It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Sunday, August 02, 2020
This Daily Show ‘Tyranny Check’ Is A Must See
POSTED BY ELLEN -7836.60PC ON JULY 30, 2020 ·
The Daily Show has brilliantly showcased Fox News hosts’ hypocrisy by juxtaposing their comments on the tyranny of federal agents at the Bundy ranch with comments about the agents in Portland.
If you have forgotten the Bundy lawbreakers Sean Hannity and Fox News championed, nobody summed up the situation better than Jon Stewart. Naturally, after promoting armed insurrection against the U.S. government (under President Obama), Hannity played the victim for being criticized. You may recall that Fox’s support for Bundy evaporated after he was outed as a racist (which Fox almost surely knew beforehand).
But you don’t really have to know all that to appreciate the hypocrisy, including the pièce de résistance at the end.
It’s been a sad and depressing day. I can't think of a better way to close it out than with some laughs at Fox News’ expense.
Trump Campaign Adviser Dodges Questions About Foreign Assistance
POSTED BY ELLEN -ON AUGUST 02, 2020 ·
Trump campaign senior adviser Jason Miller, failed to give a straight and complete answer when asked on Fox News Sunday whether the Trump campaign or the administration has received or would refuse to receive foreign assistance.
You’d think the campaign of any legit nationalist, which Donald Trump markets himself as, would make a big show of denouncing and disavowing any foreign assistance. That’s doubly true when Trump calls the Mueller investigation into Russian interference, with the goal of helping Trump get elected, a hoax.
Instead, Miller suspiciously waffled and deflected on Fox News Sunday today:
WALLACE: Can you state flatly that neither the Trump administration nor the Trump campaign has received any information from foreign groups, foreign nationals, about either Joe Biden or his family, and can you state flatly that neither the administration nor the campaign will accept foreign assistance?
MILLER: Chris, that's a silly question. I mean, the folks who have actually taken foreign assistance were the Clinton campaign four years ago. I mean the entire shady dossier they put together was from a British spy.
No, we're going to go and beat Joe Biden fair and square here, absolutely. But I think you should have asked the same question to his prospective running mates in Senate Duckworth and Karen Bass because, just as we saw four years ago, it was the Democrats who took foreign assistance.
WALLACE: But can you flatly state that the Trump campaign and the administration will not accept foreign assistance this time?
MILLER: Chris, I said that's an absolutely silly question. We're going to go and win this race fair and square and it's the Democrats who are going to --
WALLACE: I'm just asking for an -- I'm asking for an answer. It's a -- it's a yes or no question, Jason.
MILLER: Chris, there is no foreign assistance that's happening in this campaign. But I would ask you to make sure that the Democrats aren't going to do what they tried to pull four years ago because that's exactly -- they're going to try to find every possible way to cheat and steal this selection, 100 percent.
Miller's statement, that “there is no foreign assistance that’s happening” is a bit weaselly, too, as it speaks only to the present. But Wallace promised he’d ask Joe Biden if he has the chance to interview him and then moved on.
Wallace also deserves credit for challenging Miller early on when he claimed that “the power center in this Biden campaign and what a potential Biden presidency would look like is the radical left wing mob. It's Bernie Sanders. It's AOC. It's Ilhan Omar.”
Wallace interrupted to say, “Joe Biden has not come out for Medicare for all. Joe Biden has not come out for the Green New Deal. Joe Biden has not come out for defund the police. I understand that that's your talking point, but it's not so.”
Then, after Miller went on to claim, “no voter” wants to “vote for the guy who wants $4 trillion in tax increases and his own version of a Green New Deal and wipe out the American energy sector,” Wallace pressed the point by noting that multiple polls show Trump losing to Biden.
But as good as those moments were, they will almost surely be overshadowed by Fox's Trump cheerleaders disregarding and/or justifying his alarming deference to Russia and its president, Vladimir Putin.
You can watch Miller's dodgy deflections below, from the August 2, 2020 Fox News Sunday.
NEO NAZI COVIDIOTS UPDATE
Dozens Of Police Injured In Berlin Protests Against Virus Curbs
By AFP News
08/02/20
Some 45 police officers were injured in a wave of weekend demonstrations in Berlin including protests against coronavirus restrictions, police said as protesters gathered again in smaller numbers on Sunday.
The unruly protests, in which many demonstrators failed to wear masks or respect social distancing rules, have sparked a chorus of condemnation including calls for tougher penalties against those who violate restrictions aimed at curbing transmission of the deadly virus.
A total of 133 people were arrested during Saturday's protests, which included a huge "day of freedom" demo against coronavirus restrictions, police said in a statement on Sunday.
The arrests were for offences including resisting police officers, breach of the peace and the use of unconstitutional symbols.
Three officers required hospital treatment, police said.
Around 20,000 people took part in the "day of freedom" demonstration, the majority not covering their nose and mouth or respecting Germany's 1.5-metre (five-foot) social distancing requirement.
The crowd, a mixture of hard left and right, and conspiracy theorists, shouted "We are the second wave" as they converged on the Brandenburg Gate, demanding "resistance" and dubbing the pandemic "the biggest conspiracy theory"
Police began dispersing the crowds in the late afternoon, but hundreds of protesters remained at the Brandenburg Gate late into the evening.
Police have launched legal proceedings against organisers for not respecting virus hygiene rules.
In a separate anti-fascist demonstration in the southern Neukoelln district, protesters threw stones at police officers, let off fireworks and damaged two police vehicles and a local party office.
Several officers were injured while dispersing the crowd, including three who were treated in hospital after being hit in the face by shards of glass.
Arrests were also made at smaller unofficial protests.
A total of 1,100 officers were deployed during the day.
Copyright AFP. All rights reserved.
Dozens Of Police Injured In Berlin Protests Against Virus Curbs
By AFP News
08/02/20
Some 45 police officers were injured in a wave of weekend demonstrations in Berlin including protests against coronavirus restrictions, police said as protesters gathered again in smaller numbers on Sunday.
The unruly protests, in which many demonstrators failed to wear masks or respect social distancing rules, have sparked a chorus of condemnation including calls for tougher penalties against those who violate restrictions aimed at curbing transmission of the deadly virus.
A total of 133 people were arrested during Saturday's protests, which included a huge "day of freedom" demo against coronavirus restrictions, police said in a statement on Sunday.
The arrests were for offences including resisting police officers, breach of the peace and the use of unconstitutional symbols.
Three officers required hospital treatment, police said.
Around 20,000 people took part in the "day of freedom" demonstration, the majority not covering their nose and mouth or respecting Germany's 1.5-metre (five-foot) social distancing requirement.
The crowd, a mixture of hard left and right, and conspiracy theorists, shouted "We are the second wave" as they converged on the Brandenburg Gate, demanding "resistance" and dubbing the pandemic "the biggest conspiracy theory"
Police began dispersing the crowds in the late afternoon, but hundreds of protesters remained at the Brandenburg Gate late into the evening.
Police have launched legal proceedings against organisers for not respecting virus hygiene rules.
In a separate anti-fascist demonstration in the southern Neukoelln district, protesters threw stones at police officers, let off fireworks and damaged two police vehicles and a local party office.
Several officers were injured while dispersing the crowd, including three who were treated in hospital after being hit in the face by shards of glass.
Arrests were also made at smaller unofficial protests.
A total of 1,100 officers were deployed during the day.
Protesters claiming that 'the cure is worse than the disease' Photo: AFP / John MACDOUGALL
A few hundred protesters gathered to the west of the Brandenburg Gate on Sunday, according to an AFP photographer at the scene, with the majority wearing masks and observing social distancing guidelines.
Despite Germany's comparatively low toll, authorities are concerned at a rise in infections over recent weeks and politicians took to social media to criticise Saturday's rally as irresponsible.
"Yes, demonstrations should also be possible in times of coronavirus, but not like this," Health Minister Jens Spahn said.
"Distance, hygiene rules and masks serve to protect us all, so we treat each other with respect."
Others on Sunday expressed concern at Germany's rising virus numbers and called for higher penalties for those who break the rules.
"Those who deliberately endanger others must expect that this will have serious consequences for them," Economy Minister Peter Altmaier told national news agency DPA.
Bavarian premier Markus Soeder, meanwhile, warned in an interview with the Bild am Sonntag newspaper that now was "not the time for new relaxations or naive carelessness".
The second wave is "practically already here", Soeder said. "It is creeping through Germany."
Soeder also said he was opposed to football matches with spectators, as officials from Germany's Bundesliga prepare to gather this week to agree guidelines for the return of fans.
Saturday saw 955 new infections in Germany -- a level which the country had not seen since May 9, according to the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) disease control agency.
New infections rose only slightly by 240 in the last 24 hours, according to data published Sunday by the RKI. However, the relatively low figure was due to limited reporting by local authorities during the weekend.
A few hundred protesters gathered to the west of the Brandenburg Gate on Sunday, according to an AFP photographer at the scene, with the majority wearing masks and observing social distancing guidelines.
Despite Germany's comparatively low toll, authorities are concerned at a rise in infections over recent weeks and politicians took to social media to criticise Saturday's rally as irresponsible.
"Yes, demonstrations should also be possible in times of coronavirus, but not like this," Health Minister Jens Spahn said.
"Distance, hygiene rules and masks serve to protect us all, so we treat each other with respect."
Others on Sunday expressed concern at Germany's rising virus numbers and called for higher penalties for those who break the rules.
"Those who deliberately endanger others must expect that this will have serious consequences for them," Economy Minister Peter Altmaier told national news agency DPA.
Bavarian premier Markus Soeder, meanwhile, warned in an interview with the Bild am Sonntag newspaper that now was "not the time for new relaxations or naive carelessness".
The second wave is "practically already here", Soeder said. "It is creeping through Germany."
Soeder also said he was opposed to football matches with spectators, as officials from Germany's Bundesliga prepare to gather this week to agree guidelines for the return of fans.
Saturday saw 955 new infections in Germany -- a level which the country had not seen since May 9, according to the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) disease control agency.
New infections rose only slightly by 240 in the last 24 hours, according to data published Sunday by the RKI. However, the relatively low figure was due to limited reporting by local authorities during the weekend.
Copyright AFP. All rights reserved.
Len McCluskey praised by Labour MPs for ordering Unite funding review
Exclusive: Unite leader disagreed with Labour paying damages to antisemitism whistleblowers
THE GUARDIAN AUGUST 2, 2020
https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2020/aug/02/len-mccluskey-praised-by-labour-mps-for-ordering-unite-funding-review
THE GUARDIAN AUGUST 2, 2020
https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2020/aug/02/len-mccluskey-praised-by-labour-mps-for-ordering-unite-funding-review
Ian Lavery, the party chair under Jeremy Corbyn, is one of three former shadow ministers who have told the Guardian they support the union’s general secretary for re-examining whether to donate to Labour in the wake of the six-figure settlements.
Their interventions will increase tensions between the Socialist Campaign Group of MPs and Labour’s leader following the latter’s decision to apologise and pay damages to seven staff who claimed they had been defamed by senior party figures after taking part in a BBC Panorama documentary on antisemitism.
It comes amid growing speculation about the future leadership of the UK’s three biggest unions – Unite, Unison and the GMB – which are responsible for a majority of Labour’s funds.
McCluskey, whose union has given Labour around £7m since January 2019, said on Saturday that paying the damages was an “abuse of members’ money”. He told the Observer: “A lot of it is Unite’s money and I’m already being asked all kinds of questions by my executive. It’s as though a huge sign has been put up outside the Labour party with ‘queue here with your writ and get your payment over there’.”
Lavery, who was also shadow minister for trade unions under Corbyn, said: “What Len says is extremely important. I have had people asking me from Unite if it is right that members’ money is used to finance Keir’s legal challenges and pay compensation when the advice that the party allegedly had was that the party was in a very strong position to defend the claims.
“People have got to be accountable and responsible. You cannot expect unions to pump millions of pounds into the party if the party isn’t accountable.”
Another former shadow cabinet minister agreed: “Starmer is on warning that he must work with everyone across the movement and cash has to be accounted for. The lurch to the right will not be paid for with union subs.” Another said: “Len said what a lot of us have been thinking.”
The party settled with the ex-staffers as part of an attempt to draw a line under the antisemitism row. However, Labour officials warned the shadow cabinet last month that mounting legal action related to antisemitism could cost the party hundreds of thousands of pounds over the next year.
One Starmer loyalist dismissed McCluskey and Lavery’s criticisms. “They are fighting a battle over antisemitism they could not win when they were in charge and now they want Keir to make the same mistakes. It is a silly position to take and deeply insulting for many Jewish members,” they said.
McCluskey, 69, also said he intends to stay in charge at Unite until his tenure ends in 2022, amid growing speculation he could stand down early as well as electioneering from some of his close union allies.
Meanwhile the Unison leader, Dave Prentis, has announced that he will be stepping down at the end of the year, while Tim Roache stood down as general secretary of the GMB in April amid allegations of misconduct.
The “Big Three” unions, which represent more than 3 million workers, not only contribute most of Labour’s funds, but also sponsor MPs and influence votes on policy and party rules.
Although the top of the union movement is still dominated by middle-aged white men, there are female or BAME candidates standing for each position.
Speculation McCluskey may step down had increased after United Left, the faction which has dominated Unite, held a ballot last month and decided to back the union’s assistant general secretary, Steve Turner, to become the next leader. Sharon Graham, Unite’s organising director said to be separate from McCluskey’s inner circle, is also planning to stand.
After the GMB announced it had received an anonymous letter containing claims about Roache’s conduct, the union asked a QC to launch an independent investigation into allegations of wrongdoing. Roache vehemently denies the allegations.
Nominations for his successor will close next month. Rehana Azam, the union’s national secretary who has co-ordinated its response to the Covid 19 crisis, is expected to be a popular frontrunner. Gary Smith, the union’s secretary in Scotland, is also expected to stand.
The inquiry, conducted by Karon Monaghan QC, is expected to hang heavy over the election, following claims that other executives and staff were involved in inappropriate spending.
The union said: “The need for a full, transparent and independent investigation following a number of very serious allegations made by way of anonymous correspondence received by the union has been agreed.”
In a statement released in April, Roache said: “I have spent 40 years defending people based on evidence and the right to natural justice. This anonymous letter affords me neither.”
Candidates standing for the top job in Unison, where two-thirds of members are women, include Margaret Greer, who would become both the first female and the first black general secretary of the UK’s biggest union if she wins. Glasgow-born Christina McAnea, who is currently assistant general secretary, is also standing.
Two other BAME candidates are also standing. Roger McKenzie, an assistant general secretary who is on the left of the union, and Hugo Pierre, a Socialist party member. Nominations open on 10 August.
UK
Unite chief Len McCluskey fires warning shot over Labour anti-Semitism payout
HE WHO PAYS THE PIPER, CALLS THE TUNESunday 2 August 2020, 2:22am
BROTHER Len McCluskey has warned the Labour Party.Credit: PA Archive/PA Images
The chief of Labour’s biggest union backer said his organisation would “no doubt” review its financial support in the wake of the decision to offer payouts to whistleblowers who accused the party of failing to tackle anti-Semitism.
General secretary of Unite, Len McCluskey, used an interview with the Observer to issue a warning to Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer after the party agreed to pay “substantial damages” to whistleblowers who contributed to a TV expose of its handling of anti-Semitism.
Mr McCluskey, an ally of former leader Jeremy Corbyn, said the payouts were “an abuse of members’ money”.
He told the paper: “A lot of it is Unite’s money and I’m already being asked all kinds of questions by my executive.
“It’s as though a huge sign has been put up outside the Labour party with ‘queue here with your writ and get your payment over there’.”
Under Mr Corbyn’s leadership, the party was dogged with allegations that it had failed to take action over members accused of promoting anti-Semitism.
Seven former employees from the party’s governance and legal unit, who were responsible for the investigation of allegations of misconduct by party members, sued Labour after it issued a press release describing them as having “personal and political axes to grind”.
The legal action followed the broadcast in July 2019 of a BBC Panorama programme titled Is Labour Anti-Semitic?
Jeremy Corbyn being sued after comments on Labour anti-Semitism damages settlement
The chief of Labour’s biggest union backer said his organisation would “no doubt” review its financial support in the wake of the decision to offer payouts to whistleblowers who accused the party of failing to tackle anti-Semitism.
General secretary of Unite, Len McCluskey, used an interview with the Observer to issue a warning to Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer after the party agreed to pay “substantial damages” to whistleblowers who contributed to a TV expose of its handling of anti-Semitism.
Mr McCluskey, an ally of former leader Jeremy Corbyn, said the payouts were “an abuse of members’ money”.
He told the paper: “A lot of it is Unite’s money and I’m already being asked all kinds of questions by my executive.
“It’s as though a huge sign has been put up outside the Labour party with ‘queue here with your writ and get your payment over there’.”
Under Mr Corbyn’s leadership, the party was dogged with allegations that it had failed to take action over members accused of promoting anti-Semitism.
Seven former employees from the party’s governance and legal unit, who were responsible for the investigation of allegations of misconduct by party members, sued Labour after it issued a press release describing them as having “personal and political axes to grind”.
The legal action followed the broadcast in July 2019 of a BBC Panorama programme titled Is Labour Anti-Semitic?
Jeremy Corbyn being sued after comments on Labour anti-Semitism damages settlement
Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer took over the running of the party in AprilCredit: Joe Giddens/PA
The party has refused to disclose how much the settlement would end up costing, but the Telegraph reported that fees and damages were likely to amount to nearly £375,000.
Sir Keir’s predecessor Mr Corbyn called the decision to settle “disappointing” and claimed it was a “political decision, not a legal one”.
Mr Corybn said his team was advised while he was leader that the “party had a strong defence”.
Panorama reporter John Ware is taking legal action against the Islington North MP following the remarks.
Labour declined to comment on Mr McCluskey’s donation review threat, but Sir Keir’s spokesman previously said all three candidates in the final of the party’s leadership contest, which concluded in April, had agreed they wanted to see the case settled.
Rebecca Long-Bailey sacked after sharing article containing anti-Semitic conspiracy theory
The spokesman told reporters last month: “I think it is worth remembering that during the leadership contest, all three candidates – Rebecca (Long-Bailey), Keir and Lisa (Nandy) – said, and all pledged at the Jewish Labour Movement hustings, that they would seek to settle this issue and that also they believed the party had not taken the right approach at the time.”
In his interview, Mr McCluskey also warned Sir Keir over the direction of the party, suggesting it would “constitute a problem” if the former director of public prosecutions moved away from his leadership campaign pledges.
His position included keeping left-wing policies adopted during the Corbyn regime, such as higher taxes on the wealthy, abolishing tuition fees and public ownership of rail, mail, energy and water.
Home Secretary demands social media giants act faster over hate speech after 'abhorrent' Wiley posts
The party has refused to disclose how much the settlement would end up costing, but the Telegraph reported that fees and damages were likely to amount to nearly £375,000.
Sir Keir’s predecessor Mr Corbyn called the decision to settle “disappointing” and claimed it was a “political decision, not a legal one”.
Mr Corybn said his team was advised while he was leader that the “party had a strong defence”.
Panorama reporter John Ware is taking legal action against the Islington North MP following the remarks.
Labour declined to comment on Mr McCluskey’s donation review threat, but Sir Keir’s spokesman previously said all three candidates in the final of the party’s leadership contest, which concluded in April, had agreed they wanted to see the case settled.
Rebecca Long-Bailey sacked after sharing article containing anti-Semitic conspiracy theory
The spokesman told reporters last month: “I think it is worth remembering that during the leadership contest, all three candidates – Rebecca (Long-Bailey), Keir and Lisa (Nandy) – said, and all pledged at the Jewish Labour Movement hustings, that they would seek to settle this issue and that also they believed the party had not taken the right approach at the time.”
In his interview, Mr McCluskey also warned Sir Keir over the direction of the party, suggesting it would “constitute a problem” if the former director of public prosecutions moved away from his leadership campaign pledges.
His position included keeping left-wing policies adopted during the Corbyn regime, such as higher taxes on the wealthy, abolishing tuition fees and public ownership of rail, mail, energy and water.
Home Secretary demands social media giants act faster over hate speech after 'abhorrent' Wiley posts
Former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn was critical of the decision to pay damages to ex-staff.Credit: Hollie Adams/PA
Sir Keir has so far ruled out speculating what will be in the next election manifesto, but has regularly emphasised that the 2019 Labour platform was defeated at the polls in December.
Mr McCluskey said: “He has to recognise that the ship he is sailing, if it lists too much to the right, will go under.
“We’ll have to wait to see how the situation unfolds.
“Unite is financially a very powerful and strong union. We have a political fund that is the largest in the whole of Europe.
“So of course, my members would expect that we are influential in that respect.”
The 70-year-old also ruled out standing down as Unite leader before his term is due to come to an end in April 2022.
Sir Keir has so far ruled out speculating what will be in the next election manifesto, but has regularly emphasised that the 2019 Labour platform was defeated at the polls in December.
Mr McCluskey said: “He has to recognise that the ship he is sailing, if it lists too much to the right, will go under.
“We’ll have to wait to see how the situation unfolds.
“Unite is financially a very powerful and strong union. We have a political fund that is the largest in the whole of Europe.
“So of course, my members would expect that we are influential in that respect.”
The 70-year-old also ruled out standing down as Unite leader before his term is due to come to an end in April 2022.
Georgia camp outbreak shows rapid virus spread among children
2020/8/1
©TheAtlantaJournalConstitution
#KEEPSCHOOLCLOSED #COVID19CLOSESCHOOLS
#CORONAVIRUSCLOSESCHOOLS
SEE IT IS NOT 'INVISIBLE' AS TRUMP SAYS IT IS
2020/8/1
©TheAtlantaJournalConstitution
#KEEPSCHOOLCLOSED #COVID19CLOSESCHOOLS
#CORONAVIRUSCLOSESCHOOLS
SEE IT IS NOT 'INVISIBLE' AS TRUMP SAYS IT IS
This transmission electron microscope image shows SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19, isolated from a patient in the U.S., emerging from the surface of cells cultured in the lab. - NIAID/TNS/TNS
ATLANTA — COVID-19 spread quickly among unmasked youth at YMCA camp, CDC finds.
Some 260 cases of the coronavirus have been tied to attendees and staff at a North Georgia YMCA children’s camp in June, according to a report released Friday by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, one of the largest known superspreading events in the state.
The report details how COVID-19 spread rapidly among children and teens within the camp and raises questions about the effectiveness of safety protocols as school districts and colleges contemplate reopening for in-person instruction this fall.
YMCA Camp High Harbour, identified in the report as Camp A, suffered an outbreak at its Lake Burton location in late June. As of July 10, about 85 cases of the virus had been linked to the camp, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution previously reported, a figure that has since tripled.
The CDC study of 597 campers and staff from Georgia found the camp did not follow its guidance to require campers wear masks, though staff did.
Three-quarters of the 344 attendees and staff for whom the CDC was able to obtain test results tested positive for the virus.
The CDC said the overall attack rate of the virus was 44%, though the agency acknowledged that’s an undercount because it includes more than 250 for whom they had no results.
“This investigation adds to the body of evidence demonstrating that children of all ages are susceptible to SARS-CoV-2 infection and, contrary to early reports might play an important role in transmission,” the report said.
Brian Castrucci, CEO of the de Beaumont Foundation, a Maryland nonprofit that assists public health agencies and a former epidemiologist in Georgia, said the report is a warning for local school districts and others about the potential for spread in congregant settings.
“This should show you how actively kids can transmit it,” he said. “If you have a low prevalence in your community, you can start to do things. If you have rampant and rapid community spread, then there is no opening school, there is no opening colleges. It is not going to work.”
GEORGIA OK’D CAMPS WITH RESTRICTIONS
Gov. Brian Kemp initially allowed day camps to open for the summer as part of the state’s broader reopening plan. An executive order in May later allowed overnight camps to operate, but outlined health and hygiene guidelines, including temperature checks and a requirement for campers and staff to have a negative COVID-19 test within 12 days of the start of camp.
Though many camps opted not to open, some, including High Harbour, did.
Spokespeople for Kemp did not immediately return a message seeking comment.
Dr. Harry J. Heiman, clinical associate professor at the Georgia State University School of Public Health, said spread of the virus was growing in June, presenting a high likelihood the virus would spread in a camp setting.
“We know that congregate settings, particularly indoor congregant settings, are among the highest risks,” he said.
High Harbour followed the governor’s executive order, the federal report said, but the camp did not follow CDC recommendations for universal masking of campers or for increased ventilation in buildings. Staff were required to wear masks, the report said.
“Relatively large cohorts sleeping in the same cabin and engaging in regular singing and cheering likely contributed to transmission,” the CDC said. “Use of cloth masks, which has been shown to reduce the risk for infection, was not universal.”
The CDC said its investigation is ongoing and will attempt to identify specific sources of exposure, the course of the illness and “any secondary transmission to household members.”
“Physical distancing and consistent and correct use of cloth masks should be emphasized as important strategies for mitigating transmission in congregate settings,” the report said.
STATEMENT OF REGRET
The YMCA did not make anyone available for an interview. In a written statement, Parrish Underwood, chief advancement officer for the YMCA of Metro Atlanta, said the organization now regretted holding the camp.
“We made every effort to adhere to best practices outlined by the Centers for Disease Control and the American Camp Association,” and the governor, Underwood said.
“Attending Camp High Harbour is a tradition numerous generations of Y families look forward to every summer,” Underwood’s statement said. “Many of these individuals reached out to our staff to express their desire for us to open our residential camps in an effort to create normalcy in their children’s lives due to the detrimental impact of COVID-19. This weighed heavily in our decision to open, a decision in retrospect we regret.”
The YMCA said it notified parents that a counselor tested positive for COVID-19 on June 24. The camp told parents they could pick up their children early. The YMCA closed its Lake Burton and Lake Allatoona locations.
The YMCA said the counselor passed required health screenings, as did all other campers and staff.
Parents who have spoken to the AJC have said they did not think the YMCA showed enough urgency. The camp was not immediately closed. Parents were given the option of picking up their children over a period of a few days before the camp closed for the season.
FEVER, HEADACHES AND SORE THROAT
The CDC study offered some caveats to the infection rates. Georgia suffered high rates of spread at the end of June, and some of the infections might have occurred prior to or after the camp.
Information about the conditions of infected campers and staff also was limited, and the report did not detail the severity of infections.
But the report said of the 136 cases with symptom data, about a quarter reported no symptoms. Of the three-quarters reporting symptoms, fever, headache and sore throat were the most common.
The median age of campers was 12 and staffers was 17. There were seven staffers between the ages of 22 and 59.
Fifty-one kids, or roughly half, of the children aged 6 to 10 tested positive. About 44% of children aged 11 to 17 tested positive and a third of the remaining people from 18 to 59 tested positive, the report said.
Cases of COVID-19 tend to be milder for children and young adults than for the elderly, but the disease isn’t without risk.
There have been 12,290 confirmed cases among children 5 to 17 in Georgia, with 165 hospitalizations and one death, an analysis of state data shows.
To date, 186,352 people in Georgia have tested positive for the coronavirus, including about 4,000 announced Friday. There have been 3,752 deaths, including 81 reported on Friday.
GEORGIA IN THE ‘RED ZONE’
Knowledge of transmission between children and adults is not well understood, but health experts have told the AJC they fear infections in children and adults can easily spread to more vulnerable people.
Though people over 60 make up the largest cohorts of hospitalizations and deaths, a recent Emory University study said children and adults under 60 are much more likely than the elderly to spread the disease to others.
Some schools are pushing forward with August opening plans, while allowing home instruction or blended in-person and distance learning.
Other systems, including Atlanta Public Schools, announced plans to delay the start of the school year and to begin instruction online amid substantial community spread of the virus.
On July 24, the CDC published guidance endorsing the full reopening of schools, citing risks to children’s health and education that could be inflicted by not having schools open for in-person instruction. That guidance came after pressure from President Trump, who has called for full reopening of schools.
The CDC guidance called for keeping students in small groups, staffed by a single teacher and to use outdoor spaces for learning. The guidance includes recommendations for masking and other hygiene protocols and plans for when a student contracts the virus.
But many independent public health experts, while acknowledging the importance of in-school instruction, have been critical of the new CDC guidance.
Heiman, the Georgia State professor, said schools often have poor ventilation. Reopening for in-person instruction endangers students and their family members and school staff.
Georgia is one of 21 states outlined in a White House task force report in the “red zone” for coronavirus spread. That report has recommended the state mandate masks and close bars, nightclubs, entertainment venues and put stricter limits on indoor dining and groups.
Kemp has so far decided not to mandate masks, though he has encouraged face coverings. He also has balked at new restrictions on the movement of business and people.
A group of more than 2,000 medical professionals have called on Kemp to implement the White House task force’s recommendations and to allow local jurisdictions to enact stricter measures.
“Many of us have said all along that unless we can get the level of COVID-19 down in communities, it is not safe to open schools and colleges,” Heiman said. “This (report) certainly reinforces that.”
———
©2020 The Atlanta Journal-Constitution (Atlanta, Ga.)
ATLANTA — COVID-19 spread quickly among unmasked youth at YMCA camp, CDC finds.
Some 260 cases of the coronavirus have been tied to attendees and staff at a North Georgia YMCA children’s camp in June, according to a report released Friday by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, one of the largest known superspreading events in the state.
The report details how COVID-19 spread rapidly among children and teens within the camp and raises questions about the effectiveness of safety protocols as school districts and colleges contemplate reopening for in-person instruction this fall.
YMCA Camp High Harbour, identified in the report as Camp A, suffered an outbreak at its Lake Burton location in late June. As of July 10, about 85 cases of the virus had been linked to the camp, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution previously reported, a figure that has since tripled.
The CDC study of 597 campers and staff from Georgia found the camp did not follow its guidance to require campers wear masks, though staff did.
Three-quarters of the 344 attendees and staff for whom the CDC was able to obtain test results tested positive for the virus.
The CDC said the overall attack rate of the virus was 44%, though the agency acknowledged that’s an undercount because it includes more than 250 for whom they had no results.
“This investigation adds to the body of evidence demonstrating that children of all ages are susceptible to SARS-CoV-2 infection and, contrary to early reports might play an important role in transmission,” the report said.
Brian Castrucci, CEO of the de Beaumont Foundation, a Maryland nonprofit that assists public health agencies and a former epidemiologist in Georgia, said the report is a warning for local school districts and others about the potential for spread in congregant settings.
“This should show you how actively kids can transmit it,” he said. “If you have a low prevalence in your community, you can start to do things. If you have rampant and rapid community spread, then there is no opening school, there is no opening colleges. It is not going to work.”
GEORGIA OK’D CAMPS WITH RESTRICTIONS
Gov. Brian Kemp initially allowed day camps to open for the summer as part of the state’s broader reopening plan. An executive order in May later allowed overnight camps to operate, but outlined health and hygiene guidelines, including temperature checks and a requirement for campers and staff to have a negative COVID-19 test within 12 days of the start of camp.
Though many camps opted not to open, some, including High Harbour, did.
Spokespeople for Kemp did not immediately return a message seeking comment.
Dr. Harry J. Heiman, clinical associate professor at the Georgia State University School of Public Health, said spread of the virus was growing in June, presenting a high likelihood the virus would spread in a camp setting.
“We know that congregate settings, particularly indoor congregant settings, are among the highest risks,” he said.
High Harbour followed the governor’s executive order, the federal report said, but the camp did not follow CDC recommendations for universal masking of campers or for increased ventilation in buildings. Staff were required to wear masks, the report said.
“Relatively large cohorts sleeping in the same cabin and engaging in regular singing and cheering likely contributed to transmission,” the CDC said. “Use of cloth masks, which has been shown to reduce the risk for infection, was not universal.”
The CDC said its investigation is ongoing and will attempt to identify specific sources of exposure, the course of the illness and “any secondary transmission to household members.”
“Physical distancing and consistent and correct use of cloth masks should be emphasized as important strategies for mitigating transmission in congregate settings,” the report said.
STATEMENT OF REGRET
The YMCA did not make anyone available for an interview. In a written statement, Parrish Underwood, chief advancement officer for the YMCA of Metro Atlanta, said the organization now regretted holding the camp.
“We made every effort to adhere to best practices outlined by the Centers for Disease Control and the American Camp Association,” and the governor, Underwood said.
“Attending Camp High Harbour is a tradition numerous generations of Y families look forward to every summer,” Underwood’s statement said. “Many of these individuals reached out to our staff to express their desire for us to open our residential camps in an effort to create normalcy in their children’s lives due to the detrimental impact of COVID-19. This weighed heavily in our decision to open, a decision in retrospect we regret.”
The YMCA said it notified parents that a counselor tested positive for COVID-19 on June 24. The camp told parents they could pick up their children early. The YMCA closed its Lake Burton and Lake Allatoona locations.
The YMCA said the counselor passed required health screenings, as did all other campers and staff.
Parents who have spoken to the AJC have said they did not think the YMCA showed enough urgency. The camp was not immediately closed. Parents were given the option of picking up their children over a period of a few days before the camp closed for the season.
FEVER, HEADACHES AND SORE THROAT
The CDC study offered some caveats to the infection rates. Georgia suffered high rates of spread at the end of June, and some of the infections might have occurred prior to or after the camp.
Information about the conditions of infected campers and staff also was limited, and the report did not detail the severity of infections.
But the report said of the 136 cases with symptom data, about a quarter reported no symptoms. Of the three-quarters reporting symptoms, fever, headache and sore throat were the most common.
The median age of campers was 12 and staffers was 17. There were seven staffers between the ages of 22 and 59.
Fifty-one kids, or roughly half, of the children aged 6 to 10 tested positive. About 44% of children aged 11 to 17 tested positive and a third of the remaining people from 18 to 59 tested positive, the report said.
Cases of COVID-19 tend to be milder for children and young adults than for the elderly, but the disease isn’t without risk.
There have been 12,290 confirmed cases among children 5 to 17 in Georgia, with 165 hospitalizations and one death, an analysis of state data shows.
To date, 186,352 people in Georgia have tested positive for the coronavirus, including about 4,000 announced Friday. There have been 3,752 deaths, including 81 reported on Friday.
GEORGIA IN THE ‘RED ZONE’
Knowledge of transmission between children and adults is not well understood, but health experts have told the AJC they fear infections in children and adults can easily spread to more vulnerable people.
Though people over 60 make up the largest cohorts of hospitalizations and deaths, a recent Emory University study said children and adults under 60 are much more likely than the elderly to spread the disease to others.
Some schools are pushing forward with August opening plans, while allowing home instruction or blended in-person and distance learning.
Other systems, including Atlanta Public Schools, announced plans to delay the start of the school year and to begin instruction online amid substantial community spread of the virus.
On July 24, the CDC published guidance endorsing the full reopening of schools, citing risks to children’s health and education that could be inflicted by not having schools open for in-person instruction. That guidance came after pressure from President Trump, who has called for full reopening of schools.
The CDC guidance called for keeping students in small groups, staffed by a single teacher and to use outdoor spaces for learning. The guidance includes recommendations for masking and other hygiene protocols and plans for when a student contracts the virus.
But many independent public health experts, while acknowledging the importance of in-school instruction, have been critical of the new CDC guidance.
Heiman, the Georgia State professor, said schools often have poor ventilation. Reopening for in-person instruction endangers students and their family members and school staff.
Georgia is one of 21 states outlined in a White House task force report in the “red zone” for coronavirus spread. That report has recommended the state mandate masks and close bars, nightclubs, entertainment venues and put stricter limits on indoor dining and groups.
Kemp has so far decided not to mandate masks, though he has encouraged face coverings. He also has balked at new restrictions on the movement of business and people.
A group of more than 2,000 medical professionals have called on Kemp to implement the White House task force’s recommendations and to allow local jurisdictions to enact stricter measures.
“Many of us have said all along that unless we can get the level of COVID-19 down in communities, it is not safe to open schools and colleges,” Heiman said. “This (report) certainly reinforces that.”
———
©2020 The Atlanta Journal-Constitution (Atlanta, Ga.)
How do we de-Trumpify America?
Published August 1, 2020 By Paul Rosenberg, Salon- Commentary
Despite the deep hole he’s in, Donald Trump could still win re-election, as we are constantly reminded. If he loses, some observers warn, there could be considerable trouble, even violent resistance. But perhaps the biggest problem facing us in the medium-to-long term is what happens if Trump loses. In particular, what do we do to undo Trumpism? Not just to counter the destruction Trump has wrought, but the decades-long preconditions that made his election possible, if not almost inevitable.
This article first appeared in Salon.
This question was raised recently by Foreign Policy in Focus editor John Feffer, whose 2017 book, “Aftershock: A Journey Into Eastern Europe’s Broken Dreams” I reviewed here. That book was deeply steeped in the difficult challenges of rebuilding democratic culture and, unsurprisingly, Feffer’s recent column cited several historical signposts to illuminate the challenge we face — the end of the Confederacy, Nazi Germany and Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. All those efforts to rebuild were “flawed in various ways” he wrote — the first and last most dramatically. But learning from them “might help us avoid repeating the mistakes of history.”
The thrust of Feffer’s argument is twofold: First, that Trump is backed by an amalgam of forces, including “the bulk of conservative civil society,” and even if he’s defeated, Trumpism — the particular articulation he’s given to those forces — will survive the election and continue to be an existential threat. It “could succeed in finishing what Trump started — disuniting the country and destroying the democratic experiment — unless, that is, the United States were to undergo a thorough de-Trumpification.” In fact, he notes that “a post-election insurrection is not out of the question.”
Trump himself may be expendable, from the far right’s point of view, but Feffer writes that “Trumpism — which lies at the intersections of racial and sexual anxiety, hatred of government and the expert class, and opposition to cosmopolitan internationalism — is not so easily rooted out.” In part, that’s because it’s “a political chimera with the head of an establishment machine and the body of a radical social movement.”
Second, Feffer argues that we must learn from the examples of the past, flawed though they might be in many ways, in order to do better. While I agree with Feffer’s core argument, both his choice of past examples and the lessons drawn from them are less satisfying. That’s not a reason to abandon his approach, but to pursue it more robustly.
Two of the examples — Nazi Germany and Saddam’s Iraq — are classic examples of “pathocracies,” which I’ve written about before, and thus led me to reach out to two experts I’ve consulted in the past: Ian Hughes, the author of “Disordered Minds: How Dangerous Personalities Are Destroying Democracy,” and therapist Elizabeth Mika, who wrote perhaps the most politically crucial chapter of “The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump” (Salon review here).
“Pathocracy is the situation where dangerously disordered personalities predominate in positions of power.” Hughes said. “Such individuals’ propensity for violence and greed, their incapacity for basic human empathy and their disordered perception and cognition, which renders them unable to ameliorate their distorted worldviews with reality and reason, mark them out as a danger to others.”
We may not be a full-blown pathocracy yet, Hughes and Mika agree, but we’re headed in that direction.
“We are at the beginning of this process,” Mika said. “Like the virus-induced disease, it may need to take its course before it weakens and we can start to rebuild from the devastation it will cause. It’s hard to say what shape this devastation may ultimately take.”
Hughes referred to “The Dictatorship Syndrome,” by Alaa Al Aswany, which describes how a fully entrenched pathocracy operates like a machine, without any need for the dictator’s instructions.
“The U.S. is clearly not in that situation. It does however have many features of a society on its way towards pathocracy,” Hughes said, from the “clearly disordered president who enjoys widespread popular support” to the legion of lackeys eager for power and the erosion of democratic institutions they carry out for him, to the state-sponsored spread of “misinformation, hate mongering, and attacks on democratic opponents” and the resulting chaos of antisocial behavior.
The “partial collapse of democracy” in the United States, Hughes said, “can be used as one guide to the necessary response to Trumpism once Trump has been defeated,” Hughes said. “So too can comparisons with previous undemocratic regimes, such as those used by Feffer.”
But democratic recovery is extremely difficult, Hughes warns. He mentioned the example of Jared Diamond’s book “Upheaval: How Nations Cope with Crisis and Change,” which explores how countries have successfully navigated similar major upheavals in the past. “The lesson I drew from his book, however, and from history more broadly, is that nations seldom learn from their descent into pathocracy,” Hughes said So he argued that a more limited, targeted approach is better than one that tries to change everything at once.
Mika is skeptical as well, but from a different direction. “The way I see it, de-Trumpification as such is not possible yet, as we have not fully Trumpified yet,” she said.
What I mean by that is not only that Trumpian fascism has not fully taken over our society — which I hope against hope does not happen — but that we don’t fully understand what is happening and why. And understanding is key. Its lack has brought us Trumpism in the first place.
I see Trumpism as an inevitable and necessary confrontation with our shadow. This confrontation is meant to break apart our (deadly) illusions, most of all that about our non-ending progress, exceptional greatness, and immunity to pain and suffering that envelop such large swaths of the world.
We have cultivated these illusions at the expense of our growth and health, as our shadow side remained repressed and invisible, especially to those in power who have been most involved in the production of our toxic myths. Of course working Americans and minorities know the shadow all too well, as it is their daily bread.
This parallels an argument Hughes made in May, describing America as “a place where bad ideas never die.” As the depths of America’s failure to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic became clear, he contrasted the fate of the two Cold War superpowers:
The ideas Hughes cited were that “inequality is good,” that “religious freedom [so-called] trumps public good,” that “in the Civil War, the wrong side won,” the myth of “American exceptionalism,” i.e., “the idea that the U.S. is a unique, morally-superior civilization destined to guide the world” and “the myth of redemptive violence,” meaning “the belief that good can triumph over evil only by means of conflict.” These can all be seen as different forms of narcissistic fantasy and, more specifically, collective narcissistic fantasy. The more we cling to such fantasies, the more our shadow grows.
One of those bad ideas ties directly to one of Feffer’s three examples, that of “Reconstruction after the American Civil War,” and the failure of that process created the historical foundation on which Trumpism is built.
The lesson Feffer draws is a tough one: “Today’s Republicans, the equivalent of the northern Democrats of the post-Civil War era and a true confederacy of dunces, cannot be allowed to persist in their current incarnation as a vehicle for Trumpism.” To avoid that, “the next administration would have to drain the swamp Trump created, bring criminal charges against the former president and his key followers, and launch a serious campaign to change the hearts and minds of Americans who have been drawn to this president’s agenda.”
To accomplish that, he concludes, “it’s imperative to separate the legitimate grievances of Trump supporters from the illegitimate ones,” and both must be addressed in different ways.
This is the strongest aspect of Feffer’s argument — which is not to say it will be easy to pull off. Bringing charges against Trump may well be justified on multiple grounds, but doing so itself threatens democratic norms: The winners don’t throw the losers in jail, not in fully-functioning healthy democracies. But “no one is above the law” is also a central norm — a norm previously violated when Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon, and that came back to bite us in a big way with the rise of Trump. Clearly, this needs to be carefully thought through, and a professional, non-political investigation into Trump’s actual or potential crimes will be required.
Feffer also ties this point to the example of Nazi Germany and the Nuremberg trials, where “the Allied victors put nearly 200 Nazis on trial for various crimes: 161 were convicted and 37 sentenced to death.” To follow this example, Feffer suggests that federal prosecutors should prosecute Trump and his top associates as a criminal enterprise under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act. Doing so could “not only remove him from the political equation but could effectively delegitimize Trumpism and prevent a second round of it from occurring.”
Yet Feffer also notes that the Nuremberg Trials did not actually delegitimize Nazism. A 1947 survey in the U.S.-occupied sector of Germany found that 55% believed that “National Socialism was a good idea badly carried out,” which included Germans under 30 as well.
But there’s more to that story, Hughes argued. In contrast to the lesson from Diamond’s book that nations seldom learn, “Germany stands out as the truly remarkable exception to this rule,” even though “Nazi officials remained in positions of authority for decades after the war.”
The idea that Nazi crimes were the work of a handful of evil leaders was widespread for decades, Hughes wrote in his review, and only ended “thanks largely to one man, the German Jewish lawyer and Social Democrat Fritz Bauer,” who prosecuted low-level participants in Nazi atrocities, “low-level Germans who had been active at Auschwitz, low-level Nazi police, low-level German judges who had sentenced German resistance leaders and Jews, doctors who had participated in Nazi euthanasia, and rank-and-file German soldiers who had participated in atrocities.”
Without Bauer’s tireless efforts, Germany would probably never have faced up its past. As it was, that took decades to accomplish.
“The lesson for the U.S., therefore, is that few countries have attempted to, and none have succeeded in, the immediate de-pathologizing of society following a period of tyranny,” Hughes told me. “Misguided attempts to do so, as in the attempted de-Baathification of Iraq, were an unmitigated disaster. An aggressive attempt at de-Trumpification, or trying to ‘drive a stake through the heart of Trumpism,’ is therefore not a course, in my view, to be pursued in the aftermath of Trump’s defeat,” no matter how desirable that might seem.
That doesn’t mean doing nothing, but rather focusing intensely on more achievable goals. “Vigorous action is required,” Hughes told me. “We need to make the distinction between the minority actively driving an authoritarian agenda, and supporters who are drawn to aspects of their agenda but who will not violently resist democratic decisions,” Hughes said. “The vast majority of Trump supporters are not violent and will accept Trump’s defeat, even as they organize and campaign for the election of someone who will pursue similar policies and similar means in 2024.”
Of course, Trump is visibly trying to change the equation — and if he wins a second term, he might well succeed. But that’s not where we are today, fortunately. Like Hughes, Feffer views the de-Baathification of Iraq as a terrible failure, but draws hope from the fact that Baathism had been in place for generations, while Trumpism is just being established.
This suggests a twofold strategy, Hughes argued:
The response to Trumpism, and defense against it, should therefore focus on stringent measures to contain the power of the GOP and its ultra-wealthy backers (as the most powerful anti-democratic forces in the U.S.), alongside initiatives to reduce the polarization in U.S. society and reinvigorate all American citizens’ beliefs in democracy as the way to organize society.
Democrats already have some idea of how to pursue the first half of this strategy — though their commitment is still quite uneven. HR 1, the top 2019 House legislative priority, includes a suite of measures to reduce the influence of big money on both parties, including creation of a small-donor-focused public financing system for congressional candidates. (Small donations would be matched at a ratio of six to one, a powerful amplification of grassroots support.) A broader array of elite-power-limiting ideas pushed by Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and other 2020 presidential candidates have gained varying degrees of support, but have not gelled into a unified, broadly-supported plan. Hughes’ analysis provides one more reason why Democrats ought to give this their highest priority.
But the second part of his strategy, to reduce polarization and strengthen faith in democracy, needs much more attention than it’s gotten so far. It’s particularly difficult because elite opinion and accepted definitions of “consensus” positions vs. “polarizing” positions don’t necessarily reflect actual public opinion — especially when the public is exposed to new information and freed from the constraints of elite partisan cues, as the recent dramatic swell of support for Black Lives Matter has illustrated.
A poll recently reported in Vanity Fair found that even substantial numbers of hardcore Trump supporters polled in June felt that protesters were “completely right” or “somewhat right” — rising to a stunning 59% majority among softer “Lean Trump” voters, and 72% of undecided voters with “mixed feelings” about the candidates. Even more stunning, the poll was conducted in two waves, and from June 1 to June 11, support jumped “a head-spinning 25 points among Lean Trump voters.”
This cuts deeply against the core dynamic that brought Trump to power in the first place, and points to a potential historical opening, and perhaps an attitudinal shift that could lead to lasting transformation, along the lines of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In early July, district attorneys in Boston, Philadelphia and San Francisco, in partnership with the Grassroots Law Project, announced plans to create just such a process.
“When marginalized people have needed to finally rely on this system for justice, it has routinely failed them in the worst ways imaginable. This isn’t a bug in the system, but a feature,” the DAs said in a statement, describing what they intended to transform.
But the “goals of peace and reconciliation efforts are better defined, I think, where the culprit is relatively clear, i.e. ‘just’ racism,” Mika said. And this initiative is even more narrowly focused on the justice system. Whether it can facilitate broader change, even if it’s successful, is an open question”
Trumpism is an amalgam of grievances that, although fortified by racism, go far beyond it. It is not as much a problem to solve or a rift to heal as a fundamental clash of values. There is no reconciliation to be had, I am afraid, between the psychopathic lack of conscience and our recognition, respect for, and desire to live according to higher values. Choosing higher values, however, is the right path, as we acknowledge and grapple with our psychopathic shadow.
That’s a tall order indeed, but Hughes sees the beginnings of a solution. “Citizens’ assemblies, such as have been put in place in countries such as the UK, France and Ireland, are one possible means of re-establishing practices of democracy which can heal divisions and undermine the appeal of dangerous demagogic leaders,” he said. In his native Ireland, that process played a crucial role in repealing the constitutional prohibition on abortion, as well as advancing a set of climate-change recommendations, all passed by majorities of at least 80%, which helped inspire a wave of climate-change citizens’ assemblies across Europe and elsewhere over the past year.
“Pathocracies thrive on chaos and division,” Hughes explained. “In an environment of violence and hatred, those whose pathological characteristics match that culture will ascend to power. To destroy a pathocracy, tensions must be reduced, hatreds ameliorated, and reason and care must again become the foundations of society.”
In the aftermath of Trumpism, he said, “the focus must be on defending against those who seek to create and profit from such destructive environments and instead to create the institutions and norms that will allow the psychologically healthy majority of the population to create the rules.” That’s why he argues that “an aggressive campaign of de-Trumpification would be counterproductive. The best response is instead to strengthen the norms and institutions that [Trump] himself despises.”
This is only a broad overview of what will be needed. I haven’t even mentioned the courts. Feffer notes that the 200-odd federal judges appointed by Trump “will do their best to block all attempts to deconstruct Trumpism.” His suggested solution, “to make it illegal for judges to be members of the Federalist Society,” is comically inadequate to the depth of the problem. But what matters now is that we begin thinking in such big-picture terms.
Toward the end of his column, Feffer issued a warning:
To avoid a second Civil War, however, a second American Revolution would need to address the root causes of Trumpism, especially political corruption, deep-seated racism, and extreme economic inequality.
Otherwise, even if The Donald loses this election, the political creature he represents will rise from the ashes and eventually return to power.
This is the scale on which we need to be thinking — not exclusively or obsessively, and certainly not enough to distract from the immediate task of defeating Trump in November. But it’s necessary to look down the road, because we need to lay the groundwork for the even more difficult struggles ahead.
Published August 1, 2020 By Paul Rosenberg, Salon- Commentary
Despite the deep hole he’s in, Donald Trump could still win re-election, as we are constantly reminded. If he loses, some observers warn, there could be considerable trouble, even violent resistance. But perhaps the biggest problem facing us in the medium-to-long term is what happens if Trump loses. In particular, what do we do to undo Trumpism? Not just to counter the destruction Trump has wrought, but the decades-long preconditions that made his election possible, if not almost inevitable.
This article first appeared in Salon.
This question was raised recently by Foreign Policy in Focus editor John Feffer, whose 2017 book, “Aftershock: A Journey Into Eastern Europe’s Broken Dreams” I reviewed here. That book was deeply steeped in the difficult challenges of rebuilding democratic culture and, unsurprisingly, Feffer’s recent column cited several historical signposts to illuminate the challenge we face — the end of the Confederacy, Nazi Germany and Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. All those efforts to rebuild were “flawed in various ways” he wrote — the first and last most dramatically. But learning from them “might help us avoid repeating the mistakes of history.”
The thrust of Feffer’s argument is twofold: First, that Trump is backed by an amalgam of forces, including “the bulk of conservative civil society,” and even if he’s defeated, Trumpism — the particular articulation he’s given to those forces — will survive the election and continue to be an existential threat. It “could succeed in finishing what Trump started — disuniting the country and destroying the democratic experiment — unless, that is, the United States were to undergo a thorough de-Trumpification.” In fact, he notes that “a post-election insurrection is not out of the question.”
Trump himself may be expendable, from the far right’s point of view, but Feffer writes that “Trumpism — which lies at the intersections of racial and sexual anxiety, hatred of government and the expert class, and opposition to cosmopolitan internationalism — is not so easily rooted out.” In part, that’s because it’s “a political chimera with the head of an establishment machine and the body of a radical social movement.”
Second, Feffer argues that we must learn from the examples of the past, flawed though they might be in many ways, in order to do better. While I agree with Feffer’s core argument, both his choice of past examples and the lessons drawn from them are less satisfying. That’s not a reason to abandon his approach, but to pursue it more robustly.
Two of the examples — Nazi Germany and Saddam’s Iraq — are classic examples of “pathocracies,” which I’ve written about before, and thus led me to reach out to two experts I’ve consulted in the past: Ian Hughes, the author of “Disordered Minds: How Dangerous Personalities Are Destroying Democracy,” and therapist Elizabeth Mika, who wrote perhaps the most politically crucial chapter of “The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump” (Salon review here).
“Pathocracy is the situation where dangerously disordered personalities predominate in positions of power.” Hughes said. “Such individuals’ propensity for violence and greed, their incapacity for basic human empathy and their disordered perception and cognition, which renders them unable to ameliorate their distorted worldviews with reality and reason, mark them out as a danger to others.”
We may not be a full-blown pathocracy yet, Hughes and Mika agree, but we’re headed in that direction.
“We are at the beginning of this process,” Mika said. “Like the virus-induced disease, it may need to take its course before it weakens and we can start to rebuild from the devastation it will cause. It’s hard to say what shape this devastation may ultimately take.”
Hughes referred to “The Dictatorship Syndrome,” by Alaa Al Aswany, which describes how a fully entrenched pathocracy operates like a machine, without any need for the dictator’s instructions.
“The U.S. is clearly not in that situation. It does however have many features of a society on its way towards pathocracy,” Hughes said, from the “clearly disordered president who enjoys widespread popular support” to the legion of lackeys eager for power and the erosion of democratic institutions they carry out for him, to the state-sponsored spread of “misinformation, hate mongering, and attacks on democratic opponents” and the resulting chaos of antisocial behavior.
The “partial collapse of democracy” in the United States, Hughes said, “can be used as one guide to the necessary response to Trumpism once Trump has been defeated,” Hughes said. “So too can comparisons with previous undemocratic regimes, such as those used by Feffer.”
But democratic recovery is extremely difficult, Hughes warns. He mentioned the example of Jared Diamond’s book “Upheaval: How Nations Cope with Crisis and Change,” which explores how countries have successfully navigated similar major upheavals in the past. “The lesson I drew from his book, however, and from history more broadly, is that nations seldom learn from their descent into pathocracy,” Hughes said So he argued that a more limited, targeted approach is better than one that tries to change everything at once.
Mika is skeptical as well, but from a different direction. “The way I see it, de-Trumpification as such is not possible yet, as we have not fully Trumpified yet,” she said.
What I mean by that is not only that Trumpian fascism has not fully taken over our society — which I hope against hope does not happen — but that we don’t fully understand what is happening and why. And understanding is key. Its lack has brought us Trumpism in the first place.
I see Trumpism as an inevitable and necessary confrontation with our shadow. This confrontation is meant to break apart our (deadly) illusions, most of all that about our non-ending progress, exceptional greatness, and immunity to pain and suffering that envelop such large swaths of the world.
We have cultivated these illusions at the expense of our growth and health, as our shadow side remained repressed and invisible, especially to those in power who have been most involved in the production of our toxic myths. Of course working Americans and minorities know the shadow all too well, as it is their daily bread.
This parallels an argument Hughes made in May, describing America as “a place where bad ideas never die.” As the depths of America’s failure to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic became clear, he contrasted the fate of the two Cold War superpowers:
The fall of the Soviet Union is remembered by many as the end of a bad idea — the idea that a one-party state can violently suppress its citizens in the name of the collective good. The “Fall of America” moment [caused by the pandemic] is of a different nature. It can be understood, not as the end of a bad idea, but rather as the pyrrhic victory of a whole set of bad ideas long present in U.S. culture which have grown to define the country in the last few decades.
The ideas Hughes cited were that “inequality is good,” that “religious freedom [so-called] trumps public good,” that “in the Civil War, the wrong side won,” the myth of “American exceptionalism,” i.e., “the idea that the U.S. is a unique, morally-superior civilization destined to guide the world” and “the myth of redemptive violence,” meaning “the belief that good can triumph over evil only by means of conflict.” These can all be seen as different forms of narcissistic fantasy and, more specifically, collective narcissistic fantasy. The more we cling to such fantasies, the more our shadow grows.
One of those bad ideas ties directly to one of Feffer’s three examples, that of “Reconstruction after the American Civil War,” and the failure of that process created the historical foundation on which Trumpism is built.
The lesson Feffer draws is a tough one: “Today’s Republicans, the equivalent of the northern Democrats of the post-Civil War era and a true confederacy of dunces, cannot be allowed to persist in their current incarnation as a vehicle for Trumpism.” To avoid that, “the next administration would have to drain the swamp Trump created, bring criminal charges against the former president and his key followers, and launch a serious campaign to change the hearts and minds of Americans who have been drawn to this president’s agenda.”
To accomplish that, he concludes, “it’s imperative to separate the legitimate grievances of Trump supporters from the illegitimate ones,” and both must be addressed in different ways.
This is the strongest aspect of Feffer’s argument — which is not to say it will be easy to pull off. Bringing charges against Trump may well be justified on multiple grounds, but doing so itself threatens democratic norms: The winners don’t throw the losers in jail, not in fully-functioning healthy democracies. But “no one is above the law” is also a central norm — a norm previously violated when Gerald Ford pardoned Richard Nixon, and that came back to bite us in a big way with the rise of Trump. Clearly, this needs to be carefully thought through, and a professional, non-political investigation into Trump’s actual or potential crimes will be required.
Feffer also ties this point to the example of Nazi Germany and the Nuremberg trials, where “the Allied victors put nearly 200 Nazis on trial for various crimes: 161 were convicted and 37 sentenced to death.” To follow this example, Feffer suggests that federal prosecutors should prosecute Trump and his top associates as a criminal enterprise under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act. Doing so could “not only remove him from the political equation but could effectively delegitimize Trumpism and prevent a second round of it from occurring.”
Yet Feffer also notes that the Nuremberg Trials did not actually delegitimize Nazism. A 1947 survey in the U.S.-occupied sector of Germany found that 55% believed that “National Socialism was a good idea badly carried out,” which included Germans under 30 as well.
But there’s more to that story, Hughes argued. In contrast to the lesson from Diamond’s book that nations seldom learn, “Germany stands out as the truly remarkable exception to this rule,” even though “Nazi officials remained in positions of authority for decades after the war.”
The idea that Nazi crimes were the work of a handful of evil leaders was widespread for decades, Hughes wrote in his review, and only ended “thanks largely to one man, the German Jewish lawyer and Social Democrat Fritz Bauer,” who prosecuted low-level participants in Nazi atrocities, “low-level Germans who had been active at Auschwitz, low-level Nazi police, low-level German judges who had sentenced German resistance leaders and Jews, doctors who had participated in Nazi euthanasia, and rank-and-file German soldiers who had participated in atrocities.”
Without Bauer’s tireless efforts, Germany would probably never have faced up its past. As it was, that took decades to accomplish.
“The lesson for the U.S., therefore, is that few countries have attempted to, and none have succeeded in, the immediate de-pathologizing of society following a period of tyranny,” Hughes told me. “Misguided attempts to do so, as in the attempted de-Baathification of Iraq, were an unmitigated disaster. An aggressive attempt at de-Trumpification, or trying to ‘drive a stake through the heart of Trumpism,’ is therefore not a course, in my view, to be pursued in the aftermath of Trump’s defeat,” no matter how desirable that might seem.
That doesn’t mean doing nothing, but rather focusing intensely on more achievable goals. “Vigorous action is required,” Hughes told me. “We need to make the distinction between the minority actively driving an authoritarian agenda, and supporters who are drawn to aspects of their agenda but who will not violently resist democratic decisions,” Hughes said. “The vast majority of Trump supporters are not violent and will accept Trump’s defeat, even as they organize and campaign for the election of someone who will pursue similar policies and similar means in 2024.”
Of course, Trump is visibly trying to change the equation — and if he wins a second term, he might well succeed. But that’s not where we are today, fortunately. Like Hughes, Feffer views the de-Baathification of Iraq as a terrible failure, but draws hope from the fact that Baathism had been in place for generations, while Trumpism is just being established.
This suggests a twofold strategy, Hughes argued:
The response to Trumpism, and defense against it, should therefore focus on stringent measures to contain the power of the GOP and its ultra-wealthy backers (as the most powerful anti-democratic forces in the U.S.), alongside initiatives to reduce the polarization in U.S. society and reinvigorate all American citizens’ beliefs in democracy as the way to organize society.
Democrats already have some idea of how to pursue the first half of this strategy — though their commitment is still quite uneven. HR 1, the top 2019 House legislative priority, includes a suite of measures to reduce the influence of big money on both parties, including creation of a small-donor-focused public financing system for congressional candidates. (Small donations would be matched at a ratio of six to one, a powerful amplification of grassroots support.) A broader array of elite-power-limiting ideas pushed by Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and other 2020 presidential candidates have gained varying degrees of support, but have not gelled into a unified, broadly-supported plan. Hughes’ analysis provides one more reason why Democrats ought to give this their highest priority.
But the second part of his strategy, to reduce polarization and strengthen faith in democracy, needs much more attention than it’s gotten so far. It’s particularly difficult because elite opinion and accepted definitions of “consensus” positions vs. “polarizing” positions don’t necessarily reflect actual public opinion — especially when the public is exposed to new information and freed from the constraints of elite partisan cues, as the recent dramatic swell of support for Black Lives Matter has illustrated.
A poll recently reported in Vanity Fair found that even substantial numbers of hardcore Trump supporters polled in June felt that protesters were “completely right” or “somewhat right” — rising to a stunning 59% majority among softer “Lean Trump” voters, and 72% of undecided voters with “mixed feelings” about the candidates. Even more stunning, the poll was conducted in two waves, and from June 1 to June 11, support jumped “a head-spinning 25 points among Lean Trump voters.”
This cuts deeply against the core dynamic that brought Trump to power in the first place, and points to a potential historical opening, and perhaps an attitudinal shift that could lead to lasting transformation, along the lines of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In early July, district attorneys in Boston, Philadelphia and San Francisco, in partnership with the Grassroots Law Project, announced plans to create just such a process.
“When marginalized people have needed to finally rely on this system for justice, it has routinely failed them in the worst ways imaginable. This isn’t a bug in the system, but a feature,” the DAs said in a statement, describing what they intended to transform.
But the “goals of peace and reconciliation efforts are better defined, I think, where the culprit is relatively clear, i.e. ‘just’ racism,” Mika said. And this initiative is even more narrowly focused on the justice system. Whether it can facilitate broader change, even if it’s successful, is an open question”
Trumpism is an amalgam of grievances that, although fortified by racism, go far beyond it. It is not as much a problem to solve or a rift to heal as a fundamental clash of values. There is no reconciliation to be had, I am afraid, between the psychopathic lack of conscience and our recognition, respect for, and desire to live according to higher values. Choosing higher values, however, is the right path, as we acknowledge and grapple with our psychopathic shadow.
That’s a tall order indeed, but Hughes sees the beginnings of a solution. “Citizens’ assemblies, such as have been put in place in countries such as the UK, France and Ireland, are one possible means of re-establishing practices of democracy which can heal divisions and undermine the appeal of dangerous demagogic leaders,” he said. In his native Ireland, that process played a crucial role in repealing the constitutional prohibition on abortion, as well as advancing a set of climate-change recommendations, all passed by majorities of at least 80%, which helped inspire a wave of climate-change citizens’ assemblies across Europe and elsewhere over the past year.
“Pathocracies thrive on chaos and division,” Hughes explained. “In an environment of violence and hatred, those whose pathological characteristics match that culture will ascend to power. To destroy a pathocracy, tensions must be reduced, hatreds ameliorated, and reason and care must again become the foundations of society.”
In the aftermath of Trumpism, he said, “the focus must be on defending against those who seek to create and profit from such destructive environments and instead to create the institutions and norms that will allow the psychologically healthy majority of the population to create the rules.” That’s why he argues that “an aggressive campaign of de-Trumpification would be counterproductive. The best response is instead to strengthen the norms and institutions that [Trump] himself despises.”
This is only a broad overview of what will be needed. I haven’t even mentioned the courts. Feffer notes that the 200-odd federal judges appointed by Trump “will do their best to block all attempts to deconstruct Trumpism.” His suggested solution, “to make it illegal for judges to be members of the Federalist Society,” is comically inadequate to the depth of the problem. But what matters now is that we begin thinking in such big-picture terms.
Toward the end of his column, Feffer issued a warning:
To avoid a second Civil War, however, a second American Revolution would need to address the root causes of Trumpism, especially political corruption, deep-seated racism, and extreme economic inequality.
Otherwise, even if The Donald loses this election, the political creature he represents will rise from the ashes and eventually return to power.
This is the scale on which we need to be thinking — not exclusively or obsessively, and certainly not enough to distract from the immediate task of defeating Trump in November. But it’s necessary to look down the road, because we need to lay the groundwork for the even more difficult struggles ahead.
Enhanced unemployment expired Friday — President Trump responded by spending Saturday golfing
Published August 1, 2020 By Bob Brigham
America’s economic crisis worsened on Friday as enhanced unemployment insurance expired, as did the nationwide moratorium on evictions.
The bleak outlook was reflected in new numbers showing the Gross Domestic Product falling by 32.9% in the second quarter — the worst numbers ever recorded.
Meanwhile, over 155,000 Americans have died from coronavirus and parents are worried whether schools will be able to safely open for in-person classes — or whether their local school district will join many big-city schools and only offer virtual learning.
And Hurricane Isaias is bearing down on Florida and the east coast
Against that backdrop, President Donald Trump went golfing on Saturday.
GOLF UPDATE — 1 AUG 2020:
Trump is back at his golf course in Virgina.
He has now spent 264 days on a golf course he owns in his 1,290 days in office.
It is his 89th day on the course at Sterling.
Taxpayer-paid golf tab still at $139.8 million.https://t.co/2nZJqTlECH https://t.co/dCCBTlJdzb
— S.V. Dáte (@svdate) August 1, 2020
NBC News shot video at “extreme distance” documenting Trump’s bizarre practice of making his caddie ride on the back of his golf cart.
The president and caddie on the course today. (@NBCNews video taken at extreme distance). pic.twitter.com/0uzFXJi4un
— Kelly O'Donnell (@KellyO) August 1, 2020
The group Meidas Touch released a video blasting Trump for golfing during the crises.
Over 156,000 dead. The worst GDP drop in history. And Trump is golfing. Again. #TrumpGolfsYouDie
pic.twitter.com/VmxeBpRPuj
— MeidasTouch.com (@MeidasTouch) August 1, 2020
Here’s what others were saying about Trump’s prioritization of how he spends his time:
https://twitter.com/Amy_Siskind/status/1289661488131530752
Per pool reporter @alaynatreene, the message "Trump killed Herman Cain" was written in chalk outside the entrance of the President's Northern Virginia golf club today
— Ben Jacobs (@Bencjacobs) August 1, 2020
As millions face their first weekend without extended unemployment benefits, Republican senators are at home and Trump is playing golf.
— The Hoarse Whisperer (@HoarseWisperer) August 1, 2020
@WHPublicPool
6 protesters on either side of the street meet #Impotus motorcade this a.m. shouting “Traitor”, “F**king liar”, “Killer!” “Dump Trump”, as lawn signs saying: Person. Man. Woman. Camera. TV. lined the left, right, and median.@dailykos @YoramBlue @ActivistKathy pic.twitter.com/1KePljcDXW
— Jay Cuasay (@tribeplatypus) August 1, 2020
I’d rather Trump play golf than play president.
— Windsor Mann (@WindsorMann) August 1, 2020
The signs person, woman, man, camera and tv are outside of Trump’s golf course https://t.co/dA0jncYVTN
— Adam Parkhomenko (@AdamParkhomenko) August 1, 2020
"I won't have time to golf. I just want to work my ass off" – Donald Trump, Feb. 2016.
Today marks his 372nd day golfing at one of his own properties, in the 1,289 days he's been president.
Total cost? Approx. $154.5 million, or 386 years of presidential salary.
— Mike Pence – Professional Mannequin (@vespertilioAJR) August 1, 2020
250 Americans died of Covid while he played, thousands waited in lines for food and testing, and millions looked at their unpaid bills due today, but hey, I bet Donnie had a nice afternoon.
— John Miller (@jjmblog) August 1, 2020
America’s economic crisis worsened on Friday as enhanced unemployment insurance expired, as did the nationwide moratorium on evictions.
The bleak outlook was reflected in new numbers showing the Gross Domestic Product falling by 32.9% in the second quarter — the worst numbers ever recorded.
Meanwhile, over 155,000 Americans have died from coronavirus and parents are worried whether schools will be able to safely open for in-person classes — or whether their local school district will join many big-city schools and only offer virtual learning.
And Hurricane Isaias is bearing down on Florida and the east coast
Against that backdrop, President Donald Trump went golfing on Saturday.
GOLF UPDATE — 1 AUG 2020:
Trump is back at his golf course in Virgina.
He has now spent 264 days on a golf course he owns in his 1,290 days in office.
It is his 89th day on the course at Sterling.
Taxpayer-paid golf tab still at $139.8 million.https://t.co/2nZJqTlECH https://t.co/dCCBTlJdzb
— S.V. Dáte (@svdate) August 1, 2020
NBC News shot video at “extreme distance” documenting Trump’s bizarre practice of making his caddie ride on the back of his golf cart.
The president and caddie on the course today. (@NBCNews video taken at extreme distance). pic.twitter.com/0uzFXJi4un
— Kelly O'Donnell (@KellyO) August 1, 2020
The group Meidas Touch released a video blasting Trump for golfing during the crises.
Over 156,000 dead. The worst GDP drop in history. And Trump is golfing. Again. #TrumpGolfsYouDie
pic.twitter.com/VmxeBpRPuj
— MeidasTouch.com (@MeidasTouch) August 1, 2020
Here’s what others were saying about Trump’s prioritization of how he spends his time:
https://twitter.com/Amy_Siskind/status/1289661488131530752
Per pool reporter @alaynatreene, the message "Trump killed Herman Cain" was written in chalk outside the entrance of the President's Northern Virginia golf club today
— Ben Jacobs (@Bencjacobs) August 1, 2020
As millions face their first weekend without extended unemployment benefits, Republican senators are at home and Trump is playing golf.
— The Hoarse Whisperer (@HoarseWisperer) August 1, 2020
@WHPublicPool
6 protesters on either side of the street meet #Impotus motorcade this a.m. shouting “Traitor”, “F**king liar”, “Killer!” “Dump Trump”, as lawn signs saying: Person. Man. Woman. Camera. TV. lined the left, right, and median.@dailykos @YoramBlue @ActivistKathy pic.twitter.com/1KePljcDXW
— Jay Cuasay (@tribeplatypus) August 1, 2020
I’d rather Trump play golf than play president.
— Windsor Mann (@WindsorMann) August 1, 2020
The signs person, woman, man, camera and tv are outside of Trump’s golf course https://t.co/dA0jncYVTN
— Adam Parkhomenko (@AdamParkhomenko) August 1, 2020
"I won't have time to golf. I just want to work my ass off" – Donald Trump, Feb. 2016.
Today marks his 372nd day golfing at one of his own properties, in the 1,289 days he's been president.
Total cost? Approx. $154.5 million, or 386 years of presidential salary.
— Mike Pence – Professional Mannequin (@vespertilioAJR) August 1, 2020
250 Americans died of Covid while he played, thousands waited in lines for food and testing, and millions looked at their unpaid bills due today, but hey, I bet Donnie had a nice afternoon.
— John Miller (@jjmblog) August 1, 2020
Steve Mnuchin whines about people being ‘overpaid’ on unemployment: ‘There’s no question’
MILLIONAIRES WHINE ABOUT FOLKS GETTING PAID TOO MUCH
FOR NOT WORKING. WHICH IS WHAT THEY DO.
Published August 2, 2020 By David Edwards
Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin on Sunday complained that many people who receive unemployment benefits during the pandemic have been “overpaid.”
During an interview with ABC news, Mnuchin said that Republicans are pushing back against the $600 weekly federal unemployment benefit because it is more than many people received from their jobs.
“Unemployment is supposed to be wage replacement,” the Treasury secretary told ABC’s Martha Raddatz. “So it should be tied to some percentage of wages.”
“We want to fix the issue where in some cases people are overpaid,” he continued. “And we want to make sure there’s the right incentives.”
“Do you do think it’s a disincentive to find a job if you have that extra $600?” Raddatz asked.
THE DIALECTIC SAYS, PEOPLE ARE PAID TO LITTLE TO WORK, AND $600 PER WEEK IS $15 PER HOUR. WHICH IS WHAT THE MINIMUM WAGE SHOULD BE!
SO IF THEY DON'T GO TO WORK CAPITALISM SAYS PAY THEM MORE AND GIVE THEM BENEFITS TO GET THEM BACK TO WORK
MILLIONAIRES WHINE ABOUT FOLKS GETTING PAID TOO MUCH
FOR NOT WORKING. WHICH IS WHAT THEY DO.
Published August 2, 2020 By David Edwards
Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin on Sunday complained that many people who receive unemployment benefits during the pandemic have been “overpaid.”
During an interview with ABC news, Mnuchin said that Republicans are pushing back against the $600 weekly federal unemployment benefit because it is more than many people received from their jobs.
“Unemployment is supposed to be wage replacement,” the Treasury secretary told ABC’s Martha Raddatz. “So it should be tied to some percentage of wages.”
“We want to fix the issue where in some cases people are overpaid,” he continued. “And we want to make sure there’s the right incentives.”
“Do you do think it’s a disincentive to find a job if you have that extra $600?” Raddatz asked.
“There’s no question,” Mnuchin replied. “In certain cases, where we’re paying people more to stay home than to work, that’s created issues in the entire economy.”
Raddatz interrupted by pointing out a Yale study which found that there is no evidence that the $600 weekly payment is a disincentive to return to work.
“I went to Yale,” Mnuchin replied. “There are certain things, I don’t always agree.”
Raddatz interrupted by pointing out a Yale study which found that there is no evidence that the $600 weekly payment is a disincentive to return to work.
“I went to Yale,” Mnuchin replied. “There are certain things, I don’t always agree.”
WATCH: New Lincoln Project ad flattens Trump for ‘violent abuse’ of moms
on August 2, 2020. By Tom Boggioni
A new ad from the Never-Trumper group The Lincoln Project hammers Donald Trump for using heavily-armored federal law enforcement officials to attack moms attending police brutality protests in Portland and elsewhere.
The ad, simply called “Moms,” juxtaposes videos of “… working moms. Stay at home moms … black, white, Latina, Asian, straight, gay moms,” being teargassed by federal officials to devastating effect.
The videos show the mothers standing arm-in-arm taking the blows of police and the clouds of gas, but they persevered, to protect the young protesters police attempted to attack.
It ends with, “Wait until he [Trump] sees what American moms do on November 3rd.”
‘You should have reported it’: James Clyburn scolds Fox News host over white supremacists inciting violence
Published August 2, 2020 By David Edwards
House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-SC) on Sunday accused Fox News host Pete Hegseth of failing to report that white supremacists had attempted to incite violence during Black Lives Matter protests in Portland, Oregon and other places.
“As you know, over the last couple of months, we’ve seen riots in Portland,” Hegseth told Clyburn during an interview on Fox & Friends. “President Trump made it clear, we’re going to send federal agents, law enforcement officers there to protect federal property as necessary.”
The Fox News host went on to accuse Clyburn of comparing federal agents to “the Gestapo.”
“Why would you make such a comparison when what they’re doing is their job to protect federal property?” Hegseth asked.
“I don’t know if I ever compared what they’re doing to the Gestapo,” Clyburn objected.
“It’s right there in the transcript,” Hegseth said, referring to a CNN interview in which Clyburn said Trump is trying to “impose Gestapo activities in local communities.”
“Maybe I did,” Clyburn replied. “I am never one to think I can never misspeak. That is not to say what I feel. But what I do feel, what I’ve seen in Portland, reminds me very much of what I saw in Anniston, Alabama back in the ’60s, what I saw on the Edmund Pettus Bridge back in the ’60s, where state-sponsored and supported terrorism was visited upon people who were protesting peacefully.
Hegseth seemed outraged by the comparison.
“They’re burning Bibles in Portland instead of holding them on the bridge like the peaceful protesters did in the 1960s,” the Fox News host remarked.
“I don’t know anything about burning Bibles,” Clyburn said. “Burning a Bible doesn’t do anything about burning down a federal building. Maybe you all have seen something I don’t know. What federal building has been under threat?”
“With all due respect, Congressman, you may be watching other networks,” Hegseth charged. “It’s been fireworks, Molotov cocktails, explosions, attacks at officers night after night after night.”
“I do defend [the officers] as well,” Clyburn insisted. “But I don’t defend pretenders. We saw in Minneapolis a guy in black knocking out windows. When they arrested him, they found out he’s a white supremacist disguising himself. And that’s what’s going on all over.”
“Look, I was in these movies back in the ’60s,” he continued. “I walked right alongside John Lewis and everybody else. And I can tell you, we never rioted. But there was rioting going on. Burn, baby, burn was not us. Somebody else, insurgents came in. Pretenders came in, in order to subvert the movement.”
Clyburn added: “And that’s what’s going on here. Black Lives Matter will not ever, the people connected to that will not burn down any buildings. But the people who are trying to incite stuff, the pretenders — not protesters, but pretenders — will do anything.”
The South Carolina Democrat concluded by admonishing the Fox News host.
“You saw that on the camera yourselves and you should have reported it,” he said. “Other places did.”
Watch the video below from Fox News.
I DON'T AGREE WITH CONGRESSMAN CLYBURN OR OTHERS THAT TRY TO CLAIM
Published August 2, 2020 By David Edwards
House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-SC) on Sunday accused Fox News host Pete Hegseth of failing to report that white supremacists had attempted to incite violence during Black Lives Matter protests in Portland, Oregon and other places.
“As you know, over the last couple of months, we’ve seen riots in Portland,” Hegseth told Clyburn during an interview on Fox & Friends. “President Trump made it clear, we’re going to send federal agents, law enforcement officers there to protect federal property as necessary.”
The Fox News host went on to accuse Clyburn of comparing federal agents to “the Gestapo.”
“Why would you make such a comparison when what they’re doing is their job to protect federal property?” Hegseth asked.
“I don’t know if I ever compared what they’re doing to the Gestapo,” Clyburn objected.
“It’s right there in the transcript,” Hegseth said, referring to a CNN interview in which Clyburn said Trump is trying to “impose Gestapo activities in local communities.”
“Maybe I did,” Clyburn replied. “I am never one to think I can never misspeak. That is not to say what I feel. But what I do feel, what I’ve seen in Portland, reminds me very much of what I saw in Anniston, Alabama back in the ’60s, what I saw on the Edmund Pettus Bridge back in the ’60s, where state-sponsored and supported terrorism was visited upon people who were protesting peacefully.
Hegseth seemed outraged by the comparison.
“They’re burning Bibles in Portland instead of holding them on the bridge like the peaceful protesters did in the 1960s,” the Fox News host remarked.
“I don’t know anything about burning Bibles,” Clyburn said. “Burning a Bible doesn’t do anything about burning down a federal building. Maybe you all have seen something I don’t know. What federal building has been under threat?”
“With all due respect, Congressman, you may be watching other networks,” Hegseth charged. “It’s been fireworks, Molotov cocktails, explosions, attacks at officers night after night after night.”
“I do defend [the officers] as well,” Clyburn insisted. “But I don’t defend pretenders. We saw in Minneapolis a guy in black knocking out windows. When they arrested him, they found out he’s a white supremacist disguising himself. And that’s what’s going on all over.”
“Look, I was in these movies back in the ’60s,” he continued. “I walked right alongside John Lewis and everybody else. And I can tell you, we never rioted. But there was rioting going on. Burn, baby, burn was not us. Somebody else, insurgents came in. Pretenders came in, in order to subvert the movement.”
Clyburn added: “And that’s what’s going on here. Black Lives Matter will not ever, the people connected to that will not burn down any buildings. But the people who are trying to incite stuff, the pretenders — not protesters, but pretenders — will do anything.”
The South Carolina Democrat concluded by admonishing the Fox News host.
“You saw that on the camera yourselves and you should have reported it,” he said. “Other places did.”
Watch the video below from Fox News.
I DON'T AGREE WITH CONGRESSMAN CLYBURN OR OTHERS THAT TRY TO CLAIM
A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN BLACK LIVES MATTER AND ANTI FED PROTESTS, EQUATING THE LATTER WITH SO CALLED VANDALISM, GRAFFITI AND BURNING
THERE HAS BEEN NO LOOTING. FIRES CAN BE STARTED BY ANYONE. INCLUDING COPS WHO STAND AROUND DOING NOTHING WAITING FOR THE FIRE TRUCKS
LOOK CLOSELY WHEN CLAIMS ARE MADE BUILDINGS ARE BURNING, WHEN IN FACT ITS GARBAGE BURNING IN DUMPSTERS OR SCRAP DUMPS AT BUILDING SITES. PORTLAND WAS A CASE IN FACT.
BLACK BLOC AND ANARCHISTS AS WELL AS ANTIFA ARE PROTESTING TRUMP'S COPS THEY COME OUT AT NIGHT. DAYTIME PROTESTS ARE DIFFERENT MORE TEACH IN'S AT NIGHT THE PROTESTS HAVE BEEN MASS ACTIONS. WITH MOMS, DADS AND VETS ALL DEFENDING THE PROTESTERS FROM THE FED COPS
EVEN AT NIGHT TIME THE PORTLAND PROTESTS HAVE BEEN MASS EVENTS
ALL RIOTS ARE POLICE RIOTS, ALL RIOTS ARE POLICE BRUTALITY AGAINST NON VIOLENT PROTESTERS.
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