Wednesday, December 04, 2024

TURKIYE'S MERCENARIES IN SYRIA


Syrian rebels surround key city Hama on 'three sides', war monitor says

Islamist-led Syrian rebels surrounded the key city of Hama "from three sides" on Wednesday as they continued their offensive on government-held territory. This marks the latest win for the rebels after last week's takeover of the country's second city Aleppo, which in more than a decade of war had never completely fallen out of government hands.

Issued on: 04/12/2024 - 
By: NEWS WIRES
An anti-government fighter covers his ears as a multi-barrel rocket launcher fires against regime forces in the northern outskirts of Syria's west-central city of Hama, December 4, 2024. 
© Bakr Al Kassem, AFP


Syrian rebels on Wednesday encircled the key central city of Hama "from three sides", a war monitor said, despite a counteroffensive launched by government forces to retain control of the city.

Hama is strategically located in central Syria and, for the army, it is crucial to safeguarding the capital and seat of power Damascus.

The fighting around Hama follows a lightning offensive by Islamist-led rebels who in a matter of days wrested swathes of territory, most significantly Syria's second city Aleppo, from President Bashar al-Assad's grasp.

The rebels "have surrounded Hama city from three sides, and are now present at a distance of three to four kilometres (1.9 to 2.5 miles) from it," the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said.

The Britain-based Observatory, which relies on a network of sources in Syria, said the government forces were "left with only one exit towards Homs to the south".

Key to the rebels' successes since the start of the offensive last week was the takeover of Aleppo, which in more than a decade of war had never entirely fallen out of government hands.

The head of the Islamist rebel group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, on Wednesday visited Aleppo's landmark citadel.

Images posted on the rebels' Telegram channel showed Jolani waving to supporters from an open-top car as he visited the historic fortress.

In Hama, 36-year-old delivery driver Wassim said the sounds were "really terrifying" and the continuous bombing was clearly audible.

"I'll stay home because I have nowhere else to flee to," he said.
'Fierce battles'

While the advancing rebels found little resistance earlier in their offensive, the fighting around Hama has been especially fierce.

Assad ordered a 50 percent raise in career soldiers' pay, state news agency SANA reported, as he seeks to bolster his forces for the counteroffensive.

A military source cited by SANA had earlier reported "fierce battles" against the rebels in northern Hama province since morning, adding that "joint Syrian-Russian warplanes" were part of the effort.

The Observatory said government forces brought "large military convoys to Hama" and its outskirts in the past 24 hours.

"Dozens of trucks" loaded with tanks, weapons, ammunition and soldiers headed towards the city, it said.

It said "regime forces and pro-government fighters led by Russian and Iranian officers were able to repel" an attack northwest of Hama.

It said the fighting was close to an area mainly populated by Alawites, followers of the same offshoot of Shiite Islam as the president.

German news agency DPA announced the killing of award-winning Syrian photographer Anas Alkharboutli in an air strike near Hama.
'Close contact'

The rebels launched their offensive on November 27, the same day a ceasefire took effect in the war between Israel and Hezbollah in neighbouring Lebanon.

Both Hezbollah and Russia have been key backers of Assad's government, but have been more recently mired in their own respective conflicts.

Russia, Iran and Turkey are in "close contact" over the conflict in Syria, Moscow said Wednesday.

Watch moreDomino effect? Assad's allies stretched thin as Syrian rebels pounce

While Russia and Iran both back Assad, Turkey has backed the opposition.

The United Nations on Wednesday said 115,000 people have been "newly displaced across Idlib and northern Aleppo" by the fighting.

Turkey meanwhile warned that it may be too soon to expect large-scale returns to Aleppo from among the three million Syrian refugees currently on its soil.

"To those who say they wish to go back now we say, 'wait, it's not safe for the moment'," said Turkish Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya.

The Observatory says the violence has killed 704 people, mostly combatants but also 110 civilians.


'Spread very thin'

Human Rights Watch on Wednesday warned that the fighting "raises concerns that civilians face a real risk of serious abuses at the hands of opposition armed groups and the Syrian government".

Rights groups including HRW have since the start of the war documented violations of human rights on both sides, including what could amount to "crimes against humanity" by Syrian government forces.

Until last week the war in Syria had been mostly dormant for several years, but analysts have said violence was bound to flare up as it was never truly resolved.

"Many policymakers thought, well, Assad won, there is no war," said Rim Turkmani, director of the Syria Conflict Research Programme at the London School of Economics.

But "we've been worrying about this for years, that the fact that there is no intense violence doesn't mean that the conflict is over," she told AFP.

While the rebels may have advanced swiftly, it does not mean they will have the capacity to hold onto the territory they have captured.

Spearheading the rebel alliance is HTS, which is rooted in Syria's Al-Qaeda branch.

"It's very well organised, very ideologically driven," Turkmani said.

"However, they spread very quickly and very thin. And I think very quickly they're going to realise it's beyond their capacity to maintain these areas and, most importantly, to govern them."

(AFP)


Russia withdraws naval assets from Tartus port, amid rebel advance in Syria


MEMO
December 4, 2024

Russian ship on September 26 2019 [OZAN KOSE/AFP via Getty Images]


Russia is withdrawing its naval assets from its strategic base in Syria’s port city of Tartus, as the Syrian opposition groups continue to further advance throughout the north-west and centre of the country.

According to open-source intelligence analysts and the outlet, Naval News, a Russian vessel – the auxiliary Yelena, a Project 160 Altay class oiler – stationed at the Tartus base was seen departing the port early on Monday this week, with satellite imagery later showing that Russia had removed another auxiliary vessel, three frigates, and a submarine from the facility.



The visual intelligence revealed that the move amounted to Russia having removed all of its vessels that it had stationed at Tartus, with the fleet reportedly likely having departed on Monday 2 December and expected to return to Russia at the Baltic Sea via the Mediterranean. Such details remain unverified, however.

By assisting the Syrian regime under Bashar Al-Assad in pushing back opposition forces and helping regime forces recapture much of the country’s territory, Damascus leased the naval facility in Tartus to Russia for the next 49 years, free of charge and with Moscow’s complete sovereign jurisdiction.

While some Russian military bloggers are reported to cite the move as being related to training exercises in the eastern Mediterranean this week, the Russian Ministry of Defence has apparently denied that claim.

Although the reason for the move has not yet been confirmed or commented on in any official capacity, it is thought to most likely be due to the rapid advance of Syrian rebels throughout the north-west, west and centre of the country, having captured the major city of Aleppo and currently on the verge of seizing the major city of Hama – less than a hundred kilometres away from Tartus.

Russia strongly backs Syria leadership, says rebels are getting outside help

MEMO
December 4, 2024 

Armed groups, opposing Syria’s Bashar al-Assad regime, capture tanks and military vehicles belonging to the regime forces on the Idlib-Hama road, in Hama, Syria on December 4, 2024 [Kasim Rammah/Anadolu Agency]

Russia said on Wednesday that it strongly backs the actions of the Syrian leadership to counter an offensive by what it said were terrorist groups receiving support, including drones and training, from outside the country, Reuters reports.

The rebels have staged their biggest advance in years over the past week, first seizing Aleppo and now battling government forces and allied militia near Hama, another major city.

“We strongly condemn this attack […] There is no doubt that they would not have dared to commit such an audacious act without the instigation and comprehensive support of external forces that seek to provoke a new round of armed confrontation in Syria, unfurl a the spiral of violence,” Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Maria Zakharova, told reporters.

Russia is a key ally of Syrian President, Bashar Al-Assad, and has provided him with military support since 2015 in the country’s civil war. It has intensified air strikes on rebel targets in response to the latest offensive, according to military sources.

“We express solidarity with the leadership of Syria,” Zakharova said. “We strongly support the efforts of the Syrian authorities to counter terrorist groups and restore constitutional order.”

Zakharova said, without providing evidence, that the rebels – including some from former Soviet countries – had received drones from Ukraine and training in how to operate them.

Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry said it “categorically” rejected that accusation.

It said in a statement on the Telegram messaging app that Ukraine, unlike Russia, unconditionally adhered to international law and that Russia and Iran were responsible for the deteriorating security situation in Syria.


Ukrainian intelligence coordinating with Syrian rebels against 'mutual enemy', says opposition figure

Ukraine, Russia and the Syrian regime have all made claims about Kyiv's role in aiding rebel groups in the Syrian conflict, especially with drone manufacture


The New Arab Staff
04 December, 2024

The sweeping week-long offensive has seen rebel groups capture swathes of northwestern Syria [Getty]

A Syrian opposition figure has said that Ukraine and rebels in Syria who have taken large swathes of the country’s northwest have been coordinating.

Speaking to The New York Times, Mouaz Moustafa, who heads the US-based 'Syrian Emergency Task Force' humanitarian organisation said that both Ukraine and the rebels wanted to work together to deal a blow to mutual enemy Russia.

"Two nations are fighting for their country to be free of tyranny and outside occupation," he told the newspaper. "It’s natural for them to coordinate."

While Ukrainian officials have not commented on the Syrian rebel offensive, the head of Ukraine’s military intelligence agency, Kyrylo Budanov, had said his forces would seek to attack Russian forces anywhere in the world.

Russia intervened in the Syrian conflict in 2015 to help prop up President Bashar al-Assad’s regime as it began to lose large parts of the country to opposition groups.

Moscow has maintained a military presence in war-torn Syria ever since.

Russia also launched an invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

Other Russian officials and Damascus have previously accused Budanov of having contacts with the Islamist Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group, the main force in the rebel offensive.



On Tuesday, the Russian ambassador to the UN lambasted Ukraine for supporting the opposition groups and called out the UN for not condemning what he called "terrorist attacks" in Syria.

Vassily Nebenzia told the Security Council that the rebels "have not only not concealed the fact that they are supported by Ukraine, but they are also openly flaunting this."

"Ukrainian military instructors from the GUR [Ukraine intelligence] are present…training HTS fighters for combat operations," including against Russian troops in Syria, said Nebenzia.

This training allegedly includes GUR specialists helping rebels in opposition-controlled Idlib manufacture drones themselves.

They allegedly included "kamikaze" drones which Ukrainian forces have used against invading Russian forces since 2022.

Recently, the Syrian opposition groups have been using a drone dubbed "Shaheen," for precision attacks against regime forces. It has come out as a vital weapon in the war.

Russia's propaganda tactics

The New Arab's senior news editor Paul McLoughlin, a Syria specialist, says that while Ukraine had incentives to link up with Syrian rebel groups to attack Russian forces, it was still difficult to verify whether any of these claims are true.

"It is possible that there are Ukrainian assets operating inside Syria due to the [Russian] Hmeimim base, as it’s a way of hitting Russia outside of Ukraine," McLoughlin said.

He believes Russia has been using the claims of Kyiv aiding rebel groups to portray them as colluding with extremist groups within the opposition.

While there was no confirmation yet on media reports claiming the Syrian opposition reached out to Ukraine for help on how to make and use drones, McLoughlin believes it is more likely that drone capabilities are being provided by Turkey.

"Turkey played a big role in providing drones which Ukraine used during the counterattack against Russia, and they were key to Ukrainian successes," he said.

"Ultimately both sides have incentives to promote the idea of Ukrainian intelligence operating inside Syria - Ukraine to show it is capable of hitting Moscow well beyond its borders and Russia to claim a nexus between Kyiv and extremists elements within the Syrian rebel camp."

The sweeping offensive which began on 27 November has seen rebel groups capture Aleppo, Syria’s largest city by population.

They’re now closing in on another major city, Hama, a significant move as it sits on a strategically important road linking the north to Homs and Damascus in the south, as well as the Syrian coast, which is a regime stronghold.

Hundreds have been killed in clashes and Russian and Syrian regime airstrikes.

Who is Abu Mohammed al-Golani, the leader of Syria's surprise insurgency?
Middle East

Abu Mohammed al-Golani, who is leading the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) militant group's surprise advance in Syria, has spent a dozen years polishing his public image to win over international governments and Syrian religious and ethnic minorities, including distancing himself from al-Qaida.


Issued on: 04/12/2024
By: NEWS WIRES
File photo: This undated photo released by a militant group in 2016 shows Abu Mohammed al-Golani, leader of Syria's al-Qaida affiliate, second from right, discussing battlefield details with commanders in Aleppo, Syria. AP


Over the past dozen years, Syrian militant leader Abu Mohammed al-Golani has worked to remake his public image and the insurgency he commands, renouncing longtime ties to al-Qaida and consolidating power before emerging from the shadows.

Now al-Golani, 42, seeks to seize the moment yet again, leading his fighters in a stunning offensive that has put them in control of Syria’s largest city, reigniting the country's long civil war and raising new questions about President Bashar Assad’s hold on power.

The surge and al-Golani's place at the head of it are evidence of a remarkable transformation. Al-Golani's success on the battlefield follows years of maneuvering among extremist organizations while eliminating competitors and former allies.

Along the way he moved to distance himself from al-Qaida, polishing his image and his extremist group's de-facto “salvation government” in an attempt to win over international governments and the country’s religious and ethnic minorities.

Putting himself forward as a champion of pluralism and tolerance, al-Golani's rebranding efforts sought to broaden his group's public support and legitimacy.

Still, it had been years since Syria’s opposition forces, based in the country's northwest, made any substantial military progress against Assad. The Syrian president's government, with backing from Iran and Russia, has maintained its control of about 70 percent of the country in a stalemate that had left al-Golani and his jihadi group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, out of the spotlight.

But the rebels' descent on Aleppo and nearby towns, alongside a coalition of Turkish-backed armed groups dubbed the Syrian National Army, has shaken up Syria’s tense detente and left the war-torn country’s neighbors in JordanIraq, and Lebanon worried about this flareup spilling over.

Watch more  Domino effect? Assad's allies stretched thin as Syrian rebels pounce

Al-Golani’s ties to al-Qaida stretch back to 2003 when he joined extremists battling U.S. troops in Iraq. The native of Syria was detained several times by the U.S. military, but remained in Iraq. During that time, al-Qaida usurped likeminded groups and formed the extremist Islamic State of Iraq, led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

In 2011, a popular uprising against Syria's Assad triggered a brutal government crackdown and led to all-out war. Al-Golani's prominence grew when al-Baghdadi sent him to Syria to establish a branch of al-Qaida called the Nusra Front. The United States labeled the new group as a terrorist organization. That designation still remains in place and the U.S. government has put a $10 million bounty on him.

As Syria's civil war intensified in 2013, so did al-Golani’s ambitions. He defied al-Baghdadi’s calls to dissolve the Nusra Front and merge it with al-Qaida's operation in Iraq, to form the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS.

Al-Golani nonetheless pledged his allegiance to al-Qaida, which later disassociated itself from ISIS. The Nusra Front battled ISIS and eliminated much of its competition among the Syrian armed opposition to Assad. In his first interview in 2014, al-Golani kept his face covered, telling a reporter for Qatari network Al-Jazeera that he rejected political talks in Geneva to end the conflict. He said his goal was to see Syria ruled under Islamic law and made clear that there was no room for the country's Alawite, ShiiteDruze, and Christian minorities.

In 2016, al-Golani revealed his face to the public for the first time in a video message that announced his group was renaming itself Jabhat Fateh al-Sham and cutting its ties to al-Qaida.

Watch more Syrian rebels aiming for 'conservative Islamist proto-state', analyst says

“This new organization has no affiliation to any external entity,” he said in the video, filmed wearing military garb and a turban.

The move paved the way for al-Golani to assert full control over fracturing militant groups. A year later, his alliance rebranded again as HTS as the groups merged, consolidating al-Golani’s power in northwest Syria’s Idlib province.

Afterward HTS clashed with independent Islamist militants who opposed the merger, further emboldening al-Golani and his group as the leading power in northwestern Syria, able to rule with an iron fist.

With his power consolidated, al-Golani set in motion a transformation that few could have imagined. Replacing his military garb with shirt and trousers, he began calling for religious tolerance and pluralism. He appealed to the Druze community in Idlib, which the Nusra Front had previously targeted, and visited the families of Kurds who were killed by Turkish-backed militias.

In 2021, al-Golani had his first interview with an American journalist on PBS. Wearing a blazer, with his short hair gelled back, the now more soft-spoken HTS leader said that his group posed no threat to the West and that sanctions imposed against it were unjust.

“Yes, we have criticized Western policies,” he said. “But to wage a war against the United States or Europe from Syria, that’s not true. We didn’t say we wanted to fight.”

(AP)


Opinion

Rebel roulette: Turkey's gamble on Syrian opposition offensive

Erdogan has turned the tables on Assad's Syrian regime after years of frustration. But Turkey's gambit doesn't come without risk, argues Benjamin Fève.

Benjamin Fève
03 Dec, 2024
THE NEW ARAB

The capture of Aleppo and the opposition's territorial advances, if sustained, will give Turkey significant leverage in shaping Syria's future during negotiations, writes Benjamin Fève [photo credit: Getty Images]



The recent northwestern Syria rebel offensive, launched on November 27 2024, is poised to significantly reshape the dynamics of the Syrian conflict, representing a high-risk, high-reward situation for Turkey.

The offensive, spearheaded by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and allied rebel groups, has shattered the fragile status quo that had for years prevailed in and around Syria’s Idlib province and characterised by a tense ceasefire between Syrian regime forces and opposition groups.

In just days, opposition forces seized control of Aleppo, Syria's largest city, and made substantial territorial gains across northwestern Syria, reaching the countryside of Hama.

The rebels' offensive also capitalised on the Assad regime's current vulnerabilities, stemming from the regime’s rundown army and the weakened state of its key military backers.

Russia, deeply embroiled in its ongoing war in Ukraine, and Hezbollah, stretched thin after its war with Israel, are less capable of providing robust support to Damascus.

Related
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Leila al-Shami


While Turkey has not officially claimed involvement, the scale and success of the operation strongly suggest Ankara's tacit approval and support. This operation offers Turkey a major victory on several fronts — if the opposition effectively consolidates its gains.

The capture of Aleppo and the opposition's territorial advances, if sustained, will give Turkey significant leverage in shaping Syria's future during negotiations. This dramatic shift in power dynamics effectively nullifies prior agreements between Turkey and Russia which established de-escalation zones, joint patrols, and a buffer zone around Idlib.

Paramount among Ankara’s frustrations are the stalled normalisation talks with Damascus, often initiated by Ankara, that have previously collapsed due to irreconcilable differences.

Turkey has demanded Damascus's cooperation against the Kurdish PKK/YPG groups and sought Syrian help facilitating the return of more than 3 million Syrian refugees.

For its part, Damascus has insisted on Turkey’s full withdrawal from northern Syria and an end to its support for opposition groups. The failure to resolve these impasses now appears to have prompted Ankara to take matters into its own hands.
Syrian war games

Amid the unfolding chaos, Turkish-backed opposition groups seized the opportunity to expel Kurdish fighters from their remaining strongholds in northwestern Syria, particularly the Tal Rifaat pocket north of Aleppo, through Operation Dawn of Freedom launched on November 30.

This development marks a major military victory for Turkey, as it further restricts the operational area of Kurdish militants and strengthens Ankara's security buffer along its southern border and areas under its de facto control in Syria.

Perhaps more significantly, gaining influence over Aleppo and its surroundings offers Turkey a key advantage in addressing the return of Syrian refugees.

In recent months, amid escalating anti-refugee rhetoric and domestic political power struggles crystallising around the Syrian presence, Turkish President Recep Erdogan has faced mounting pressure to act in that regard. With millions of Syrian refugees currently residing in Turkey — many of them originally from Aleppo — the prospect of their voluntary return to Aleppo’s familiar urban centre would be much easier achieved than attempting forced resettlement in the Turkish-controlled "safe zones" elsewhere in Syria’s northern countryside.

Moreover, the longstanding economic ties between the Alepine and Turkish business community, along with Aleppo's historical role as an economic hub, provide a practical foundation for reintegration, making this scenario both economically feasible and socially advantageous for refugees.

However, Turkey's apparent triumph comes with significant caveats and risks. Extending influence over newly captured territories, particularly a major urban centre like Aleppo, will require Ankara to commit substantial economic and political capital.

Turkey's experience in managing other areas under its de facto control in northern Syria has been fraught with challenges, including local discontent and occasional violent resistance.

Maintaining stability and providing basic services in these areas has a cost, and expanding this model to Aleppo and its environs would likely prove even more demanding. Additionally, Turkey would need to provide ongoing military and security support, including continuous rearmament of rebel groups controlling Aleppo.

Furthermore, the sustainability of these gains remains uncertain. The Syrian regime and its allies, particularly Russia and Iran, are unlikely to accept the loss of Aleppo without a robust response.

A determined counteroffensive, leveraging superior air power and heavy weaponry, could potentially reverse the rebels' gains, especially if Turkey does not pursue a more direct involvement. The possibility of an alliance between the Assad regime and Kurdish forces against Turkey and the opposition presents another concerning scenario for Ankara.

Related
Syria's rebel offensive: Why now and what could happen next?
Analysis
Shelly Kittleson


Perhaps the most pressing risk for Turkey, should the opposition crumble, is the potential for renewed refugee flows.

If the Syrian regime and its allies succeed in reclaiming the lost areas, it is almost certain they would impose collective punishment against the population in Idlib and push to retake the entire province. In such a scenario, Turkey could face an unprecedented wave of displaced Syrians seeking refuge across its borders, creating significant humanitarian and logistical challenges.

While Erdogan’s gambit seems to have strengthened his hand in the short term, many more cards are yet to be played in these Syrian stakes.


Benjamin Fève is a Research Analyst at Badil | The Alternative Policy Institute, a Beirut-based think-tank. Previously, he worked at The Syria Report, the main source of economic and political information about Syria.


Syria's rebel offensive: Why now and what could happen next?


Analysis: The lightning offensive by an alliance of rebels, which saw them seize control of Aleppo, is a dramatic and unexpected shift in Syria's conflict.

Shelly Kittleson
02 December, 2024
THE NEW ARAB

Erbil - In 2015, Russia came to the rescue of Syrian government forces when it entered the war against opposition forces, employing an onslaught of airstrikes, advisors, and arms.

Should it choose not to - or prove unable to - this time around, bogged down as it is with its own war on Ukraine, regional dynamics may shift significantly.

The frontline in northern Syria meanwhile continues to do just that by the hour.

An offensive launched on 27 November by armed opposition forces led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), long the strongest and most well-organised group in the Idlib province, shocked both long-time close observers of the war-fragmented country and those living in it due to the lightning advances and - for the most part - minimal resistance from Syrian government forces and its allies, including Iran-linked factions.

After rapidly taking terrain in the western part of the Aleppo province that had been fought over for months or years in the past, the Syrian opposition forces pushed into the city of Aleppo itself and took districts that they had never had under their control before.


Among the towns and areas taken in recent days were ones subjected to relentless bombing and chemical attacks when the Syrian government and allied forces were trying to retake them from armed opposition groups. Now, these same areas seemed to have almost been simply handed over to the latter.

On 1 December, an HTS-led body called the Military Operations Management announced the “return of Idlib province to its people, after we finished liberating” the “entire Aleppo and Idlib governorates”.

The operation is still ongoing, though the momentum has slowed, and reinforcements have reportedly arrived to shore up Syrian government forces in the city of Hama and elsewhere.

White Helmets board member Ammar Selmo, who was previously head of the civil defence organisation’s Aleppo office and was involved in rescuing those in the city itself prior to the 2016 takeover by Syrian government forces of opposition-held areas, told The New Arab on 1 December that “all Syrians are living a dream these days”.

The White Helmets operate solely in opposition-held areas and have offices in Turkey.

“Since the beginning of the year until Nov. 27, some 300 people were killed” in attacks occurring virtually “every day, and thousands injured, while infrastructure was also destroyed, as well as their livelihoods” through destroying their farms in an area that survives predominantly from agricultural activities.

“Something needed to be done to deter” such attacks, he stressed.


After rapidly taking terrain in the western part of the Aleppo province that had been fought over for months or years in the past, Syrian opposition forces captured the city of Aleppo itself. [Getty]

Deterring Russian and regime attacks

“I think it is a combination of very legitimate political and humanitarian need” that led to the offensive, Syria analyst Gregory Waters told The New Arab, alongside an attempt to “reshape the dynamics on the ground”.

He added that “HTS has been wanting to do something for a while”, as “they are always looking to do something to change dynamics in their favour in the northwest, and that is why we had their attempts to get more involved in Afrin and north Aleppo two years ago”.

In terms of why conditions were ripe now, he noted that the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel changed "how a lot of actors in the region perceived this presumed stability or frozenness" of whatever conflict they are part of.

"So, I think, especially with HTS, they are keen for a way to make a change, and when you combine that with the regime’s really rapid adoption of Russian drones - which increased the violence they were able to inflict on Idlib, on both HTS military and civilians in Idlib over the last year - I think that also really spurred them to do something,” he added.

“I think you got a sense for several years that HTS had the advantage in terms of drone technology, and then all of a sudden the regime gets this massive influx of high-quality Russian FPV and suicide drones, and they’re hitting them [with] a dozen drone strikes per day - and something has to change. And they [had] lost the ability to do effective deterrence against them,” he noted.

“And so I think you combine all these things - I think that there is a very legitimate part of needing to deter Russian and regime attacks against Idlib.”

The idea, Waters continued, is to “go and take a bunch of land they were using to launch drone attacks” to halt or at least curb similar attacks and reduce the number of people being killed despite a ceasefire officially being in place.

Moreover, it’s also a way to tell Syrian government and allied forces that “you can’t just sit there and attack us in this semi-ceasefire, every day, for a year without consequences,” as well as “an attempt to change the facts on the ground in a way that forces regional actors on both sides - both Turkey and Russia - to accept a new reality. Kind of mirroring off how Israel has just used pure force to force the US to constantly change their stance, their red lines, when it comes to Gaza and [the] West Bank and Lebanon,” Waters said.
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How Turkey and Russia could respond next

“As far as what might happen next, I think a lot depends on the two regional actors Turkey and Russia. Russia seems to have not gotten involved very much at all in the defence of the regime for the first time since 2015, and because of that we’re seeing HTS and their allies being able to continue to expand,” Waters told The New Arab.

“I think if we continue to see the Russians uninvolved, we could see the opposition continue to hold a lot of this territory.”

The reason for this, he said, is “because these regime units - I mean, all of their fighting, all their training, for the past ten years has been built around the idea of intense Russian air support and also Russian command, Russian officers helping organise all their operations. And all that is gone. I think they are struggling to organise themselves across a wide front”.

But “I think it is not clear yet where Turkey stands on this - and more importantly, what Turkey will do, if anything. If they are going to get involved militarily to defend the territories taken thus far, or diplomatically to push the Russians and the regime to accept what has happened thus far”.

For the time being, Waters added, “there is quite a bit to be optimistic about in terms of the opposition holding what it has taken. But we will have to see what the Russians do, if they do get involved, if they have any red lines of their own that trigger a response because they are really not bombing right now - anything close to what we saw them do” in the past.


IDPs returning but administration to be a test

White Helmets board member Selmo told The New Arab that the destruction and killings of civilians in opposition-held areas since the beginning of the year had been carried out through “about 500 attacks, especially by suicide drones – which are very accurate, and very dangerous - most of which originating from the areas the operation targeted first: Saraqeb and western Aleppo”.

Selmo said that, paradoxically, the “regime media played an important role” in the gains by opposition forces, since they “demoralised [government] soldiers claiming that Israel was supporting the opposition forces with weapons".

This, he said, “frightened the soldiers” after their having seen what Israel had done in the past year.


Thousands of displaced Syrians have reportedly returned to their homes following the rebel offensive. [Getty]


Several phone numbers were circulated on social media on 2 December calling for members of the Syrian military to defect and offering assistance, saying that “your leadership has abandoned you”. Flyers had also been dropped in some areas in previous days via drones calling for the same.

In any case, he added to The New Arab in a jubilant voice, “so many people will now be able to go back to their homes” in the areas retaken.

Selmo estimated that thousands had already returned to “my city alone, Safira”.

Settling into more measured tones, Selmo said that the gains will also be a “test for the armed groups”, with which he said he did not have any particular affinity but in whom he had seen “significant improvement over the past five years” in terms of being able to govern a diverse group of civilians.

The coming weeks and months will in any case be a test of “their ability to manage cities and deal with people fairly”, he said.

He added that some members of shadowy pro-government forces from his area had contacted him before the opposition forces arrived, asking him for an opinion on what to do.

Selmo told The New Arab that there could be court cases against them in future but that he had told them that, for now, the best thing was simply to stay unarmed in their homes and that no one would hurt them.

And many pro-government supporters have done just that, he added.

“This point is important,” he stressed. “Many people used to leave their homes when forces from the other side entered their areas. This time, so very many stayed.”

Shelly Kittleson is a journalist specialising in the Middle East and Afghanistan. Her work has been published in several international, US, and Italian media outlets.
Follow her on X: @shellykittleson


Award-winning Syria journalist killed in regime air strike

MEMO
December 4, 2024 

In this file picture, Syrian photojournalist Anas Alkharboutli posing during a photoshoot in the northern Syrian village of Ariha on November 10, 2024
 [OMAR HAJ KADOUR/AFP via Getty Images]

Award-winning Syrian journalist, Anas Alkharboutli, was killed in an air strike by the Bashar Al-Assad regime in western Syria on Wednesday, Anadolu Agency reports.

The attack that killed Alkharboutli was conducted by a regime’s Su-22 warplane in the district of Morik in Hama province at 9.22 a.m. local time (0622GMT).

Alkharboutli, who was born in Kafr Batna, a town in the Eastern Ghouta region of the capital, Damascus, where he began studying energy engineering.

After security forces arrested fellow students at Damascus University in 2011, he paused his studies and began working as a photojournalist in 2014 to document the brutal siege and attacks on Eastern Ghouta by regime forces and their allies.

Eastern Ghouta has a grim history, notably when the Syrian regime carried out a chemical weapons attack on 21 August, 2013, killing over 1,400 civilians in the opposition-controlled area.

In 2018, the region again drew international attention due to relentless assaults by Syrian regime forces and Iranian-backed groups, supported by Russian air strikes.

Thousands of civilians were killed, and humanitarian aid was blocked during the siege. In April 2018, opposition forces were ultimately forced to evacuate Eastern Ghouta under intense military pressure.

In 2016, Alkharboutli was wounded by shrapnel in his foot while covering the shelling by regime forces in his home town, located in the Damascus countryside.

He won the 2020 Young Reporter of the Year Prize at the Bayeux Calvados-Normandy Award for war correspondents.

Alkharboutli won the prize for his work covering the latest military campaign in Idlib and documenting the actions of the Syrian regime, Russia, and Iran as they targeted hospitals, residential areas and public markets.

His photographs, showing people fleeing their homes and taking refuge in farms and camps, were shared by the Ghouta Media Centre.

Alkharboutli received third prize in the Story Sports category of the 2021 Istanbul Photo Awards for his series “Syria: Sport and Fun Instead of War and Fear”. This was part of the seventh round of Anadolu Agency‘s international news photography contest.

Having previously provided news and visual services to Anadolu during the siege of Eastern Ghouta and attacks on the region, he left the region in forced evacuations in 2018.

After his forced displacement, Alkharboutli worked as a photojournalist for German news agency, DPA.

Army resistance toughens as rebels near Syria’s Hama



By AFP
December 3, 2024

Thousands of Kurds join the exodus of civilians from the Aleppo region of northern Syria after its seizure by Islamist-led rebels. - Copyright AFP Wakil KOHSAR

Aya Iskandarani

Islamist-led rebels advanced on Syria’s fourth-largest city Hama Tuesday, buoyed by their lightning capture of swathes of the north in an offensive that ended four years of relative calm.

The sudden flare-up in the more than decade-old civil war in Syria just as a fragile ceasefire took effect in neighbouring Lebanon drew appeals for de-escalation from across the international community.

Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and its allies met much tougher resistance in the countryside north of Hama than they did in the Aleppo region on Friday and Saturday, a Britain-based war monitor said.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported the heaviest fighting with government forces so far as the offensive entered its seventh day.

“Clashes have erupted in the northern Hama countryside, where rebel factions managed to seize several cities and towns in the last few hours,” the Observatory said.

“Syrian and Russian air forces carried out dozens of strikes on the area.”

Syrian state media reported that the two air forces had bombed the rebels in their Idlib stronghold as well as their vanguard in Hama province.

Russia is a key ally of President Bashar al-Assad. Its 2015 intervention in the Syrian civil war turned the tide in his government’s favour but since 2022 the Ukraine war has tied down much of its military resources.



– ‘Threat’ to popular base –



Hama was a bastion of opposition to the Assad government early in the civil war.

For many of the city’s residents, the scars of a 1982 massacre by the army, aimed at crushing the banned Muslim Brotherhood, have yet to heal.

But its capture by the rebels would “pose a threat to the regime’s popular base”, Observatory director Rami Abdel Rahman said.

The countryside west of the city is home to many Alawites, followers of the same offshoot of Shiite Islam as the president and his security chiefs.

An AFP journalist in the northern Hama countryside saw dozens of Syrian army tanks and military vehicles abandoned by the side of the road leading to Hama.

“We want to advance on Hama after combing” towns that have been captured, a rebel fighter who identified himself as Abu al-Huda al-Sourani told AFP.

The United Nations says nearly 50,000 people have been displaced by the fighting since it began last Wednesday. Hundreds of people have been killed, most of them combatants, according to the Observatory.

– UN alarm –


The mounting exodus of civilians just as winter takes hold has triggered international alarm.


UN chief Antonio Guterres said he was “alarmed” by the violence and called for an immediate halt to the fighting.

The European Union called on “all sides to de-escalate”.

Speaking to reporters Monday, US State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said: “We want to see all countries use their influence — use their leverage — to push for de-escalation, protection of civilians and ultimately, a political process forward.”

Assad is no longer the pariah in the Arab world that he was at the height of the civil war.

Egypt, Jordan and the Gulf Arab states have all expressed concern over his government’s losses. At a summit in Cairo last year, Arab leaders agreed to reinstate Syria’s membership of the Arab League, marking the start of a slow rehabilitation.

HTS is rooted in Al-Qaeda’s former Syria branch and has faced accusations of human rights abuses including torture.


– Civilian exodus –


One anxious resident of Syria’s second city Aleppo, who declined to be identified, spoke of panic as the rebels overran it on Friday and Saturday.

“There were terrible traffic jams — it took people 13 to 15 hours to reach Homs,” he said.

Normally, it would take just a couple of hours to reach Syria’s third city, which lies between Hama and Damascus, he added.

A convoy of Kurds joined the exodus on Monday as Turkish-backed fighters seized areas east of Aleppo from Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, who control much of the northeast, an AFP photographer witnessed.

But others remained trapped inside the rebel-controlled city.

Nazih Yristian, 60, who lives in Aleppo’s Armenian neighbourhood, said he and his wife had tried to flee but the main road out had been cut. Since then, the couple have cloistered themselves at home, he said.

“No one attacked us so far, but we want to leave until things calm down. We have been displaced a lot and we will be displaced again.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian counterpart Masoud Pezeshkian pledged “unconditional support” for their ally on Monday, according to the Kremlin.

But Assad’s key allies have been distracted by the wars in Ukraine, and in Gaza and Lebanon respectively.

Neighbouring Iraq too has expressed support and on Tuesday a pro-Iran group within the security forces called on the government to go further and send combat troops.

A spokesman for Kataeb Hezbollah, part of the Iran-backed “axis of resistance”, said the group had not yet decided to deploy its own fighters but urged Baghdad to act.

“We believe the Iraqi government should take the initiative to send regular military forces in coordination with the Syrian government, as these groups pose a threat to Iraq’s national security and the region,” the spokesman said.



What does Trump’s return mean for the Middle East?

Mouin Rabbani discusses what Donald Trump's return could mean for the Lebanese ceasefire, normalization efforts in the region, and the prospect of Israeli annexation of the West Bank.
 December 4, 2024 
MONDOWEISS
Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and US President Donald Trump (Photo: Bandar Algaloud/Saudi Royal Court)

Donald Trump is headed back to The White House amid escalating developments in the Middle East.

What does a new administration mean for the Lebanese ceasefire, normalization efforts in the region, and the prospect of West Bank annexation? Should we expect anything different from Trump in terms of policy or will it largely be a continuation of Biden’s policies?

Mondoweiss U.S. correspondent Michael Arria spoke with Jadaliyya co-editor and Center for Conflict and Humanitarian Studies fellow Mouin Rabbani about what to expect

Mondoweiss: Trump recently said there will be “hell to pay” if Hamas does not release the hostages by the time he takes office. It’s hard to know what to take seriously from him, but I am wondering what you made of those comments.

Mouin Rabbani: The problem with any discussion about Trump, particularly more than a month before he takes office, is that the man is so erratic, so unpredictable, and so given over to hyperbolic polemics that it’s really impossible to determine what should be taken seriously and what should be dismissed as as hot air.

This latest statement, I’ve seen various interpretations. One is that he’s getting ready to nuke Tehran in a manner of speaking. Another is that he’s trying to exercise pressure on all parties concerned, not only Hamas, but also Israel. That he wants this issue resolved before he comes into office so that he doesn’t have to deal with the crisis and can pose as the president who ends wars rather than participates in them.

Another version that I’ve heard is that the Biden and Trump teams are coordinating closely and Trump believes, rightly or wrongly, that a deal may be in the offing and that the real purpose of the statement is his way of taking credit for whatever development may may take place next.

He also just had dinner with Netanyahu’s wife and son, and it could be kind of a spur-in-the-moment response to whatever he heard last. So, the short answer is, the real meaning of the statement is impossible to tell. There are multiple interpretations, and it’s anyone’s guess which which one is correct.

Last week Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich claimed that the West Bank will be annexed in 2025. What should we make of those comments and the prospects of Israeli annexation?

That’s certainly plausible. One scenario refers to Israel with U.S. consent annexing the settlements, another speaks of annexing Area C and another speaks of annexing the West Bank in its entirety. I think suggestions that Trump is prepared to go along with at least one of those scenarios seems entirely plausible. It’s consistent with his “Peace to Prosperity” initiative of 2020.

However, I would make two points. The first is, given the direction of travel of Israeli politics, would we be right to say that this wouldn’t have happened if the Democrats retained the White House? I’m not so sure because if Israel is doing these things with White House encouragement in the case of Trump, I think in the case of Harris, they would probably do it, not with necessarily with the encouragement of the White House, but with the knowledge that they can effortlessly defy the U.S. president and get away with it.

I think the ultimate difference here has to do perhaps less with the United States or the Israelis and more with the Europeans. Let’s not forget that Israel already annexed Jerusalem in June of 1967 and got away with it, more or less. If Israel conducts further acts of annexation in the West Bank in 2025, how will the Europeans respond? I think this is of crucial importance to the Israelis because it is the EU and not the U.S., which is Israel’s main trading partner, particularly for illegal products from the illegal settlements. Here you could argue that there would be a difference insofar as a Trump administration may be willing to impose greater costs or seek to impose sanctions on the EU if it takes action against Israel over annexation.

What are you thoughts about the ceasefire in Lebanon, which Israel has notably already broken multiple times. What does it mean for the region?

I don’t think a ceasefire is really the right way to describe this, because it seems we’re dealing with two agreements.

There’s the U.S.-brokered agreement that both Israel and Lebanon agreed to, and that Hezbollah indirectly agreed to. It calls for a comprehensive cessation of hostilities, a 60-day period during which Hezbollah is obliged to withdraw its weapons north of the Litani River, and Israel is obliged to withdraw its forces south of the Israeli-Lebanese border, and and so on. That’s more or less a public document.

Then according to multiple reports, which are credible, but not confirmed, there is also and a secret side letter of a letter of American assurances to Israel. According to this reporting Washington basically gives Israel a free hand in Lebanon to do as it pleases and effectively assigns Israel the role of the enforcer of a ceasefire to which Israel is supposed to be one of the parties ceasing fire. It’s almost giving Israel the right to conduct armed hostilities in order to enforce a ceasefire. From Washington and Israel’s perspective, what we’re really talking about is not a cessation of mutual and reciprocal cessation of hostilities, but a unilateral cessation of hostilities, that Lebanon and Lebanese parties are obliged to scrupulously respect, but that Israel is free to ignore at will on the basis of its own interpretation of any Lebanese violations.

That’s very clearly an unsustainable situation, and that’s why we’ve seen not only, according to UNIFIL [United Nations Interim Force In Lebanon] there have already been more than 100 Israeli violations of the ceasefire, but yesterday for the first time, we also saw Hezbollah responding with mortar fire after a number of Lebanese had been killed in recent days. My own view is is that both Israel and Hezbollah accepted this agreement with the full expectation that it would prove to be a temporary agreement. They needed to regroup with their wounds and so on.

From the outset, I’ve had very serious questions about whether it would last past the new year.

I wanted to talk about what’s often referred to as “normalization efforts.” During his first presidency Trump touted the Abraham Accords as his big achievement in the region. That effort was embraced and celebrated by the Biden administration as well.

One of the most talked about aspects of these ongoing efforts is a deal between Israel and Saudi Arabia. This has been referenced many times Biden and Netanyahu. How should we understand all this?

Let’s take a step back and and recall that the traditional approach to this issue has been that Arab-Israeli normalization, meaning normalization between Israel and the various Arab states, with which it does not yet have a formal agreement, is a process that would occur at the end of an Israeli-Palestinian peace process.

In other words, Israel would withdraw from the occupied territories, you would have the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and and Gaza Strip, an informal Israeli-Palestinian peace treaty. Then and only then, as a result, would you have Arab-Israeli normalization. Arab-Israeli normalization was kind of a trump card, the leverage that that would be used to persuade Israel to end the occupation. That was the theory. It was laid forth most clearly in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative.

Since you’re asking about Saudi Arabia, it’s worth recalling, that initiative was in fact, primarily a Saudi initiative. That process has now been inverted most clearly in the normalization agreements during the Trump administration, where now these normalization agreements precede any Israeli-Palestinian agreement, and rather than being used as leverage to produce an end to occupation and an independent Palestinian state, they’re now being used as leverage by Israel to further marginalize and isolate the Palestinians by in effect providing an Arab halal certificate to greater Israel.

Saudi Arabia, I think, is a somewhat different case for the following reasons. First of all, as you noted, after the Trump administration produced normalization agreements between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, and to an extent Sudan, they were hoping that a similar agreement with Saudi Arabia would be the crowning achievement. It failed. Biden, as with every other Trump Middle East policy, rather than reverse or reconsider that policy, simply picked up where Trump left off.

The only significant diplomatic initiative undertaken by the Biden administration in the Middle East was to achieve a Saudi-Israeli normalization agreement. It’s called the Saudi-Israeli normalization agreement, but I think it’s a bit of a misnomer because it consists primarily not of a Saudi-Israeli agreement, but of a bilateral Saudi-U.S. agreement. The primary deliverables, if you will, in this agreement are not anything the Saudis would give to the Israelis, apart from formal recognition, nor anything the Israelis would give to the Saudis, but rather a U.S. formal security treaty with Saudi Arabia and U.S. delivery of a nuclear program to Saudi Arabia.

So it’s really a Saudi-U.S. agreement in which Saudi-Israeli normalization is the icing on the cake. It’s added on to make the Saudi-U.S. component palatable to Congress and others. It’s essentially a marketing tool to sell a Saudi-U.S. deal.

Before October 7th, this deal would have included a number of cosmetic Israeli concessions to the Palestinians in order to allow Saudi Arabia to make the argument that they did this not only for themselves, but also for the Palestinian cause. Since October 7th, the Saudis have raised the price significantly. What in fact happened during the past year is that the Saudis were demanding that any such tripartite agreement include credible and irreversible progress towards an end to occupation and the establishment of the Palestinian state.

This was simply not on the agenda as far as the Israel government is concerned so the Saudis then went to the Americans and said, “The Israelis aren’t ready for this.”

Let’s at least start with the bilateral U.S. Saudi aspects, which would include, as I said, the security guarantee of the nuclear program, the Saudis committing to various restrictions in terms of its relationship with Russia and China and so on. The response from Washington was, it’s either a three-way deal or no deal. So now Trump is coming into office and will go to the Americans after January and say, “This is a deal that’s on the table. We’re prepared to do it. But we can only do it if Washington extracts from Israel this irreversible progress towards a Palestinian state” or failing that goes only with a bilateral U.S.-Saudi aspect. I can see Trump going along with either scenario, particularly given his obsession with China. He may well say, “If the Israelis aren’t interested, why should I be more interested in this than they are?” and just go ahead and conclude a bilateral U.S.-Saudi deal.

Or there’s a prospect for the “deal of the century” as he’s called it. He may try to pursue a tripartite deal that satisfies the the minimum requirements of the Saudis. Either is possible.

Should we expect anything different from Trump overall in terms of the Middle East or will it largely be a continuation of Biden’s policies?

I’d just once again like to emphasize that he’s so erratic and unpredictable, it’s really difficult to make any confidence predictions over what comes next. I would just make two observations.

The first is that we should look not only for changes in U.S. policy, but we should also focus on the continuities. If you look at you know the major initiatives that that Trump took during his first term, many of them can in fact be seen as a logical culmination of administrations past. They often, for example, relied on pre-existing, bipartisan congressional legislation. Similarly, Biden simply picked up where Trump left off. I think the discussion we had about annexation is a good indication of this.

Secondly, I think the Century Foundation’s Aaron Lund recently made a very perceptive point, that given kind of the chaotic nature that that is rightfully expected of the next administration, policy may well be made by individuals appointed to various portfolios rather than centrally directed from the White House. Here it becomes interesting, of course, because the Trump coalition consists of different interest groups. You have, let’s say, the Adelson crowd, you have the Christian Zionists, you have the isolationists. So it’ll be interesting to see if this simply results in total chaos, or if it ultimately results in anything that can even remotely be considered a a coherent policy, and then we’ll have to see what that is.
EU’s Frontex gives seal of approval to Israeli surveillance firm


David Cronin 
4 December 2024
ELECTRONIC INFITADA

Frontex is a fan of Israeli surveillance tech. (European Union)

The European Union’s border guards have been quietly recommending surveillance technology made by an Israeli firm.

Frontex – the EU’s border and coast guard agency – arranges “industry days” during which weapons firms can showcase equipment deemed helpful in tracking migrants.

Unnoticed by news media, Israel’s BeeSense took part in one such event during April.

BeeSense had been invited to do so because Frontex placed it on a shortlist of 16 firms offering what the agency described as “technological solutions.”

While presenting its radars and sensors at the Frontex event, BeeSense boasted of a “strong footprint in the IDF [Israel’s military].”

Chris Borowski, a Frontex spokesperson, told me by email that the “industry days” offer a “platform to explore innovations in border management technologies.” EU governments are provided with “a chance to learn about the latest tools in the field.”

“It’s worth mentioning that Frontex doesn’t decide whether these technologies get used,” Borowski added. “That’s up to the national authorities.”

Borowski’s attempt to pass the buck is inexcusable. By shortlisting BeeSense, Frontex gave a seal of approval to Israeli surveillance technology at a time while Israel is actively destroying Gaza.

The shortlist was drawn up between December 2023 and the spring this year, a document I found on Frontex’s website indicates. The list, therefore, appears to have been completed after the International Court of Justice declared as plausible a complaint filed by South Africa which detailed how Israel is violating the Genocide Convention.

Under that convention, governments around the world are required to prevent and avoid assisting the crime of genocide. Recommending surveillance equipment from a firm with a “strong footprint” in the Israeli military breaks the spirit and arguably the letter of the convention.

BeeSense is part of the Avnon Group, a firm that is entrenched in Israel’s military-industrial complex.

“The Avnon Group was formed in 1990, and its advisory board includes two former IDF generals, a former police chief and a former head of the Mossad spy agency,” The Times of Israel observed two years ago. “The firm develops, manufactures and markets advanced weaponry, including cyber tools.”

Complicit in abuses


The April event was by no means the first time that Frontex showed an interest in Israeli technology.

During 2020, the agency signed a deal worth $118 million to lease Israeli-made drones.

The two drone providers involved – Elbit Systems and Israel Aerospace Industries – have a long record of testing their weapons on Palestinians. Both are contributing massively to the current genocide in Gaza.

Human Rights Watch has documented how Frontex uses the Heron, an Israeli drone, to monitor boats carrying migrants in the Mediterranean. Boats have been intercepted by the Libyan coast guard soon after they were detected by the drone, Human Rights Watch has noted.

In December 2022, the group accused Frontex of being complicit in cruelty. The agency knew full well that “migrants and asylum seekers will face systematic and widespread abuse when forcibly returned to Libya,” Human Rights Watch stated.

Frontex coordinates deportations by EU governments.

It is likely that deportations – euphemistically described as “returns” – will be stepped up in the near future and that Frontex will be allocated greater resources.

Ursula von der Leyen, who this week began her second term as president of the European Commission, is promising a new law that will “speed up and simplify” deportations. She is advocating, too, that the number of guards working for Frontex should reach 30,000 – a threefold increase.

To make her callous politics look reasonable, von der Leyen is insisting that deportations will take place in a “dignified manner.”

The same von der Leyen offered full and unconditional support to Israel when it declared war on Gaza. Considering that she has accommodated genocide, her assurances on respecting dignity cannot be taken seriously.

Four decades of horror after India's Bhopal gas disaster

"Bhopal has taught corporations how to get away with murder."

Forty years after the world's deadliest industrial disaster on December 2, 1984, which killed around 3,500 people and left up to 25,000 dead overall, the horror still devastates survivors.



AP Archive
Survivors of the Bhopal gas tragedy and other supporters participate in a protest against a sponsorship deal with Dow Chemicals for the 2012 Olympics. / Photo: AP Archive


Just after midnight as poisonous plumes of smoke wafted through the Indian city of Bhopal four decades ago, Gas Devi was born, gasping for every breath.


Her feeble cries were drowned out by the screams of men, women and children as they ran to escape the cloud of highly toxic gas leaking from the Union Carbide factory on the night of December 2, 1984.


Some 3,500 people were killed in the immediate aftermath, and up to 25,000 are estimated to have died overall in the world's deadliest industrial disaster.


Forty years later, the horror continues to blight the lives of those like Devi - as well as countless others born with deformities since that fateful night.


Devi, a daily wage labourer, has constant pain in her chest, one of her lungs is not developed fully and she keeps falling sick.


"My life is a living hell," Devi said, speaking at her shanty in Bhopal, the capital of the central state of Madhya Pradesh.


Even if she wanted, she cannot forgot the night she was born.


"My parents named me Gas," she said, her eyes welling up. "I believe this name is a curse. I wish I had died that night".


Twenty-seven tonnes of methyl isocyanate (MIC), used in the production of pesticides, swept through the city of over two million people after one of the tanks storing the deadly chemical shattered its concrete casing.


As the white cloud of MIC shrouded areas close to the factory, people started collapsing in the streets.


Nathuram Soni, now 81, was among the first to rush out.


"People were frothing from their mouths. Some had defecated, some were choking in their own vomit," said Soni.


A handkerchief tied over his nose, Soni used his pushcart to carry his wailing neighbours, many of them infants, to the hospital.




Unrelenting tragedy


Rashida Bee, co-founder of the Chingari Trust charity that offers free treatment to children of gas-affected families, believes those who died were fortunate.


"At least their misery ended," she said. "The unfortunate are those who survived".


Her trust has seen more than 150 children being admitted this year alone with cerebral palsy, hearing and speech impairments and other disabilities.


She blames the disorders on the accident and the contamination of the groundwater.


Testing of groundwater near the site in the past revealed cancer- and birth defect-causing chemicals 50 times higher than what is accepted as safe by the US Environmental Protection Agency.


"This tragedy is showing no signs of relenting," said Rashida, 68, who has lost several members of her family to cancer since the accident.


"The soil and water here are contaminated - that is why kids are still being born with deformities."


Union Carbide, which was acquired by the Michigan-based Dow Chemical Company in 2001, routinely dumped chemical waste years before the disaster, campaigners say.


Large evaporation ponds outside the factory were filled with thousands of litres of liquid waste.


Toxins penetrated the soil and the water supplying several neighbourhoods.




No legal mechanism

A plea seeking compensation of 500,000 rupees ($5,920) from the Indian government for each victim diagnosed with cancer or kidney ailments is languishing in courts.

Rachna Dhingra, a social activist from the Bhopal Group for Information and Action, said true justice still evades the survivors.

"Until today, not a single individual has gone to jail - even for a day - for killing more than 25,000 people and injuring half a million people, and contaminating the soil and groundwater," she said.

"People in the city are continuing to fight because there is no legal mechanism to hold these corporations accountable worldwide.

"Bhopal has taught corporations how to get away with murder."


Genocide as Charity: a critical look at the Mizrachi Organization of Canada

The work of the Mizrachi Organization of Canada shows how Israeli war crimes and crimes against humanity are embedded within the Canadian charitable sector.

By Miles Howe December 4, 2024
MONDOWEISS

The Israeli military’s Duvdevan Unit training in March 2022. The Duvdevan Unit is one of many Israeli bodies accused of committing war crimes and human rights abuses that donors can support through the Mizrachi Organization of Canada. 
(Photo: Israeli Defence Forces Spokesperson’s Unit)

No one charity epitomizes the synergy between rampant financial complicity in the aiding and abetting of Israeli war criminality and the laissez faire attitude that plagues the Canadian tax regulator, better than the Mizrachi Organization of Canada. Legally registered as a charitable organization as of 1979, Mizrachi Canada’s bold-faced website advertises itself as the Canadian home of the Religious Zionist Movement, ready and energized to move tax-deductible donations to supposedly worthy causes in Israel. With Canadian Jewish private and public foundations sitting on multiple billions of dollars, Mizrachi Canada serves as the most overt conduit for Canadians looking to support Israeli war crimes – and earn a charitable tax credit in the process.

Welcome to Canada, where Palestinian erasure is a charitable pastime and the Canada Revenue Agency, the charitable sector regulator, is either complicit or inept.

For starters, as I’ve written about in detail here, Mizrachi Canada operates as a tax receipt-issuing conduit for the Israeli website, jgive.com. Jgive.com, the forward-facing platform for the Israeli-based organization, ASUR Fund, plays virtual host to thousands of Israeli-registered charities. Thumbing its nose at customary international legal frameworks, like the Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statutes (which Canada has internalized into its own Criminal Code) hundreds of these Israeli charities are physically located in illegally occupied Palestinian territory.

Beyond their role in adding permanency to Israel’s illegal occupation, consider the operational parameters of some of the other Israeli charities hosted by jgive.com: Regavim works to delegitimize Palestinian territorial claims, specifically in so-called Area C of the West Bank. Elad Ir David runs an illegal settlement/tourist attraction that uses an ever-expanding, pseudo-archaeological, dig site as justification for expelling Palestinians from the town of Silwan. Women in Green claims to be an apolitical organization, yet is bent upon the destruction and subsequent Israeli settlement of Gaza. Im Tirtzu, an actual fascist organization, actively turns away aid trucks bound for Gaza.

In terms of overt support to the Israeli military, jgive.com also lists numerous ‘Hesder Yeshivas’ as Israeli charities. These quasi-educational facilities operate in a complementary capacity to military service in Israel, where soldiers undertake Talmudic studies alongside active duty. Dozens of other Israeli charities on jgive.com, like the Duvdevan Foundation, for example, provide material and financial support to active members of the Israeli military, drawing them into direct financial complicity in the aiding and abetting of an ever-expanding list of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

 Mizrachi Canada’s financial support of these internationally illegal Israeli recipients is listed in Table 1.

Name Dollar Amount (CDN) Description

ALON SHEVUT RELIGIOUS AND COMMUNITY $16,470.00 Illegal Settlement – Alon Shvut
BAIS ISRAEL $18,585.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
BEIT KNESSET HAZORIM B’RINA $21,910.00 Illegal Settlement Outpost – Efrat
BEIT MIDRASH ‘ZICHRON MOSHE’ $18,610.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
CHASDEI EFRAT $338.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
DOLEV HOMES FOR YOUTH AT RISK $64,360.00 Illegal Settlement – Dolev
EFRAT DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION $323,923.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
HAKIBUTZ HADATI $93,083.00 Religious movement comprises several illegal kibbutzes in West Bank, (Migdal Oz, Kfar Etzion, Rosh Tzurim)
JOB KATIF/LA’OFEK $3,132.00 Illegal Settlement – Alon Shvut
KEREN AHIEZER ACHISAMCH $63,616.00 Illegal Settlement – Karnei Shomron
KIRYAT HAYESHIVA BET EL $98,055.00 Illegal Settlement – Beit El
MECHINAT YEDIDYA $44,304.00 Illegal Settlement – Gush Etzion district
MICHLOL MAALE LEVONA $46,988.00 Illegal Settlement – Ma’ale Levona
MIDRESHET HAROVA $77,645.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
MIDRESHET HAVORA $10,621.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
NETZER ARIEL $20,786.00 Illegal Settlement – Ariel
SHIRAT HATAMAR $1,079.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
SYNAGOGUE IN MEMORY OF NOAM RAZ $736.00 Illegal Settlement – Keida
TALMUD TORAH HADAR YOSEF $9,500.00 Illegal Settlement – Serves Binyamin Region
TESHIVA HAR BRACHA $159,259.00 Illegal Settlement – Har Bracha
GUSH ETZION FOUNDATION $1,742.00 Provides financial support for settlements
THE WOMEN’S BEIT MISRASH OF EFRAT $9,546.00 Illegal Settlement – Efrat
ULPANA L’BANOT KIRYAT ARBA $1,440.00 Illegal Settlement – Kiryat Arba
YESHIVA BNEI ROCHEL-KEVER ROCHEL $6,189.00 Illegal Settlement – Bethlehem
YESHIVAT HAKOTEL $31,743.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
YESHIVAT HAR ETZION $148,441.00 Illegal Settlement – Har Etzion
YESHIVAT NETIV ARYEH $32,933.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
YESHIVAT ORAYTA $11,040.00 Illegally annexed East Jerusalem
YESHIVAT SHAVEI HEVRON $125,789.00 Illegal Settlement – Hebron
YISHUV ELI $8,781.00 Illegal Settlement – Eli
YESHIVAT SHAVEI HEVRON $2,173.00 Illegal Settlement – Hebron
BNEI DAVID/YESHIVAT HESDER ELI $44,010.00 Hesder Yeshiva – Military adjacent educational training in lieu of active military service
YESH. HES, OR VISHUA HAIFA $1,119.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESH. HESDER KIRYAT SHEMONEH $475.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER ACCO $39,042.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER DIMONA $6,000.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER HAREL $39,251.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER MAALOT YAAKOV $25,885.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER NEVE DEKALIM (V) $53,769.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER NOF HAGALIL $5,425.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER OR ETZION $11,814.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER RAMAT GAN $4,950.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER SDEROT $29,318.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER SHILOH $475.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER TFAHOT $31,315.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT HESDER YAFO $20,356.00 Hesder Yeshiva
YESHIVAT MA’ALE GILBOA $1,900.00 Hesder Yeshiva hybrid
BRIT OLAM $2,344.00 Israeli Political Party
FOUNDATION OF THE VETERAN PARATROOPERS $22,521.00 Military affiliated
GARIN TORANI LOD $19,620.00 Works towards Jewish-only settling in Jewish minority neighbourhoods
OREV $11,608.00 Israeli paratrooper division
REGAVIM $8,460.00 Conducts surveillance and legal warfare against Palestinians, specifically in ‘Area C’ of West Bank
WOMEN IN GREEN $11,403.00 Works towards colonization of ‘Greater Israel’
DUVDEVAN FOUNDATION $200,000.00 Supports members of Duvdevan Unit – Israeli military unit.
Table 1 – Illegal Israeli Intermediaries named by Mizrachi Canada
(Source: Mizrachi Canada 2023 Schedule 2 – Overseas Activity)

Internationalizing the scheme, jgive.com has aligned itself with a variety of charitable partners, which provide Zionist donors in America, Great Britain, and Canada the opportunity to use the jgive website to donate to the Israeli charity of their choice, in their home currencies, and receive charitable tax receipts in their home countries. None of this would be possible without ‘home country’ partners, because the Israeli charities themselves don’t have charitable status outside of Israel. In America, jgive.com’s charity partner is the Jerusalem-registered, Friends of Asor Fund USA. In Great Britain, the charity partner is registered as UK Toremet. For Canadian Zionists, the charitable tax receipting service is provided by Mizrachi Canada.

This isn’t actually legal in Canada. In Canada, if you’re a charity and you want to move money into the hands of an international intermediary, like an Israeli charity, you need to demonstrate direction and control over the money you’re providing and be able to prove that the international recipient is undertaking charitable programming that wouldn’t have taken place without your money. You can’t just blanket fundraise for pre-existing operations over which you have no control, like what Mizrachi Canada does for jgive.com. That’s called being an illegal conduit.

Canadian charities are also required to obey Canadian public policy statements. Global Affairs Canada has made it clear that the Canadian government does not consider the post-1967 Israeli presence in the occupied Palestinian territory to be “permanent” and, importantly, considers the Fourth Geneva Convention to be legally applicable and “establishes Israel’s obligations as an occupying power”.

As we all know, Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention notes that the transferring civilian populations into occupied territory, along with forced deportation and transfer of indigenous populations, are war crimes. Canadian charities are legally responsible for the actions of their international intermediaries. And so, regardless of whatever passes for charity law in the apartheid state, Mizrachi Canada is legally responsible to Canadian law for the activities of its Israeli recipients.

Beyond the confines of the Income Tax Act and Canadian public policy, the actions of Mizrachi Canada’s Israeli intermediaries also contravene various aspects of the Canadian Criminal Code. Under the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the transfer of civilian populations into a territory under occupation, along with the “extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly”, are war crimes. The Rome Statute has been adopted in full into Canadian law through the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act (CAHWCA), as have the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, under the Geneva Conventions Act. War crimes and crimes against humanity, within both Acts, are indictable offenses under the Canadian Criminal Code.

The problem isn’t just limited to the activities of Mizrachi Canada. As I’ve written about in some detail here, Mizrachi Canada is not the only Canadian charity that moves money into the hands of Israeli intermediaries committing war crimes (for whom they are legally responsible). On a solely financial level, the jgive.com empire is certainly the key, international, operator within the world of ‘point and click’ Israeli charity. But the Canadian charitable organization Canada Charity Partners, for example, operates as a conduit for the Israeli-based website israelgives.org. Ne’eman Foundation Canada, prior to its revocation (which I’ve written about here), also hosted dozens of Israeli charities, many of them located within the illegal settlements and/or who provided material and financial support to Palestinian dispossession.

The overall problem is that these Canadian charitable organizations seem to be able to operate within a space of extra-legality. If/when the Canada Revenue Agency does finally act, as with the case of Ne’eman Canada, the actual repercussions are totally minimal – the charity simply dissolves and its place within the illegal, transactional, system is replaced.

Tragically, by financial accounts, genocide has been very good for those involved in the Israeli charity business. 2023 saw jgive.com’s parent company, the ‘ASUR Fund’ take in over 283 million NIS in donations (about $78 million USD). This is over double the 131 million NIS it brought in in 2022. For its part, in 2023 Mizrachi Canada brought in over $21 million CDN, about triple the over $7 million CDN it declared in revenue in 2022.
Asleep at the Wheel or In on the Deal?

Beyond the fact that the Canadian charitable sector is now actively an extra-legal hotbed of financial complicity in the aiding and abetting of Israeli war crimes, two serious issues present themselves.

Firstly, as an outside researcher, year in year out, by rights I should be able to chart out all of a Canadian charity’s international activity. Canadian charities are required to divulge their international activity, by intermediary name and received dollar amount, in the ‘Schedule 2 – Overseas Activity’ section of their yearly tax returns. Yet even this baseline of data, via which one might then begin the research process, is frequently absent. Consider that Mizrachi Canada, between 2007-2021, claimed to have moved over $46 million CDN into Israel. Only about $600,000 CDN of this was properly accounted for, by intermediary name and dollar amount, in its yearly tax returns. The rest, over a span of 15 years, quite simply, could have gone anywhere.

This lack of baseline reporting isn’t limited to Mizrachi Canada, either. The David Hofstedter Family Foundation, for example, consistently moves tens of millions of dollars CDN into Israel per year and simply lists the country code ‘Israel’ as its recipient. The endemic lack of reporting is the same with the United Israel Appeal of Canada, which is the main money-moving arm of the Jewish Federations of Canada and also moves millions of dollars CDN per year.

Having familiarized myself with the sector, it isn’t an underestimate to say that tens of millions of dollars CDN in tax-deductible donations move from Canada to Israel, every year, without any outside ability to know or understand where this money ends up, or what it is intended to do. The Canada Revenue Agency, for its part, appears either unable or unwilling to address this. So, while Mizrachi Canada and its activities are certainly illegal and problematic, the bigger issue is the endemic lack of reporting within the sector – and a regulator either asleep at the wheel or in on the deal.

Without fully delving into the conspiratorial, consider that the same private foundations – tied to family and corporate fortunes in Canada – whose names grace hospital wings, academic chairs, and art prizes, are the same ones underwriting Mizrachi Canada’s financial complicity in war crimes and genocide. Between 2000-2023, Canadian public and private foundations donated millions of dollars CDN to Mizrachi Canada and were responsible for about a third of the overall cash flowing through Mizrachi Canada to Israel during this period. Table 2 illustrates all Canadian foundation donors to Mizrachi Canada, between 2000-2023, that donated a minimum $200,000, cumulatively.

Legal Name Amount (CDN)

Jewish Community Foundation of Montreal $3,904,684.00
THE ROTHFAM FOUNDATION $3,888,448.00
ISRAEL KOSCHITZKY FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,967,802.00
SILVER FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,661,449.00
NATHAN AND LILY SILVER FAMILY FOUNDATION $2,277,118.00
THE JEWISH LEGACY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,172,390.00
THE AMAYN CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $2,047,676.00
DAAT CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $1,744,830.00
THE SHELLO CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $1,727,500.00
THE JACK WEINBAUM FAMILY FOUNDATION $1,245,876.00
The Jonathan and Ethan Lax Foundation $1,222,429.00
THE BUCKINGHAM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $1,148,893.00
Jewish Foundation of Greater Toronto $1,061,076.00
RAYJO CHARITABLE TRUST $1,037,526.00
THE FRIEDBERG CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $987,217.00
CANADIAN COUNCIL FOR ISRAEL $985,087.00
THE MEYER FAMILY FOUNDATION $961,204.00
THE CANADIAN COMMITTEE FOR THE TEL AVIV FOUNDATION $950,676.00
HERZOG FAMILY TRUST $840,902.00
THE WAYNE TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $833,500.00
TORAH V’AVODAH CONGREGATION, $801,000.00
THE FRANCES TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $769,212.00
BINAH CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $661,580.00
COLLEGE BETH JACOB POUR LES ENSEIGNANTS INC $660,352.00
THE JOSEPH TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $656,175.00
THE SAMUEL AND BESSIE ORFUS FAMILY FOUNDATION $647,000.00
THE HERBERT GREEN FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION INC. $605,532.00
THE P SCHWARTZ FAMILY FOUNDATION $594,630.00
FAMGLAS FOUNDATION $549,070.00
THE ESTHERELKE TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $428,212.00
BESSIN FAMILY FOUNDATION $425,996.00
THE JOSEPH AND FANNY TANENBAUM CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $374,650.00
Fondation Johanne & Normand Sternthal/Foundation Johanne & Norman Sternthal $318,120.00
THE FRANKEL FAMILY FOUNDATION $318,079.00
SEMINARY LOAN FUND $306,382.00
CHIMP: Charitable Impact Foundation (Canada) $300,979.00
THE KELMAN CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $284,447.00
BETH OLOTH CHARITABLE ORGANIZATION $270,800.00
THE MORRIS AND BEVERLY BAKER FOUNDATION $257,608.00
UNITED JEWISH APPEAL OF GREATER TORONTO $243,850.00
My Charity Fund $243,190.00
THE ESTARON FOUNDATION $236,544.00
THE S. SIGLER FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $224,348.00
THE NUSBAUM FAMILY CHARITABLE FOUNDATION $218,449.00
KEREN HATORAH CHARITY FUND $203,146.00

Table 2 – $200,000+ CDN foundation donors to Mizrachi Canada (2000-2023).

This scenario arguably epitomizes the Faustian bargain at the heart of foundational philanthropy in Canada; tax-deductible donations prop up our social service regimes yet also slate resistant indigenous populations for extermination. These are the ‘too big to fail’ of the Canadian charitable sector. The tax regulator, for reasons unknown, has either abandoned its duties, is complicit, or is understaffed to the point of being incapacitated.