Tuesday, January 13, 2026

Support for the People’s Struggle: A Statement on the Developments in Iran


 January 12, 2026

During the current uprising in Iran, the perspectives of labour activists should have been central. Instead, because they ran against the dominant currents of warmongering and Pahlavi monarchist nostalgia, their voices were marginalised in both Persian-language and international media.

As usual, attention was lavished on Iranian figures who openly justify war and are funded by the United States and Israel, or on those who—offering no principled opposition to foreign intervention, monarchist reaction, separatism, or the Mujahedin—treat the mere overthrow of the existing government as a universal remedy.

For this reason, and in order to make clear to a global audience that these views are far from universal, we aim to amplify the voices of labour activists in Iran. We ask you to listen to a different voice: one emerging from the deepest experiences of suffering, exploitation, and class oppression.

The following statement is by the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company (Vahed), a trade union in Greater Tehran. It was translated into English by Sepideh Jodeyri.

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Popular protests and strikes across cities throughout the country have now entered their eleventh day. Despite an intensified security crackdown, the heavy deployment of police and security forces, and widespread violence against protesters, the movement remains broad, dynamic, and diverse. According to reports, protests have taken place at no fewer than 174 locations in 60 cities across 25 provinces, with hundreds of demonstrators arrested. Tragically, at least 35 protesters—including children—have been killed during this period.

From December 2017 to November 2019, and again in September 2022, Iran’s oppressed people have repeatedly taken to the streets to demonstrate their rejection of the prevailing political and economic order and its structures of exploitation and inequality. These movements are not driven by nostalgia for the past, but by the determination to build a future free from the domination of capital—one grounded in freedom, equality, social justice, and human dignity.

While expressing our solidarity with popular struggles against poverty, unemployment, discrimination, and repression, we categorically oppose any return to a past marked by inequality, corruption, and injustice. We believe that genuine liberation can only be achieved through the conscious, organized leadership and participation of the working class and oppressed people themselves—not through the revival of outdated and authoritarian forms of power.

Workers, teachers, retirees, nurses, students, women, and especially young people—despite mass repression, arrests, dismissals, and relentless economic hardship—continue to stand at the forefront of these struggles. In this context, the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company (Vahed) stresses the necessity of sustaining independent, conscious, and organized forms of protest.

We have stated repeatedly, and we reaffirm once again: the path to liberation for workers and the oppressed does not lie in the imposition of leaders from above, nor in reliance on foreign powers, nor through factions within the ruling establishment. It lies in unity, solidarity, and the building of independent organizations in workplaces, communities, and at the national level. We must not allow ourselves to once again become victims of power struggles and the interests of the ruling classes.

The Syndicate also strongly condemns any promotion, justification, or support for military intervention by foreign governments, including the United States and Israel. Such interventions lead not only to the destruction of civil society and the killing of civilians, but also provide further pretexts for repression and violence by the state. Past experience has shown that Western hegemonic powers place no value whatsoever on the freedom, livelihoods, or rights of the Iranian people.

We demand the immediate and unconditional release of all detainees and insist on the identification and prosecution of those responsible for ordering and carrying out the killing of protesters.

Long live freedom, equality, and class solidarity.

The path forward for workers and the oppressed is unity and organization.

-Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company (Vahed)

The Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company (Vahed) is a significant, independent trade union in Iran, established in 1958, representing thousands of bus drivers in the Greater Tehran area who work primarily for the United Bus Company


A new popular uprising in Iran

Monday 12 January 2026, by Sarah Selami

 January 12, 2026



The recent mobilizations in Iran began on Sunday, 28 December 2025, with a strike by traders in the Tehran bazaar, in the face of the dizzying fall of the national currency and hyperinflation making economic activity unpredictable. They quickly spread to students and the popular classes in many cities, expressing a general rejection of poverty, extreme social inequality and tyranny.

Response from the regime

The government has sought to appease the protesters in the bazaar through tax concessions, while closing the protesting universities and strengthening repression and security measures against the youth and the mobilized popular classes. But the movement continues, affecting at least 88 cities, especially small and medium-sized ones, while some large cities are also experiencing mobilizations in certain neighborhoods.

On the ninth day of this mobilization, more than a thousand people were arrested, including many teenagers, and at least thirty-six demonstrators, including two teenagers, were killed. Two members of the repressive forces also died.
Deep social anger

Young people, and especially students, form the heart of these mobilizations, with a notable participation of the inhabitants of small, disadvantaged towns, hard hit by inflation, the fall of the national currency and the rise in prices.

This mobilization reflects a deep and lasting social anger, stemming from decades of injustice, precariousness and repression, and not from a simple currency fluctuation. The worsening of inequality and poverty is the result of a structural crisis in Iran’s political and economic system, reinforced by international sanctions, governance marked by corruption and clientelism, as well as by the policies pursued by the Islamic Republic.

Faced with these mobilizations, the authorities have responded with repression, mass arrests and violence. However, the experience of the movements of 2017, 2019 and 2022 shows that this strategy has never made it possible to impose submission in the long term. The current protests are thus part of a continuity of recurrent protests.

Attempts at instrumentalization and their consequences

The United States and Israel have tried to instrumentalize these mobilizations in the context of their conflict with the Islamic Republic, under the pretext of “defending the Iranian people,” despite their role in unprecedented violence against civilians in the region and beyond.

Finally, recent statements by US and Israeli leaders, as well as intelligence agencies, have provided the Islamic Republic with an additional pretext to intensify repression, justify arrests, and accuse protesters of acting for foreign interests.

At the same time, Reza Pahlavi, the “heir to the crown,” and his reactionary supporters, who favor foreign military intervention, have tried to present themselves as a political alternative to “liberate” Iran. They even manipulated videos and falsified protest slogans in order to present the son of the former Shah as a popular leader. These maneuvers have discredited the monarchist current and reinforced the rejection of the demonstrators, who reaffirm their refusal of any imposed tutelage or authority.

Perspectives and solidarity

As for popular mobilizations, it is difficult to predict their duration or their ability to push back the government, especially since they have not yet entered a structured political phase, despite radical slogans such as “death to the dictator”, and no credible political alternative exists. This widespread anger can only be transformed into an effective force through the convergence of the general protest movement and struggles in the workplaces, working-class neighborhoods and universities.

However, the youth and popular classes of Iran deserve the international support of social and political forces in solidarity in their struggles against the high cost of living, social injustices and tyranny.

9 January 2026

Translated by International Viewpoint


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Extraction PDF [->article9359]


Sarah Selamiis an activist of Solidarité Socialiste avec les Travailleurs en Iran (Socialist Solidarity with Workers in Iran) in France.








What we know about the deadly anti-regime protests in Iran

EXPLAINER

Iran has been rocked by nationwide demonstrations for the past two weeks. What began as anger over the country’s ailing economy quickly escalated into violent – even deadly – anti-regime protests, prompting the regime to shut down communications networks. Here is what we know about the unrest.



Issued on: 12/01/2026 
By: FRANCE 24


In this frame grab from video obtained by the AP outside Iran shows people blocking an intersection during a protest in Tehran, Iran, on January 8, 2026. © UGC via AP

Nationwide protests in Iran sparked by the Islamic Republic’s ailing economy are putting new pressure on its theocracy as it has shut down the internet and telephone networks.

Tehran is still reeling from a 12-day war launched by Israel in June that saw the United States bomb nuclear sites in Iran. Economic pressure, which has intensified since September when the United Nations reimposed sanctions on the country over its atomic programme, has sent Iran’s rial currency into a free fall, now trading at over 1.4 million to $1.

Meanwhile, Iran’s self-described “Axis of Resistance” — a coalition of countries and militant groups backed by Tehran — has been decimated since the start of the Israel-Hamas war in 2023.

A threat by President Donald Trump warning Iran that if Tehran “violently kills peaceful protesters”, the US “will come to their rescue”, has taken on new meaning after American troops captured Venezuela’s Nicolas Maduro, a longtime ally of Tehran.

“We’re watching it very closely,” Trump has warned. “If they start killing people like they have in the past, I think they’re going to get hit very hard by the United States.”

More than 500 protests


More than 500 protests have taken place across all of Iran’s 31 provinces, the US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency reported early Monday. The death toll had reached at least 544, it said, with more than 10,600 arrests. The group relies on an activist network inside of Iran for its reporting and has been accurate in past unrest.

The Iranian government has not offered overall casualty figures for the demonstrations. Foreign media have been unable to independently assess the toll, given that internet and international phone calls are now blocked in Iran.

Understanding the scale of the protests has been difficult. Iranian state media has provided little information about the demonstrations. Online videos offer only brief, shaky glimpses of people in the streets or the sound of gunfire. Journalists in general in Iran also face limits on reporting such as requiring permission to travel around the country, as well as the threat of harassment or arrest by authorities. The internet shutdown has further complicated the situation.

But the protests do not appear to be stopping, even after Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said “rioters must be put in their place”.

Cost-of-living crisis

The collapse of the rial has led to a widening economic crisis in Iran. Prices are up on meat, rice and other staples of the Iranian dinner table. The nation has been struggling with an annual inflation rate of some 40 percent.

In December, Iran introduced a new pricing tier for its nationally subsidised gasoline, raising the price of some of the world’s cheapest gas and further pressuring the population. Tehran may seek steeper price increases in the future, as the government now will review prices every three months. Meanwhile, food prices are expected to spike after Iran’s Central Bank in recent days ended a preferential, subsidised dollar-rial exchange rate for all products except medicine and wheat.

The downfall of ‘Axis of Resistance’

The protests began in late December with merchants in Tehran before spreading. While initially focused on economic issues, the demonstrations soon saw protesters chanting anti-government statements as well. Anger has been simmering over the years, particularly after the 2022 death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in police custody that triggered nationwide demonstrations.

Some have chanted in support of Iran’s exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi, who called for protests Thursday and Friday night.

Iran’s “Axis of Resistance”, which grew in prominence in the years after the 2003 US-led invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq, is reeling.

Israel has crushed Hamas in the devastating war in the Gaza Strip. Hezbollah, the Shiite militant group in Lebanon, has seen its top leadership killed by Israel and has been struggling since. A lightning offensive in December 2024 overthrew Iran’s longtime stalwart ally and client in Syria, former president Bashar al Assad, after years of war there. Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels also have been pounded by Israeli and US airstrikes.

China meanwhile has remained a major buyer of Iranian crude oil, but hasn’t provided overt military support. Neither has Russia, which has relied on Iranian drones in its war on Ukraine.

Iran’s nuclear programme


Iran has insisted for decades that its nuclear programme is peaceful. However, its officials have increasingly threatened to pursue a nuclear weapon. Iran had been enriching uranium to near weapons-grade levels before the US attack in June, making it the only country in the world without a nuclear weapons programme to do so.

Tehran also increasingly cut back its cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the UN’s nuclear watchdog, as tensions increased over its nuclear programme in recent years. The IAEA’s director-general has warned Iran could build as many as 10 nuclear bombs, should it decide to weaponise its programme.

US intelligence agencies have assessed that Iran has yet to begin a weapons programme, but has “undertaken activities that better position it to produce a nuclear device, if it chooses to do so”.

Iran recently said it was no longer enriching uranium at any site in the country, trying to signal to the West that it remains open to potential negotiations over its atomic programme to ease sanctions. But there’s been no significant talks in the months since the June war.

US-Iran ties post-Islamic Revolution

Iran decades ago was one of the United States’ top allies in the Middle East under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who purchased American military weapons and allowed CIA technicians to run secret listening posts monitoring the neighbouring Soviet Union. The CIA fomented a 1953 coup that cemented the shah’s rule.

But in January 1979, the shah fled Iran as mass demonstrations swelled against his rule. Then came the Islamic Revolution led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, which created Iran’s theocratic government.

Later that year, university students overran the US Embassy in Tehran, seeking the shah’s extradition and sparking the 444-day hostage crisis that saw diplomatic relations between Iran and the US severed.

During the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, the US backed Saddam Hussein. During that conflict, the US launched a one-day assault that crippled Iran at sea as part of the so-called “Tanker War”, and later shot down an Iranian commercial airliner that the US military said it mistook for a warplane.

Iran and the US have seesawed between enmity and grudging diplomacy in the years since. Relations peaked with the 2015 nuclear deal, which saw Iran greatly limit its programme in exchange for the lifting of sanctions. But Trump unilaterally withdrew America from the accord in 2018, sparking tensions in the Middle East that intensified after Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack on Israel.

(FRANCE 24 with AP)
Minnesota sues Trump administration over immigration crackdown and ICE shooting

Minnesota and its two largest cities, Minneapolis and St Paul, have filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration to stop the ICE enforcement surge that led to the fatal shooting of Renee Good by a federal officer and sparked protests nationwide.


Issued on: 13/01/2026 
By: FRANCE 24

People stand before a makeshift memorial during an "ICE Out of Minnesota" rally and march organised by MIRAC (Minnesota Immigrant Rights Action Committee) on January 10, 2026. © Tim Evans, Reuters

Minnesota and its two largest cities sued the Trump administration on Monday in an effort to stop an immigration enforcement surge that led to the fatal shooting of a Minneapolis woman by a federal officer and triggered outrage and protests across the country.

The state, joined by Minneapolis and St Paul, said the Department of Homeland Security is violating the First Amendment and other constitutional protections. The lawsuit seeks a temporary restraining order to halt the enforcement action or limit the operation.

“This is, in essence, a federal invasion of the Twin Cities in Minnesota, and it must stop,” state Attorney General Keith Ellison said at a news conference. “These poorly trained, aggressive and armed agents of the federal state have terrorised Minnesota with widespread unlawful conduct.”



Homeland Security has pledged to deploy more than 2,000 immigration officers to Minnesota and says it has made more than 2,000 arrests since December. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has called the surge its largest enforcement operation ever.

Tensions flared again on Monday, five days after Renee Good was shot in the head by an ICE officer while behind the wheel of her SUV. From a large school walkout to emotional visits to a flower-covered memorial for Good, and agents firing tear gas to disperse crowds, Minneapolis remained on edge in the aftermath of the shooting.

There have been dozens of protests or vigils across the US in recent days to honour the 37-year-old mother of three and to sharply criticise the Trump administration’s tactics.

Since the deployment in the Twin Cities, whistle-blast warnings by activists are commonly heard when immigration agents flood the streets. Witnesses have frequently posted video of federal officers using tear gas to discourage members of the public from following them.

The Minnesota lawsuit accuses the Republican Trump administration of violating free speech rights by focusing enforcement on a progressive state that favours Democrats and welcomes immigrants.

“They’re targeting us based on what we look and sound like. Our residents are scared. And as local officials, we have a responsibility to act,” said St Paul Mayor Kaohly Her, who was born in Laos.

In response, Homeland Security spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin accused Minnesota officials of ignoring public safety.

“President Trump’s job is to protect the American people and enforce the law — no matter who your mayor, governor or state attorney general is,” McLaughlin said. “That’s what the Trump administration is doing; we have the Constitution on our side on this, and we look forward to proving that in court.”

The Trump administration has repeatedly defended the immigration agent who shot Good, saying she and her vehicle posed a threat. That explanation has been widely criticised by Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey and others, citing videos of the confrontation.

The federal government also faces a new lawsuit over a similar immigration crackdown in Illinois. More than 4,300 people were arrested last year in “Operation Midway Blitz” as masked agents swept the Chicago area. The lawsuit by the city and state says the campaign had a chilling effect, leaving residents afraid to leave their homes.

The Minnesota lawsuit seeks restrictions on certain tactics, among other remedies. McLaughlin called it “baseless”.


Anti-ICE pins make red carpet © AP, AFP
01:32

Hundreds of students on Monday walked out of Roosevelt High School in Minneapolis, where federal agents had deployed tear gas on students and staff last week. Adults wearing safety vests cleared traffic, and many parents who are Roosevelt alumni arrived wearing old school clothing.

Marchers held signs reading “ICE out” and “Welcome to Panem”, a reference to the dystopian society in "The Hunger Games" book series.

Agents also fired tear gas to disperse a crowd that gathered to see the aftermath of a car crash just a few blocks from where Good was killed. The crowd emerged as agents questioned a man whose car had been rear-ended.

“I’m glad they didn’t shoot me or something,” Christian Molina told reporters.

Standing near his mangled fender, he asked aloud: “Who’s going to pay for my car?”

In St Cloud, 65 miles (104 kilometres) northwest of Minneapolis, hundreds of people gathered outside a strip of Somali-run businesses after news spread that dozens of ICE officers were in the area.

Meanwhile, in Portland, Oregon, federal authorities filed charges against a Venezuelan national who was one of two people shot there by US Border Patrol officers on Thursday. The US Justice Department said the man used his pickup truck to strike a Border Patrol vehicle and fled the scene with a woman.

Both were shot and later arrested. Their injuries were not life-threatening. The FBI said there was no video of the incident, unlike the shooting of Good.

(FRANCE 24 with AP)

Renee Good and the Rage that Fuels State Violence


 January 12, 2026

Youtube screenshot.

We are at JFK, waiting for the ground staff to retrieve our stroller. The baby is crying. He holds his arms out and looks at me, wailing and hot.

Please give him to me, I say quietly.

He’s fine, my husband snaps, and refuses to meet my eye. The baby cries harder.

He’s not fine. He wants me. He wants his mum.

He’s fine.

He’s not. Please, just give him to me. Give him to me?

I’ve started crying now too. Hot milk prickles at my breasts.

No.

Just give him to me! My voice is high and panicked. My baby cries harder. Husband looks at me now, his eyes cold, blue and furious. His voice is low, controlled, a malevolent, vicious undertone. He speaks slow as if there’s a period after every word. Will you stop you psychotic – fucking – bitch.

There are many of us who recognize this word, “bitch,” and the hot, scorching punch of it in this kind of context. After the shots are fired in the footage of Renee Good’s death, a voice can be heard calling her warm, dead body leaking hot blood over children’s stuffies, a “fucking bitch.”

The agonizing moment-by-moment breakdowns, the analysis of angles, the legal justifications, the endless videos which will continue to surface as neighbors trawl through their RING cameras – none of this mattered in that moment. That “fucking bitch,” to those of us who have been victimized by coercive control, was a conviction.

In Civil Protection Orders, the most common gender insult was ‘bitch.’ There are so many studies which track the way verbal dehumanization starts to pave the way for eventual violence, from studies with women surviving near fatal attacks, to social worker reports, to beyond. It’s a detail defenders want us to ignore — a slip of the tongue in a stressful moment. But language matters. Slurs emerge when professionalism collapses and something more primal takes over. They reveal how the speaker understands the person in front of them: not as a citizen, not as a human being, but as an object of contempt. The “Get the fuck out of Minneapolis” matters, because it is a sign that common decency will not suffice at a time, at a moment like this, when the breakdown is so acute.

Fucking bitch is not a phrase uttered in desperation, in pain, or in terror, but in anger. In retaliation. It is a sign of verbal dehumanization that signals contempt, not panic. Fury, not fear. How dare you refuse to acknowledge my power. You are worthless.

That contempt is the emotional precondition for violence.

Even before the personal footage believed to belong to Jonathan Ross, the ICE agent who shot Renee surfaced this morning, the rage of that ‘fucking bitch’ slapped me in the face and took me back to a time when the person I trusted most in the world was subjecting both myself and my baby to unrestrained rage on a daily basis. America as an abused spouse is a trope that has been oft repeated throughout Trump’s centuries long regime of terror, which has apparently only been about a year long. Domestic violence is not a shorthand for politics, but rather that the current regime incorporates coercive control as a political technology.

Renee sounds and looks calm in the footage we have. She’s in her car. I imagine the heat blasting, probably a thermos of joe in the cupholder next to the stuffies crammed into the glove compartment. Her hot breath frosts in the frigid Minneapolis morning. Her wife walking outside the car, throwing smart comments out, is pissed. But she’s not out of control. She’s not threatening.  Being annoying, and annoyed, is not grounds for murder. Throwing smart ass comments out to law enforcement is a First Amendment Right. Renee herself is not threatening. She’s de-escalating.

But then that furious hot spat of anger, the anger which rises out of nowhere, the anger which erupts and destroys in seconds, the anger which pops out three bullets because those queer bitches are pissing you off and getting in your way at 9:30am on a Tuesday morning, the anger which leaves the victims reeling and screaming on the side of the road saying it’s my fault it was my fault I made her do it while the perpetrator of that rage puts their gun back in their holster and calmly walks around for several minutes showing no visible signs of either injury, distress, fear or sorrow. Just satisfaction.

He looks satisfied.

Rage is not incidental to state violence. Rage is the fuel for state violence. And as every person in a coercive controlling relationship knows, the victim will be blamed and the “fucking bitch” will be manipauletd, until that was never rage at being disobeyed and disrespected, but always fear and desperation and pity. Fear can be perfectly retrofitted onto rage. Panic can be rehearsed after violent consequences have been meted. And they will be accepted by the system because violence is an acceptable corrective when the victim has committed the crime of being black, being queer, being a woman, being an other, or being obviously opposed to the regime.

Domestic violence is always about control. It is about one person’s impossible need to control every single aspect of another person’s life, and the rage emerges from the futility of this exercise. It’s often triggered by something inconsequential: a refusal, a delay, a tone of voice, a choice of words. Looking happy, looking sad, looking queer, looking straight. Control perceives this inconsequential slight as vast humiliation, and responds with excessive punishment.

What we see in the Good footage follows this script with chilling precision. Orders are barked. Compliance is demanded instantly. There is no meaningful attempt to de-escalate, no pause, no retreat. When the situation slips even slightly out of the officer’s control, the response is lethal.

Authoritarian power borrows the same emotional logic as domestic violence.

The tools are familiar: intimidation, humiliation, unpredictability, and the promise of consequences if you don’t comply fast enough, perfectly enough, gratefully enough.

Trump did not invent this logic — but he has normalized it. For Trump and his cronies, violence is not a last resort. It is a corrective, and it is the first instinct.

ICE, in particular, has become a perfect vessel for this ideology with its masked agents, minimal oversight and constant posture of threat. It has instilled an institutional culture that treats civilians as potential enemies and disagreement as provocation. In this context, Ross’s rage is not an aberration. It is how Trump’s America will continue to enforce itself.

What chills me is not whether a jury will find Ross legally justified. It’s that the system seems uninterested in whether rage itself should disqualify someone from holding lethal authority. The state has taught its agents that they should defend reflexively. They have taught law enforcement for years that civilian death, particularly of young black civilian lives, will be litigated as a PR problem rather than a moral one. Over a decade ago, I quoted Malcolm X in an article I wrote about Christopher Dorner, the LAPD cop who went rogue and started killing his colleagues. I was not scared of Dorner, I said. Or no more scared of him than any other cop with a gun in the United States of America. “The chickens come home to roost”. 

The foundation for Trump’s America has been laid in the fabric of American society decades before Tuesday’s horrors. It is no rurpsie that all it took was one vile idiot to build a Trump Tower on top of it and transform the tragedy of American policing into the humanitarian hell that it has become. Renee Good’s death is being processed by the right as an isolated incident, and by the left as a symbol of the horrors of Trump’s America. It isn’t. It’s part of a decades-long continuum in which state violence has increasingly come to resemble the dynamics survivors recognize from private life: domination framed as protection, punishment framed as necessity, rage framed as fear. Trump could only achieve this because America was already rotten before he arrived.

Ruth Fowler was born in Wales and lives between Los Angeles and London. You can find out more about her RuthIorio.com and Venmo @ruthiorio