach us to fear the risks of falling into reciprocal flow states because others might take advantage of us. Your kindness will be taken for weakness. International studies show strikingly divergent levels of social trust. Larger and more generous welfare states correlate with lower levels of suspicion. For example, Wave 7 of the World Values Survey, conducted between 2017 and 2022, asked respondents, “Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you need to be very careful in dealing with people?” The majority of Germans and Americans said that “you need to be very careful” when dealing with other people: 54.5 percent in Germany and a whopping 62.5 percent in the United States, compared to only 25.8 percent of respondents in Denmark and 26.9 percent in Norway.

In cutthroat capitalist societies with high levels of inequality, we learn to protect ourselves from those who take but rarely give. We are hastily encouraged to withdraw from “toxic” friendships and cut off “needy” partners. In a world where attention and affection command such high prices, it is foolish to share them freely.

Love Beyond Capitalism

More just and equal societies that prioritize citizen welfare create the necessary preconditions for reciprocal flow. It takes time and proximity to fall into reciprocal flow with others, to let go of the accounting mentality that we’ve learned, to rejoin a cycle of giving and receiving without a tally of costs and benefits. This is why we often share great conversations with our families and old friends. We no longer ask “What can this person do for me?” Or “What have they done for me lately?” We trust that the flow will equalize over time. But time is scarce, and under the constant stress of unstable markets, proximity can fuel tension more than connection.

Reciprocal flow is a key component of love, but capitalism is vanquishing it. Even the wealthiest members of our society notice its waning. The rich purchase an endless amount of other people’s attention and affection, but no amount of money can buy that experience of being fully immersed in a natural cycle of nontransactional giving and receiving because it is, in essence, nontransactional. Socialists have understood this from the very beginning.

In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote that the bourgeois system creates a society where there exists “no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous ― cash payment.” Capitalism drowns every genuine human emotion in “egotistical calculation” and resolves “personal worth into exchange value.” Consequently, “all that is holy is profaned”; our most intimate and valuable experiences are brought to market and assigned a price. In 1923, Alexandra Kollontai wrote of the “cold of inner loneliness” that people feel in economies where private property distorts our collective ideals of love. She imagined a socialist future where people would enjoy such an abundance of reciprocal flow that the loss of any one specific flow would feel less devastating.

Albert Einstein was also aware that people might mistrust the natural reciprocal flow between individuals and society. He suggested that a person may not see this as “a positive asset, as an organic tie, as a protective force, but rather as a threat to his natural rights, or even to his economic existence.” Instead, people toiling under a system where exchange values are elevated above use values are “unknowingly prisoners of their own egotism[;] they feel insecure, lonely, and deprived of the naive, simple, and unsophisticated enjoyment of life.”

If we lived in a more equitable society with higher levels of social security and time for leisure, we would gain greater capacity for genuine reciprocal flow. The spread between the use value and exchange value of attention and affection would grow smaller. This is not to say that they should not be commodified at all — at least for now, too many rely on selling them for their basic sustenance, and these workers should organize to improve their labor conditions like any other workers.

But we also need to think bigger. A more robust welfare state and better protections for workers would facilitate reciprocal flow, but these alone won’t transcend the strict limitations that centuries of capitalism have imposed on how we love ourselves and each other. We need a new politics of love — one that actively resists the logics of accumulation and profit through a renewed embrace of joy, compassion, connection, and solidarity. This kind of boundless, unalienated love will only be possible after capitalism, a system of scarcity that generates mistrust and is fundamentally at odds with the generosity upon which love depends. We must fight for a new world where we all have the resources to share the time and proximity required to enjoy the naive, simple, and unsophisticated pleasures of the natural cycle of giving and receiving.



 

Source: Jacobin

If you visited Brazil in the last few years, you will have seen it: “the other red hat.” Now a trendy accessory on the beaches of Rio de Janeiro, the decidedly anti-MAGA baseball cap represents not the hard right but the Landless Workers’ Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST).

At nearly two million members strong, the MST is now likely the world’s largest social movement, battle-hardened now after four decades, demanding agrarian reform. Even more impressively, the MST has thrived under adverse conditions, namely the far-right government of Jair Bolsonaro. The MST’s goal is to make good on the unfulfilled promises of Brazil’s democratic transition and to break up colonial relations that still reign in the countryside.

The last decade, though, saw that historical mission gain new momentum. The growing visibility of the MST was, in fact, part of a canny “rebrand” — retreating to a defensive posture as the Bolsonaro government declared open war on the movement’s land occupations. In response, the movement made overtures to the progressive urban middle class.

Flying the unlikely banner of organic food, the MST successfully repackaged agrarian reform — and its contentious land seizures — as a mission to deliver nutritious, sustainably sourced, and affordable produce to the Brazilian masses. In doing so, public opinion began to see the movement less as a “mere” peasant movement and more like a project of national transformation. Though allied to the left-leaning government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the movement maintains a complicated relationship with the Brazilian state.

For Jacobin, Nicolas Allen spoke to MST national leader João Paulo Rodrigues about the MST’s strategic vision for the future and how the movement plans to fight to put working-class politics on the national agenda.


Nicolas Allen

The Landless Workers’ Movement was the subject of a recent Nation cover story. Vincent Bevins, the author of the piece, explains how the movement adapted to changing times over its forty-year existence and how it even grew stronger under the far-right government of Jair Bolsonaro. How do you explain the growth of the MST over the last decade?

João Paulo Rodrigues

The MST has been an important political force since the restoration of Brazilian democracy in the late ’80s — that’s nearly forty-five years in which the MST has been active, with varying degrees of strength, in every struggle.

It’s true the MST has become an important political actor. But it’s just as important to recognize that the last ten years have been very hard for the Brazilian left. Prior to the coup against Dilma [Rousseff] in 2013, there was a great uprising that saw a new generation of Brazilians fall under the influence of the conservative right. That conservative force sought to expel any left-wing movement from the streets: the MST, the CUT [Unified Workers’ Central], the PT [Workers’ Party], they all lost ground to the Right.

The MST survived that moment but things after 2013 only got worse. Next came Dilma’s impeachment, Lula’s imprisonment, the [Michel] Temer government, Bolsonaro’s election, and then the pandemic. During the last ten years, the Brazilian left, the MST included, suffered a lot of setbacks.

During that period, the MST remained a political force by pivoting in a new direction. Instead of exclusively focusing on its traditional concerns — the seizure of vacant and unproductive land, the fight against large landowners, and so on — the MST put a new issue on the political agenda. That issue was food.

The food agenda — producing cheap, healthy, organic foods — transformed the banner of agrarian reform into something more tangible for the average Brazilian. Whether they were members of the middle class and interested in organic foods, or the poorer sectors who wanted affordable prices, the banner of nutrition made the cause of agrarian reform more relatable. That shift toward food production also changed the opinion of the so-called developmentalist sectors, who could no longer look down their noses at the MST as a mere “protest movement.” Now they are forced to recognize that the movement is offering economic, political, and social alternatives.

That’s not to say, of course, just because the movement has raised the banner of food it has abandoned the fight against large landowners, imperialism, and capitalism. It just means the MST is also offering an alternative vision of society.

Nicolas Allen

How does the MST food system work in terms of production and distribution?

João Paulo Rodrigues

There are around 1,900 productive associations, 185 cooperatives, and 120 agribusinesses spread across MST settlements and camp areas. These are involved in the production, processing, and marketing of the foods of the Popular Agrarian Reform. There are at least fifteen main production chains, with more than 1,700 different types of products moving along the MST’s lines of distribution. The lion’s share consists of staple foods such as rice, beans, corn, wheat, coffee, milk, honey, cassava, and various other fruits and vegetables.

Rice yields alone amount to more than 42,000 tons, of which 16,000 tons are organic. The MST has been recognized for over a decade as the largest producer of organic rice in Latin America. MST also produces around 30,000 tons of coffee per harvest. We are also one of the largest producers of cocoa in Brazil, with more than 1.2 million tons.

Simply put, our goal is to become one of the largest producers in the world of organic and ecologically sourced foods. From north to south Brazil, our production chains are organized around the principles of soil conservation, proper management, responsible industrial methods, and using our own commercial channels to put food on the tables of Brazilians. As for distribution, we rely on our Armazéns do Campos [rural grocers], which are MST-associated stores specializing in the sale of agrarian reform products. There are currently twenty-four such stores, present in the main capitals and in inland cities in Brazil. We also hold regional fairs where a large part of the production from the camps and settlements is distributed locally.

However, the main way our peasant families commercialize their production is through fulfillment sales to meet public nutrition guidelines, such as the PAA [Food Acquisition Program] and the PNAE [National School Nutrition Program]. There is a law in Brazil that requires any PNAE program to purchase at least 30 percent of their food resources from small family farms. And although this legislation is not always complied with, these laws guarantee the distribution of MST-produced foods in a direct and institutionally backed market. One might prefer a less bureaucratic model that operates on a larger scale, but the PNAE is extremely important for promoting peasant production and ensuring that schools and other public institutions have healthy and varied foods.

Nicolas Allen

Earlier, when you spoke about the weakness of the Brazilian left, were you referring to electoral politics, organized labor, social movements, or all the above?

João Paulo Rodrigues

Modern Brazil has always been a politically divided country. Traditionally, 30 percent of the population votes for the Left, and the right wing usually wins a similar vote share — around 30 percent. The political center, meanwhile, has tended to vote for the Right. That was the major historical novelty of Lula: since his presidential victory in 2002, Lula has managed to attract the political center and strengthen the PT, which has become a large center-left camp. Through that process, though, the Lula government itself became more centrist than leftist.

This ended up diminishing the strength of the center-right parties, which in recent years have been swallowed up by the Lula and Dilma governments. Center-right parties lost their importance in Brazil because the Lula government, a left-wing government, broke up the long-standing partnership of center-right politicians and capitalist sectors. There was no room for a center-right party in Brazil — it was already incorporated into the government’s base.Instead of exclusively focusing on its traditional concerns, the MST put a new issue on the political agenda. That issue was food.

The far-right government of Jair Bolsonaro shook that up, though. Lula’s governing strategy is based on forming alliances — a strategy incapable of dealing with the Bolsonarista threat. The far right, meanwhile, has formed its own alliance with the center. They were initially a tactical alliance, as far as the center right was concerned, but the far-right bloc has now swallowed up large parts of the center right. As a result, center-right support in Brazil is split between Lula’s government and the far right.

In other words, hegemony in Brazil is currently disputed between the Lula administration and the far-right Bolsonaro camp. These are the two poles constituting the Brazilian political field. It’s my opinion that by the end of this year, as those tensions play out, we will either see a camp emerge to the left of Lula’s government, or one situated more to the center — though it is very difficult to see how the center could form its own government. Ultimately, the Brazilian political center will become a tributary of the far right or the Left.

As concerns the MST, we must prepare for whatever will happen in the next five years — a future defined not only by Bolsonaro’s judicially enforced exit from the political stage but also Lula’s inevitable departure. That period will see a reorganization of the Brazilian political field, which will be dominated by new party leadership, the heavy presence of technology, and, of special worry for us, the waning influence of working-class power. In other words, we will see a “weaker” left that is more removed from the world of production and much more linked to identity issues.

Nicolas Allen

Did that weakening of working-class power inform the MST’s strategic shift?

João Paulo Rodrigues

You need to understand: Brazil has one of the highest rates of land inequality in the world. The struggle for agrarian reform is a historic necessity and will determine the future of Brazilian democracy — it is impossible to accept that 46 percent of Brazil’s land should remain in the hands of 1 percent of landowners. The struggle for land was and remains the basis of the MST’s existence. But once that struggle advances and land is acquired, families need assistance to produce; they need public structures such as schools, health clinics, electricity, sanitation, and roads. In short, there is a need to continue mobilizing after a family gains a plot of land.

During the movement’s nearly forty-two years, we have embraced this larger political challenge, allying ourselves with urban workers based on the understanding that it is not enough for rural workers to simply fight for agrarian reform — it must be a struggle for everyone if agrarian reform is to be achieved. Moreover, many problems the urban working class faces are directly linked to the lack of agrarian reform in the countryside. Urban sprawl, hunger, the lack of healthy food at fair prices, these are urban issues that have broadened the horizons of our struggles.

True, when the MST was first founded, we believed that a classic agrarian reform would solve the problems of the countryside. Today we have a different conception of agrarian reform. We want a popular agrarian reform, which means the democratization of land access, the widespread use of sustainable agricultural practices, education that liberates, and human relations free from exploitation. It is impossible to produce “healthy” food in a land so full of exploitation. We are fighting for an agrarian reform that is a popular national project, where there is diversity, social justice, and the cultural and economic colonialism that still prevails in Brazil is a thing of the past.

Nicolas Allen

You spoke about the future of the Brazilian left in the post-Lula era. Where do you see the MST in that future scenario?

João Paulo Rodrigues

In the immediate future, the MST plans to join forces with the left wing of the Lula camp. Beyond that, the movement will join the Left more broadly as Brazil enters the post-Lula period. But the MST is not a party and will not become one.

We do, however, look to fight along three political fronts in the next five years. The first is the front in the struggle for land. The MST must consolidate, strengthen, and establish itself as an organization fighting for land. For us, the struggle over land is central. There are one hundred million hectares of land up for grabs in Brazil, and we need to dispute that agenda side by side with the indigenous peoples and the quilombolas [descendants of Afro-Brazilians who fled slavery].

Whoever controls the land controls the future of Brazil. Let’s make that clear. In Brazil, land is synonymous with food production, environmental conservation, and care for nature. To that end, I think the MST will need to gain strength in and shift its attention toward those conflict regions that are still in dispute on the so-called agricultural frontier, in the Amazon, Matopiba, or even in the Cerrado, where we have less presence.Our goal is to become one of the largest producers in the world of organic and ecologically sourced foods.

The second struggle is to become a major economic force in the production of nutritious food. In the not-so-distant future, the MST will go head-to-head with large industrial agribusiness in the struggle over food hegemony. We may have only ten million hectares compared to the sixty million controlled by large agribusiness. But we have something they don’t have: labor. There are over two million rural workers living and laboring on MST settlements.

That is why we hope that our policy of cooperatives, agroecology, and food production will become a powerful economic force in the coming years. That way, society will see the Left as an alternative model of economic and social development. Our struggle is not just an ideological one to combat hunger — it’s an alternative way of life and a model that can address the organization of cities and even national job creation.

In pursuing that mission, MST will push for new public-private partnerships, combining state support with small entrepreneurs who want to partner with the MST to form medium-sized agricultural businesses. We must build an economic base and show all Brazilian society that the MST is not just an ideological vision but a national project.

Finally, the MST and other left parties will dispute representation in all political institutions. We need to have more left-wing councillors, mayors, parliamentarians, student officers, more people in all institutional spaces so that the state becomes democratic and more responsive to the needs of the working class. We cannot give up on any space of governance because there is a far-right force waiting in the wings that is much fiercer than any of us can imagine.

Nicolas Allen

Could you say more about the relationship between the MST and the state? The movement’s banner cause, agrarian reform, is advanced by autonomous land seizures. But agrarian reform ultimately depends on favorable state policy, doesn’t it?

João Paulo Rodrigues

The relationship between agrarian reform and the state is and has always been fraught. Historically speaking, the Brazilian state was founded in a conscious effort to prevent agrarian reform from taking place. In fact, improvements in the situation of land concentration have only ever resulted from violent conflict and massacres, as happened during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration. During the Dilma administration, there were very few settlements, and policy agreements remained precarious. Under Lula’s administration, there has been very little concrete progress.

That said, the state is the only thing that can implement agrarian reform. That is the contradiction we live with: we have no alternative but to dialogue with the state.

Nicolas Allen

What about the MST and urban movements? How does the movement see itself related to urban political struggles?

João Paulo Rodrigues

First, a word about Brazilian cities. Urban areas pose three specific challenges for the Left as a whole. First, the city is no longer the site of working-class political hegemony, as was the case in the 1980s. The Brazilian trade union movement used to have a very strong presence in large cities and was highly organized in the world of labor. Today we are seeing all that come undone through an ongoing process of precarity in the world of labor, often through apps and other forms of precarious labor organization.

Second, poor people in Brazil are overwhelmingly concentrated in the urban periphery, an area controlled by militias and organized drug trafficking. This makes it very difficult to establish a more structural relationship with the urban working class. Traffickers and militia groups have a lot of power and money, and they apply violence in a way that the Left in its current state is not equipped to deal with.We may have only 10 million hectares compared to the 60 million controlled by large agribusiness. But we have something they don’t have: labor.

Finally, evangelical churches are doing the kind of social work in the urban periphery that was once done by the left wing of the Brazilian Catholic Church. So, there are three issues — the militia, precarity, and the evangelical church — which together make it difficult for anyone to reach the periphery with a left-wing program.

The challenge for the MST is to figure out how to translate our experience with settlements and camps into an urban program. How can we bring this experience to the city through cooperatives and food production?

We must carry out this task without developing a paternalistic, welfare-type relationship. We need to reach a generation of young people and workers who genuinely share our belief that the world of labor and nutrition should be at the center of our politics. But, again, we can only do that if the Left puts forward a serious vision of urban reform. Until the Left can tackle the classic issues — poverty, inequality, housing, public safety, health, and so on — we are limited in our options.

Nicolas Allen

Have changes taking place in the world of labor affected the MST’s strategic vision?

João Paulo Rodrigues

The working class is always adjusting to changes in the world of work, ever since workers in the Ford era were adapting to the factory floor. The problem today is that labor precarity is only growing worse. The Brazilian working class is extremely precarious and impoverished.

More than half of the Brazilian working class is employed without a formal contract and most of them live on less than three minimum wages [less than $900]. The Brazilian working class is very poor and has great difficulty organizing itself due to the precarity of informal and seasonal labor. That’s all to say, I do not see in current working-class conditions any signs of a new form of organization emerging in the medium or even long term. If immiseration gave rise to new forms of labor organization, Africa as a continent would have already had a revolution. Instead, we see the opposite: you have poverty producing more poverty.

We have been unable to put forward a Brazilian labor reform that would simply maintain minimum living conditions. Here, all we see are new forms of exploitation and disorganization in the world of labor. We are hostage to new technologies and new capitalist forms of exploitation that leave us scrambling just to keep up.If immiseration gave rise to new forms of labor organization, Africa as a continent would have already had a revolution. Instead, we see the opposite: you have poverty producing more poverty.

The MST will continue to organize rural workers in the face of those challenges. In the short term, we need to attract a new generation of young people who are not necessarily peasants or farmers but want to work in labor cooperatives and produce organic food. Our challenge is to invent a new model of agrarian reform in which people can devote part of their time to working in the countryside while keeping another type of employment in the city.

Brazil has near full employment, by the way. But poverty has not decreased, and people’s lives have not improved. On the contrary, their lives have worsened. Why? Because employment is so precarious, and people are unable to meet the extremely high costs of living with existing wage levels. Many Brazilian workers cannot even afford basic foodstuffs.

Nicolas Allen

What can the MST offer in the face of those challenges?

João Paulo Rodrigues

We often hear Brazilian tycoons say there is a shortage of workers in the labor market because of Bolsa Familia and other federal social assistance policies. The Brazilian elite hate Lula because they think government assistance makes people complacent and disinterested in work. The fact is that the working class, young workers especially, don’t want to be exploited with starvation wages. The service sector complains about labor shortages, but they fail to see that what workers want is a job and a decent wage. Today’s workers want an end to the six-day work week, they want labor rights, and an income that is compatible with the cost of living.

Rural workers no longer want to be exploited by large landowners and forced into labor conditions analogous to slavery. So long as there are many landless hands and too much land in the hands of too few, MST occupations will continue. Agrarian reform is a project of emancipation for the exploited working class that sees land occupation as their only way to a dignified life, with a piece of land to live on, to cultivate, and to harvest.

The Left is only a viable political force insofar as we maintain our hold on the world of labor. And that is a political project that requires mobilizing the poor, but also speaking to issues of the middle class. We have to rise to the occasion and lift the banner of labor or we are failing in our job as Marxists.

Another challenge will be to intervene around environmental issues. The Left cannot lapse into environmentalist posturing, saying things like “nature is a sanctuary” and pretend like the natural world should not serve the betterment of humanity. But the Left also can’t fall into the lazy developmentalist rhetoric that says we can destroy everything at any cost in the name of progress. Fortunately, the Left has made advances on this front.

But things are not going to be easy. Brazilian popular movements and left-wing organizations will have to resist in the short term just to defend the Lula government. In the medium term, over the next five years, they need to start building the foundations for the coming transition—which will mean putting forward a national vision that can defeat the Right.Email

João Paulo Rodrigues is a national leader of the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST).