Sunday, May 21, 2023

Is it too late to halt deep-sea mining? Meet the activists trying to save the seabed



If mining companies are given the go-ahead to exploit the ocean depths, the environmental cost will be devastating. As the clock ticks down to a crucial deadline in July, Michael Segalov reports


Michael Segalov
THE OBSERVER
Sun 21 May 2023 

For almost 30 years, much of what went on at the secretive-sounding International Seabed Authority (ISA) in Jamaica was unreported and scarcely noticed. Whatever was said by delegations from its 168 member countries in its cavernous assembly hall – all mustard chairs, in-ear live interpreters, UN-style country place cards and views out to the Caribbean Sea – was seemingly of interest to only a smattering of environmental NGO types and a handful of representatives from vague-sounding international businesses.

Over the past 18 months, however, more attention has been turning towards the negotiations taking place inside the ISA’s brutalist HQ on the Kingston coast, where the authority has, since 1994, been tasked with deciding if and how mining the deep sea for metals and minerals – once the preserve of science fiction, now edging ever closer to reality – might start to take place n in international waters on the ocean floor.

There have been allegations of secrecy and interference against its governing body and of legal loopholes being exploited. After discussions chugged along quietly for decades, a growing community of campaigners, scientists and now governments are raising an urgent alarm about what’s happening within these walls. They argue that unless immediate action is taken, it might be too late to halt the devastating environmental and ecological impact of mining the global high seas. Their warning is simple: humanity’s insatiable appetite to plunder the planet for profit might mean some of the Earth’s most untouched corners are exploited before we even understand what it is we risk losing. As Louisa Casson, who is leading Greenpeace’s global campaign to stop deep-sea mining, puts it: “It’s a threat, continental in scale, that until recently nobody was even talking about.”

These groups have support from all sorts of places. Global brands including Samsung, Google, Volvo, Philips and BMW have joined the chorus. Countries including Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, New Zealand and Spain have expressed opposition, and an all-out ban has been demanded by France’s President Macron.

Regardless, due to a quirk in an ageing international treaty, deep-sea mining might happen in a matter of months after the pulling of a legal lever by a Canadian-owned company and the government of Nauru. Some believe the ISA’s members have been delivered a legitimate ultimatum: either agree the regulations for mining within two years or allow it to go ahead regardless. Others argue this is a worrying misinterpretation of the body’s ruling text. Either way, the clock runs out this July. There’s every reason to be concerned. That said, on my first morning at the ISA’s 28th session on a bright Tuesday in March there’s little sign of an impending emergency. The debates are anything but fevered. Suited diplomats potter quietly; a merch rail sells ISA-branded T-shirts outside the main assembly room.

Inside, discussions are being held on agenda item 10, Fourth Meeting of the Informal Working Group on the Protection and Preservation of the Marine Environment: Continued Negotiations on the Facilitator’s Further Revised text. It’s slow and tedious. One by one, state delegations lay out their positions. Russia, the UK and Korea discuss the use of the word “synergistic”. Australia wants to tweak a sentence. Norway asks how paragraph five relates to paragraph three. It’s only at the end of each scheduled topic that discussions take on a more pressing tone. In these gaps, those sitting in the galleries above – environmental groups, scientists, conservationists and indigenous activists – make interventions in an effort to shift the focus away from the granular detail and back to the fundamental question of whether deep-sea mining should be allowed to start.

Dr Diva Amon is a Trinidad and Tobago-based deep-sea biologist who has attended these meetings since 2017. “When I first started coming,” she says, “it was very different. We’ve gone from broad discussions to regulations being drawn up, and now negotiated line-by-line. Honestly? It’s like watching paint dry.”

‘It’s a threat, continental in scale, that nobody was even talking about’: Uncle Sol Kaho’ohalahala flanked by Jonathan Mesulam and activist Alanna Smith. Photograph: Yannick Ried

Still, she lays out the basics. Since the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea came into force in 1994, nation states have had the right to exploit and explore natural resources, such as wind and wave energy in waters up to 200 nautical miles off their respective coastlines. This international treaty saw countries establish the ISA. What happens on the sea bed beyond these ocean borders was left for ISA members to decide. “That’s 40% of the entire planet’s surface it’s responsible for,” explains Amon. “Because of the vast depths of these oceans, that equates to 90% of the habitable space where animals can live.”

Deep-sea mining exploration and research has been ongoing since the 1960s, but nothing on an industrial scale has yet begun. Much of the technology it would require remains in development, or it’s privately owned and commercially sensitive, and out of the public domain. Regulations for mining are yet to be agreed upon. There’s a vagueness, therefore, to some of the specifics of how mining might occur for various metals and minerals: nickel, cobalt, manganese and copper, gold, silver and platinum.

Mining’s major proponents, notably a small collection of European and North American companies, say these materials are needed for renewable technology, in particular car batteries. It’s not just scientists and environmentalists who take issue with this suggestion (“It’s like smoking to ease stress,” says Amon, “a short-term fix that does far more long-term harm”), but car manufacturers, too. BMW, Volvo, Volkswagen and Renault have all called for a moratorium on deep-sea mining, saying they won’t use these materials in their products. Regardless, miners hope to drill into hydrothermal vents (those iconic deep-sea chimneys), and also extract metals from mountains protruding from the seabed. Most commonly explored, however, and likely to be the first mining undertaken, are what’s known as polymetallic nodules: lumps of metals and minerals mixed with all sorts of sediment which sit on the ocean floor.

This mining will see hordes of large mining machines moving along the seafloor like bulldozing combine harvesters, scooping up nodules and whatever else is in their path. “Everything around them will be disturbed,” says Amon. “The top 10cm for certain, home to the majority of life on the seafloor. That means huge amounts of habitat and animals will be lost.” Out the back, water, sediment and shredded wildlife will be pumped out, wreaking havoc. Everything else collected will be pumped through a network of pipes up to a ship on the surface. “Here the nodules will be separated from other materials like water, sediment and likely crumbled pieces of metal that will be spewed out into the ocean as waste.”

For scientists like Amon, it’s of huge concern. “If the technology being discussed is used, we know all this will be affected. What’s unknown is the extent.”

Last year she co-authored a paper which found that across all the areas where mining exploration had started, only 1.1% of the science required to ascertain its impact had been done. We simply do not know enough. The deep sea, she accepts, might well feel distant. “But not only is it full of life,” she makes clear, “a biodiversity reservoir, with two thirds of the species that live there still undiscovered, it’s also essential to the planet being habitable.” There’s the ocean’s climate regulation: carbon is locked away beneath the seabed and the ocean absorbs heat (scientists have determined that the ocean absorbs more than 90% of excess heat attributed to greenhouse gas emissions). Billions rely on fish and seafood as a primary source of protein. “And deep-sea life, having survived in extreme conditions, has evolved in ways that are already proving hugely helpful for humanity,” Amon continues. “We’re only just scratching the surface, but we’re finding compounds down there useful for everything from new medicine to household work. There’s so much to tap into that is still unknown.”

With the clock ticking towards the July deadline, the cacophony of opposition to deep-sea mining gets louder. Over the days I’m present at the ISA, two more countries add their names to the list of nations calling for a pause – Vanuatu and the Dominican Republic. But it’s not only a scientific case for a mining moratorium that is being made. At this meeting, for the first time, a delegation of Pacific Island activists are in attendance, each bringing with them the perspective of oceanic communities who, they say, for too long have been left unheard in this debate.

Uncle Sol Kaho’ohalahala is one of them. A seventh-generation resident of Lanai, an island of Hawaii, his relationship with the ocean is profound. Through the 1950s and 60s, he was part of an indigenous group that fought the US army using the Hawaiian island of Kahoolawe as a bombing range, and he’s spent 40 years traversing the Pacific as crew on a traditional canoe. For indigenous Hawaiians, a relationship with the ocean can be traced back to humankind’s creation. “The Kumulipo is our genealogy,” he says, “our chant of creation. It tells us the first creature was the coral polyp. And from that, all creatures follow.” To Uncle Sol and his community, therefore, deep-sea mining isn’t only a scientific and environmental issue, it would be an act of cultural vandalism, too. “Our responsibility as native Hawaiians is to honour our elders and ancestors,” he says. “And our oldest ancestor is in the ocean. At some point, it was decided the ocean belongs to nobody. I challenge that. It belongs to us – people here need to know this is my country they are about to do irreparable damage to.”

Digging deep: from the top 200m sunlight zone, through twilight and midnight zones, 
to the abyss, at 600m.
 Illustration: Carlos Coelho @ debut art


Another indigenous activist, Jonathan Mesulam, shares stories of fighting deep-sea mining for a decade in his home country of Papua New Guinea. “It’s common knowledge that any industry on this scale will cause damage to the environment,” he explains one afternoon over lunch. “We’ve seen it on our land, with logging and mining; we had no doubt the same devastation would be caused by mining at sea.” A teacher by profession, he started to campaign on behalf of his coastal community. “The sea is our home. We’ve survived for generations from marine resources. What’ll happen to us if this goes ahead? Fisheries support the local and national economy. Our traditional practices rely on our waters. This would disturb it all.”

Mesulam successfully fought off mining in Papua New Guinea. Many of those same executives are now involved in the Canadian company working with Nauru.

Despite the best efforts of those desperately trying to change the tide of the debate, the ISA meeting mostly remains on course. At evening and lunchtime events, attempts are made by campaigners to lobby delegates. But the ISA’s secretariat, its administrative body, shows little interest in entertaining the question of pressing pause. Frustration has already begun to bubble up. At the start of this meeting, a German minister wrote to the ISA’s secretary general, British lawyer Michael Lodge, implying he had abandoned neutrality and was interfering with decisions being made. Lodge responded, rejecting the allegations.

When I meet Greenpeace’s Louisa Casson at the end of my week at the ISA, she argues this is symptomatic of a deeper problem. “The ISA has never turned down a licence to explore for mining,” she says, “and it benefits from every application – around $500,000 for each one, and they’re paid regular fees by the contractors. People are questioning how they can be a regulator when they have such a financial interest.” Lodge has also sometimes appeared to downplay environmental concerns – he once told an interviewer: “Turtles with straws up their noses and dolphins are very, very easy to get public sympathy.” He even appeared in a promotional video for a mining company. In a film made by DeepGreen Metals, Lodge appeared on a ship alongside its executives who were promoting deep-sea mining. In a statement, an ISA spokesperson reiterated its commitment to “protecting the environment as a prerequisite for any mining activity”, and said that the footage of Lodge, who was on an official visit, was used without the organisation’s consent.

“The law of the sea says you can only start deep-sea mining if you can ensure there won’t be harm to the marine environment,” explains Casson, “and that it will benefit humankind. Right now, neither of those conditions can be met.” Not a single scientist I speak to makes the case that it’s sensible and safe to start mining now. “And how on earth could this be considered for the good of humankind,” Casson asks, “when the industry is so concentrated in privately owned companies?”

It’s why, she argues, this controversial two-year rule has been tugged. “It stinks of desperation. The only people actively making the case for mining starting now are the companies themselves. For many, it’s their entire business model. But as deep-sea mining gains a public profile, more and more governments turn against it. Earlier this year, we signed a global oceans treaty: it makes no sense to now undermine this with a new destructive industry.”

There are certainly signs that it might be possible to stop deep-sea mining before it even starts. Protecting a part of the planet so untouched and unspoiled? It’s the rarest of opportunities. There are positive signs. Weapons manufacturer Lockheed Martin, the industry’s longest-running and biggest player, recently sold off its seabed mining interests. Just last week, major Danish shipping giant Maersk, dropped its investment in a deep-sea mining company, too.

When the ISA was established, little was known about what lived deep in our oceans, or how important these environments were. We now know so much more. No conclusion was come to at the end of this most recent ISA meeting. The can was kicked down the road. Delegations will return this July, with no more room for delay. As a complicated legal battle unfolds, politicians will be faced with a simple question. “And that,” says Casson, “is should the world be bullied into destroying our oceans because a few businesses want to get rich quick based on an outdated rule? Or should global governments wrestle back control? The answer is really obvious.”
Surge in strikes at Chinese factories after Covid rules end

Action by workers has trebled this year as the country emerges from its draconian coronavirus measures

Workers confront security forces at Foxconn’s Apple iPhone factory in Zhengzhou in November 2022 in a pay dispute. Photograph: AP

Amy Hawkins, Senior China correspondent
Sun 21 May 2023 

Protests in China are often small- scale. On 17 May, a handful of workers at an air-purifier factory in Xiamen, a coastal city in Fujian province, south-east China, gathered to demand the payment of wages that, they said, were in arrears. The protest was quiet, but it was one of nearly 30 similar demonstrations this month alone.

With China’s factories reopened and draconian coronavirus measures abandoned, workers are also going on strike at a remarkable rate.

This year in China there have already been at least 130 factory strikes, more than triple the number in the whole of 2022, according to data compiled by the China Labour Bulletin (CLB), a Hong Kong-based non-governmental organisation.

The CLB’s database is far from comprehensive – by its own estimate, it captures about 5%-10% of all incidents of collective action in China. But in the absence of any official statistics, the CLB provides a snapshot of the disputes and negotiations that are happening across the country.

And this year, China seems to be entering a “new era” of post-Covid factory strikes, said Eli Friedman, a professor at the school of industrial and labour relations at Cornell University in New York.

For most of the strikes, the root cause is money. Although China’s economy is gradually recovering from the battering it took during three years of strict zero-Covid measures, factories are still struggling. And the worsening political relations between the US and China are starting to make themselves felt in the economy. In a monthly government survey of 3,000 factories across China, all 13 indicators of economic activity – including new orders and prices – declined in April.

With money tight, many factories have resorted to not paying workers, paying them late or finding ways to lay them off without paying severance, such as by relocating to somewhere impossible for the workers to travel for employment.

China may be an authoritarian state, but protests against company bosses are commonplace. Although there was a dip in such incidents during the pandemic, small, isolated incidents about specific issues – typically non-payment of wages – are ubiquitous on the factory floors and construction sites that power the country’s, and the world’s, economy.

Last year, hundreds of workers at the Foxconn technology group’s Apple iPhone factory in Zhengzhou in Henan province clashed with police after unruly protests over delays to bonus payments.

The scale of those demonstrations, and the fact that they came as the country swelled with frustration at the pandemic restrictions, attracted widespread attention on social media. But usually the incidents are contained and lack any connection to a broader workers’ movement.

A paradox at the heart of the communist regime is that the party of workers does not tolerate independent unions.

“That’s as much of an irony as a communist system that embraces consumerism,” said Jeffrey Wasserstrom, a professor of Chinese history at the University of California, Irvine.All workers in China have the right to join a trade union, but that union must be affiliated with the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), a government body. That results in “zero trust” between workers and unions, said Friedman. The ACFTU is, he added, a “complete non-factor in people’s lives”.

Some might have expected the workers’ movement in China to develop differently. In the 1990s, as China prepared to join the World Trade Organization in 2001, the government started to introduce laws to protect workers’ rights.

This culminated in the labour contract law in 2008, which entitled workers to a written contract and severance pay. But, as in many other countries, employers soon found ways around these obligations.

After 2008, “more factories hired temp workers or agency workers – they found a lot of different ways to evade responsibility,” said Aidan Chau, a researcher at the CLB.

Fewer than half of migrant workers – the people who move to the cities to take low-paid factory and construction jobs – have the written employment contracts that they are entitled to.

Another group of workers who suffer from a lack of formal contracts are those in the gig economy.

In April, hundreds of delivery drivers for Meituan, one of China’s two main food delivery platforms, went on strike in Shanwei, a city in Guangdong province, over poor pay and being pressured to drive in dangerous, rainy conditions.

The action was surprising in the number of workers they managed to organise, and in the fact that they attracted support from drivers across the country, as well as consumers.

In the post-pandemic era, the collective action was “remarkable”, said Chau, especially after Chen Guojiang, a food delivery worker, was arrested in Beijing in 2021 for making similar complaints. That “sent a signal to the workers”, said Chau.

Wasserstrom added: “Strikes sometimes get small wins to get people back to work, but sometimes small concessions are made and the organisers are punished.”

But in last month’s Meituan strike, the company seemed to back down, meeting several of the workers. The public sympathy for the drivers helped their case, according to Chau. But anyone hoping to agitate for bigger demands will be cautious: Chen posted a video on his WeChat account in 2022 in which he appeared to have been released, but he has stopped talking about strikes.
The big picture: Bud Lee captures the 1967 Newark riots

The American photographer’s stark images of the clashes in New Jersey and their aftermath kicked off a nationwide debate about police violence


Tim Adams
@TimAdamsWrites
THE OBSERVER
Sun 21 May 2023 

The civil unrest that erupted in Newark, New Jersey, over six days in July 1967 has come to be thought of as an uprising rather than a series of riots. The immediate cause was the arrest and beating in custody of a local cab driver, John William Smith, but the sustained outpouring of anger that followed was an expression of lifetimes of ill treatment of the city’s majority Black population at the hands of the police and the courts. At the height of the conflict, the national guard was called in to occupy the streets with tanks and troops. By the time peace was eventually imposed, 26 people were dead and hundreds severely injured.

Bud Lee was a young photographer on his first major assignment with Life magazine. He brought those events to the national conscience, in particular with a cover photograph of a 12-year-old boy, Joey Bass Jr, who was wounded by the round of gunfire that killed another man, Billy Furr, shot in the back by police for looting a six-pack of beer. Lee’s pictures opened up a nationwide debate about police violence. A new book, The War Is Here: Newark 1967, collects those images, many of them unpublished, and reinhabits not only the fear and the violence – but also, as in this image, the defiance of that bloody week in Newark history.

Bud Lee died in 2015. In an introductory essay to the new book, the journalist Chris Campion describes how the photographer always felt strangely implicated in the death of Furr and the shooting of Bass, whom he visited throughout his months of recovery in hospital. He was traumatised by the idea that Furr might have been provoked to steal the case of beer to impress the man with the camera. Lee won a prestigious national “photo story of the year” for his Newark pictures, but he subsequently moved away from frontline news photography into portraiture and teaching.

The War Is Here: Newark 1967 is published 22 May by Ze Books

Russian mercenaries behind slaughter of 500 in Mali village, UN report finds
















Report implicates Wagner group fighters in Moura atrocity, including the torture and rape of civilians


Jason Burke
Sat 20 May 2023 

First came a single helicopter, flying low over the marshes around the river outside the village, then the rattle of automatic fire scattered the crowds gathered for the weekly market.

Next came more helicopters, dropping troops off around the homes and cattle pens. The soldiers moved swiftly, ordering men into the centre of the village, gunning down those trying to escape. When some armed militants fired back, the shooting intensified. Soon at least 20 civilians and a dozen alleged members of an al-Qaida affiliated Islamist group, were dead.

Over the next five days, hundreds more would die in the village of Moura in the Mopti region of Mali at the hands of troops overseen by Russian mercenaries, according to a new United Nations report. All but a small fraction were unarmed civilians.

Published last week after an extensive human rights fact-finding mission conducted over several months by UN staff in Mali, the report gives an hour by hour account of events during a five-day military operation in Moura in March 2022, giving details of the worst single atrocity associated with the Kremlin-linked Wagner group outside Ukraine.

Investigators from the UN human rights office concluded that there are strong indications that more than 500 people were killed – the majority in extrajudicial killings – by Malian troops and foreign military personnel believed to be from Wagner, a mercenary outfit run by Yevgeny Prigozhin, a close ally of the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, which was linked to the massacre by internal messages obtained by the Guardian last year.

The new allegations again underline the extent of human rights abuses blamed on Wagner, which has also operated in at least six other African countries as well as Libya and Syria.

In recent months, Wagner fighters have spearheaded the Russian push to seize the Ukrainian city of Bakhmut, which has been fiercely contested by Kyiv’s forces, and suffered heavy casualties. Wagner has been accused of involvement in multiple massacres in Mali as well as elsewhere in the Sahel and central Africa. Witnesses say the group has been caught up in fierce fighting in Central African Republic in recent months.

As France and the US have shifted resources and attention away from Africa in recent years, Russia has moved to fill the gap, mounting a series of diplomatic offensives and using Wagner to win over regimes in key states by offering to bolster weak security forces against enemies ranging from Islamist extremists to pro-democracy domestic opposition parties.

Western officials allege the Kremlin is using Wagner to advance Russian economic and political interests across Africa and elsewhere. The effort is backed by an extensive disinformation campaign, they say.

Analysts have recorded a surge in violence wherever Wagner has deployed, although rarely with much military success for governments. Last month, at least nine civilians were killed and more than 60 injured in a triple suicide bomb attack in the central Mali town of Sévaré early on a Saturday, an official has said.

When the Russian mercenaries were hired in Mozambique in 2019 to fight Islamist militants there, they were forced to withdraw after suffering heavy casualties. Eventually, Rwandan regular troops were flown in, successfully countering the insurgents’ offensive.

Few of the atrocities alleged to have involved Wagner have been conclusively linked to the group, however. A lack of witnesses, resistance from local regimes, poor infrastructure and acute insecurity have made full investigation of claims difficult.

The Moura massacre is an exception, however. “These are extremely disturbing findings,” said Volker Türk, the UN high commissioner for human rights. “Summary executions, rape and torture during armed conflict amount to war crimes and could, depending on the circumstances, amount to crimes against humanity.”

Malian authorities denied requests by the team to access Moura itself but the report is based on interviews with victims and witnesses, as well as forensic and other information sources, such as satellite imagery.

Mali’s elected president, Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, was toppled in August 2020 by officers angered at the failures to roll back the jihadist insurgency. In 2021, the military forced out an interim civilian government and tilted dramatically towards Moscow, concluding an agreement in which about 1,000 fighters from the Wagner group were deployed to bases across much of the country, which also received consignments of Russian weapons.

Video footage of soldiers burying bodies near an army base in northern Mali in April last year. Photograph: AP


A Malian government spokesperson described the report as “biased” and “based on a fictional account”, and said an investigation by Malian judicial authorities had found “not a single civilian in Moura was killed during the military operation”, only “armed terrorists”.

The operation – described by the authorities as an anti-terrorist military operation against an Islamist extremist group, Katiba Macina, which has imposed its rigorous and intolerant version of sharia law on inhabitants, raised taxes and made local men follow their dress codes – began on 27 March 2022, a busy market day in Moura.

The accounts gathered by the UN support the testimony of witnesses who spoke to reporters last year. Amadou Barry, who lives in the neighbouring village, told the Observer he was attending the market in Moura when helicopters suddenly appeared and troops disembarked, prompting a small group of Islamist militants in the village to shoot at the soldiers before fleeing on motorbikes.

“We started running in every direction, some into the houses. The Malian army then opened fire on people running, killing so many people,” he said.

Then, over the next four days, at least 500 people are believed to have been killed, says the report, which names at least 238 of these victims.

Héni Nsaibia, senior researcher at ACLED (Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project), said in the weeks after the massacre that between 60 and 100 of those killed may have been unarmed Islamist militants, but the rest were civilians. Government forces found large quantities of weapons in Moura.

Witnesses reported seeing “armed white men” who spoke an unknown language operating alongside the Malian forces and at times appearing to supervise operations, the report found. It cites witnesses who claimed Malian troops were rotated in and out of Moura daily, but the foreign personnel remained.

Internal Malian army documents obtained by the Guardian last year revealed the presence of Wagner fighters – referred to as “Russian instructors” – on “mixed missions” with Malian soldiers and gendarmes around the time of the Moura massacre. Wagner were deployed near Moura at the time, and took part in other operations in which many civilians were killed.

According to the new report, on the day after the initial assault soldiers began going house to house searching for “presumed terrorists”, selecting and killing people with long beards, people wearing ankle-length trousers (a sign of religious devotion), people with marks on their shoulders – seen as evidence of firing or carrying weapons – and even those who merely showed signs of fear.

Yevgeny Prigozhin is the owner of the Wagner mercenary group. Photograph: AP


A group of men rounded up in the south-east of the village were led away by soldiers and shot in the head, back or chest, and their bodies thrown into a ditch. Witnesses said that those who resisted or tried to flee were also executed by the Malian armed forces and the “armed white men” and dumped into the ditch.

Detainees were subjected to torture and other ill-treatment during questioning, and dozens of women and girls were raped or subjected to other forms of sexual violence, the report claims. In one instance, soldiers brought bedding from a house, placed it under trees in the garden, and took turns raping women they had forced there.

Samira Daoud, Amnesty International’s regional director for west and central Africa, said what happened in Moura could constitute crimes under international law.

“While the [UN] notes that around 30 combatants from the armed group Katiba Macina were present in Moura on 27 March 2022 … their presence can in no way justify the extrajudicial executions, rapes and looting committed by the armed forces against the inhabitants and stallholders trapped by their siege,” Daoud said.

Analysts have expressed concerns that the recent crisis in Sudan has distracted attention from deepening problems across the Sahel, an unstable belt of desert and grazing running east from Senegal across the African continent. The zone is afflicted by extreme weather linked to climate change, displacement of millions of people, acute political instability and growing violence. Analysts fear the conflict in Sudan may lead to a “domino” effect of state collapse.
Fears looted Nazi art still hanging in Belgian and British galleries

Leading art museums are reassessing their works after a Belgian journalist traced how a fascist sympathiser acquired a Jewish dealer’s collection

Jennifer Rankin in Brussels
THE OBSERVER
Sat 20 May 2023

In August 1940, Samuel Hartveld and his wife, Clara Meiboom, boarded the SS Exeter ocean liner in Lisbon, bound for New York. Aged 62, Hartveld, a successful Jewish art dealer, left a world behind. The couple had fled their home city of Antwerp not long before the Nazi invasion of Belgium in May 1940, parting with their 23-year-old son, Adelin, who had decided to join the resistance.

Hartveld also said goodbye to a flourishing gallery in a fine art deco building in the Flemish capital, a rich library and more than 60 paintings. The couple survived the war, but Adelin was killed in January 1942. Hartveld was never reunited with his paintings, which were snapped up at a bargain-basement price by a Nazi sympathiser and today are scattered throughout galleries in north-western Europe, including Tate Britain.

The story of Hartveld’s lost paintings is just one episode in the vast catalogue of art that was looted, stolen or forcibly sold after Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933. Nearly 80 years after the end of the second world war, a new book, Kunst voor das Reich, argues that Belgium has yet to reckon with that legacy.

Portrait of Bishop Antonius Triest by Gaspar de Crayer. 
Photograph: Museum of Fine Arts, Ghent / Michel Burez & Hugo Maertens

For the book’s author, Geert Sels, the quest began in 2014 after the sensational discovery of 1,500 modernist masterpieces in the flat of an 80-year old man in Munich, the son of the Nazi art dealer Hildebrand Gurlitt. Sels, the cultural editor of Belgium’s De Standaard newspaper, was intrigued. He wanted to know if any of the works had come from Belgium. But when he went to consult official records, he was disappointed: Belgium had no public database of lost or orphan art works.

According to the Belgian government, that was because everything was in order. A government commission into plundered Jewish assets had completed its work in 2001. “The answer was, everything in Belgium has been researched,” Sels told the Observer. “I thought, well, it’s a lie.”

Sels was convinced Belgium fell far short of the 1998 Washington principles, when 44 countries agreed to establish a central registry of art stolen by the Nazis and publicise confiscated works to help trace the original owners or heirs. “A lot of countries, including Belgium, agreed to do research, to make the information public, to establish databases but Belgium hasn’t done it.”

So he began his own search, which led him to Hartveld’s scattered collection. His library – 29 boxes of art books and auction catalogues – was carted away by the Nazis.

His gallery and paintings were sold to René Van de Broek, a 31-year-old painting restorer and member of DeVlag, a Flemish group that favoured cooperation with Nazi Germany. Van de Broek paid 200,000 francs for the exhibition hall and 66 paintings, later telling postwar investigators he believed it was a fair price. In fact it was a steal – Hartveld had taken out an 800,000 franc mortgage to build the property alone.

In 1948, Van de Broek sold a single painting – the 17th-century baroque work, Portrait of Bishop Antonius Triest – to the city of Ghent for 50,000 francs. Another of Hartveld’s 17th-century works, Aeneas and His Family Fleeing Burning Troy, now hangs in Tate Britain, acquired from a Belgian art dealer in 1994. Once thought to be an Italian painting, the 1654 work bears the signature of Canterbury “gentleman painter” Henry Gibbs and its theme of exile echoes the trauma of the recent English civil war.

Van de Broek, who was questioned after the war for his Nazi sympathies, convinced investigators he had Hartveld’s blessing to dispose of the paintings. A letter dated 5 July 1945, purporting to be from the art dealer, said Van de Broek had done “brilliantly” in saving his stock. As an expression of “sincere gratitude” he proposed that Van de Broek run the gallery and sell the stock if he wanted.

For a man who had lost his son and life’s work in a war that had just ended, the casual tone was jarring. Sels took the letter to a handwriting expert, who found significant discrepancies with Hartveld’s usual style and concluded there was “a strong possibility… the signature was not the hand of Monsieur S Hartveld”.

After researching the book, Sels wants to expand the concept of lost art. Hartveld never knew his works were being sold. Other “sales” or “donations” were acts of desperation.

Homme marchant by Max Liebermann.
 Photograph: Royal Museums of Fine Arts, Belgium


In 1939, a Jewish immigrant to Belgium from Berlin, Benno Seegall, offered the Brussels Museum of Fine Arts 10 drawings from the family collection, after an earlier donation of two works, to secure visas for his sister. Emmy Seegall and her husband, Fritz Gütermann, were frantically trying to flee Germany after the Kristallnacht pogroms of November 1938, but had been turned down for a Belgian visa multiple times.

Benno, who had lived in Brussels since 1936, secured visas with avant garde works by Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec and Max Liebermann. The drawings remain in the museum’s collection today. For Sels, this is a very clear case: “They wouldn’t have given away things if it was not to save their lives and get away from Germany.”

In a statement, Belgium’s state secretary in charge of museums, Thomas Dermine, said the previous government commission had restored a large number of looted works, but subsequent restitutions had been “too sporadic”. He was, the statement said, creating a department that would charge federal museums with considering “a process that allows a more proactive approach to this issue” because “humanity must always end up defeating barbarism”.

The Royal Museums of Fine Arts of Belgium (RMFAB) said further research into the unknown provenance of some of its paintings “must be carried out” and could lead to new restitutions. The museums, which last year returned an expressionist work to the descendants of a German Jewish couple, said it was studying the works from the Seegalls as part of a larger, four-year project into the provenance of its collections acquired since 1933. “The RMFAB strongly hopes that this project will allow it to complete the provenance of art works in its collection… and will ensure greater transparency.”

Professor Dr Manfred Sellink, director of the Museum of Fine Arts Ghent, said there had been no claim to recover the portrait of Bishop Antonius Triest. Any decision on restitutions would be taken by the city of Ghent, the owner of the museum’s collection. His museum, he said, had researched works of doubtful provenance and always collaborated in the return of stolen objects, but he acknowledged there could be problematic works in the collection. “I can say without hesitation, the Belgian state has been very late in taking action,” Sellink added.

Tabitha Barber, curator of British art at Tate Britain, said the museum was doing careful work to verify its Aeneas painting has been correctly identified: “We are in the process of doing this and will update our provenance record accordingly.”

Meanwhile, Sels has traced several relatives of the Jewish families who lost art works during the war. He thinks their claims will heighten pressure on the Belgium government to act: “It won’t be enough to say everything has been studied and no irregularities were found.”
Nazis and normality: UK directors unsettle Cannes with films tackling ‘unseen’ evil

Steve McQueen and Jonathan Glazer separately confront the Holocaust with themes prompted by a resurgence of the far right



Vanessa Thorpe
CANNES
THE OBSERVER
Sat 20 May 2023 
STEVE MCQUEEN












Steve McQueen and Jonathan Glazer, two of Britain’s most admired and daring film directors, have disturbed Cannes audiences with a pair of extraordinary films that confront Europe’s murderous fascist past.

The directors, working independently on different projects about Nazi atrocities, both say they were prompted by the growth of political extremism and prejudice.

Glazer, best known as director of the sci-fi dystopia Under the Skin and the admired gangster film Sexy Beast, says he wants The Zone of Interest, which premiered to acclaim on Friday evening, to address “the capacity within each of us for violence”. He believes, he said this weekend, it is too easy to assume such brutal behaviour is a thing of the past.

“The great tragedy is human beings did this to other human beings,” he said. “It is very convenient to think we would never behave in this way, but we should be less certain of that.”

His unflinching look at the proximity to mass genocide in which German domestic life went on is set in the home of Auschwitz camp commandant Rudolf Höss.

McQueen’s documentary, Occupied City, also turns to historic detail to lay out the unpalatable facts that lie in the landscape of modern Amsterdam.

A scene from the film The Zone of Interest, directed by Jonathan Glazer, which portrays domestic life alongside the Auschwitz death camp. 
Photograph: AP

Speaking to the Observer in Cannes, McQueen said: “People aren’t stupid. They do realise on one level what happened, but somehow we need to smack ourselves out of this amnesia.”

The Oscar-winning director and his Dutch wife, Bianca Stigter, who wrote the script, were also prompted by the rise of the new right and Europe’s increasing political polarisation.

“The past can’t be on the surface all the time,” said Stigter, “but some things should not be forgotten. In today’s climate, with antisemitism and racism on the rise, it is good to be reminded of that moment of history.”

Both directors have turned to face Nazi horrors partly because witnesses to the Holocaust are no longer so numerous. Speaking to the press on Saturday, Glazer, who is a Jewish Londoner, said he felt it was vital to keep telling the story, despite the advice his own father gave him to just “let it rot”, and leave it to history.

“It is very important we do keep bringing it up and making it familiar; to keep showing it so that a new generation can discover it in film. The Holocaust is not a museum piece that we can have a safe distance from. It needs to be presented with a degree of urgency and alarm,” he said.

The two British films concentrate with forensic intensity on what people are capable of ignoring. While neither film portrays Nazi violence directly, both contain elements that will make difficult viewing for a mainstream audience, and not just because of their bleak focus.

Glazer’s film, made on location near the site of the former death camp in occupied Poland, is made in German. McQueen and Stitger’s documentary lasts four hours and deliberately has no narrative structure.

In each case there are few concessions to the world of popular entertainment. Glazer’s film has a lurid, deadpan mood, while McQueen’s relies on the build-up of appalling crimes recounted over footage of modern Amsterdammers going about their lives during the pandemic lockdown.

The Zone of Interest director Jonathan Glazer with cast members Sandra Hüller and Christian Friedel at Cannes 2023. Photograph: Sarah Meyssonnier/Reuters

“It is about evidence of things unseen,” said McQueen. “Meandering through one of the most beautiful cities to ramble in, so there is the perversity of the fact all these things happened in such a beautiful city.

“Our film is not a history lesson, it is an experience.”

In The Zone of Interest Glazer portrays domestic life alongside the Auschwitz death camp. It has an almost surreal tone as it juxtaposes the quotidian concerns of the Höss family with the mass torture, starvation and killing going on next door. Glazer loosely based his film on the Martin Amis book and developed it after spending time at Auschwitz.

The audacity of looking at Nazi atrocities afresh has been applauded by one of Germany’s great directors, Wim Wenders.

Before watching either film, Wenders, in Cannes for the premiere of his film Perfect Days this week, told the Observer that tackling the Holocaust in film is risky, but it remains important to try.

“We should be capable of looking back at war. If we can stand the ugliness of staring it in the face and if we can then stand doing it with actors … then we can learn for the present and for the future. But it is a painful process and it can also go damn wrong.”


Occupied City review – Steve McQueen’s moving meditation on wartime Amsterdam

The monumental film which tracks day-to-day life in Amsterdam under Nazi rule asks hard questions of what we think about the gulf between past and present



Peter Bradshaw
@PeterBradshaw1
THE GUARDIAN
Wed 17 May 2023 

Steve McQueen’s monumental film is a vast survey-meditation on the wartime history and psychogeography of his adopted city: Amsterdam, based on his wife Bianca Stigter’s Dutch-language book Atlas of an Occupied City, Amsterdam 1940-1945.

With a calm and undemonstrative narrative voiceover from Melanie Hyams, the film tracks day-to-day life in Amsterdam under Nazi rule. It spans the invasion in 1940; the establishment of the NSB, the collaborationist Dutch Nazi party; the increasingly brutal repression and deportation of Jewish populations to the death camps; and then the “hunger winter” of 1944 to 1945 as food and fuel became scarce in the city and the Nazis displayed a gruesome mix of panic and fanaticism as the allies closed in.

What McQueen does is effectively represent the maps and figure legends of the book on screen: the camera shows us the modern-day indoor and outdoor scenes on individual streets, canals, squares, buildings and jetties where the barbarity unfolded – but shows them as they are now, with 21st-century people going about their business while Hyams’ narration coolly summarises what happened in each particular spot, sometimes adding that the original building has been “demolished”. A prison yard where Jews were forced to parade around chanting: “I am a Jew, beat me to death, it’s my own fault” is now an open space overlooked by the Hard Rock Cafe. The headquarters of the secret police was on the site of what is now a school.

Occupied City lasts a little more than four hours, with an intermission, and the effect is something like an huge cinematic frieze or tapestry, or perhaps an installation. But it is also like an old fashioned “city symphony” movie, and, in its approach, perhaps bears the influence of Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah. It asks hard questions of what we think about the gulf between past and present. When we think about Nazi rule in Amsterdam, we think of … what? Flickering black-and-white newsreel footage, semi-familiar landmarks in monochrome, images of swastikas, an alien display of history, vacuum-sealed in the past. But McQueen shows us the modern world, in 4K resolution and there is a gradual realisation that for those involved in 1940, the Nazi occupation of Amsterdam happened just like this: in living colour in the here-and-now, with modern hairstyles and clothes.

Sometimes there is a disconnect between past and present. The site of a bygone horror might in 2023 be a scene of happiness: people ice-skating on a frozen canal and having innocent fun. At some other place we see a commemorative event: the laying of wreaths. At other times, there will be a parallel: in Dam Square the Nazi occupiers erected a bandstand; now we see a stage for outdoor performance. And then there are other, serious engagements with history and politics. We see an official statement of apology for colonialism and slavery; we see a huge and boisterous “climate strike” by young people and an event for the murdered Dutch investigative journalist Peter R de Vries. The effect is to show us that the past and present are not clear, with distinct layers of old/significant and new/insignificant: it is more fluid than that.

Occasionally, there is a weird frisson. Some of McQueen’s footage was shot during the Covid lockdown and the juxtaposition of this with Nazi oppression takes us – unintentionally – perhaps a little close to GB News territory. And audiences might be surprised at how little emphasis is placed on Anne Frank: it could well be that McQueen wanted to take us away from well-trodden arguments, and certainly to move away from the modern tourist cliches of coffee shops and sex worker windows. Although on that last point there is another eerie historical echo in the way in which sexual activity between occupier and occupied was variously policed, tolerated and punished.

In its scale and seriousness, Occupied City allows its emotional implication to amass over its running time. The effect is mysterious and moving.

Occupied City screened at the Cannes film festival.
A precious resource: how Israel uses water to control the West Bank

In occupied West Bank villages, Israeli-owned farms are flourishing, while Palestinians often do not have enough water to drink


Bethan McKernan 
in the Nablus countryside, West Bank
The Guardian
Wed 17 May 2023

Mahmoud Haj Mohammed stands on the roof of his family’s home in the occupied West Bank village of Jalud and points towards a clump of cypress trees on the opposite side of the valley.

He has just got back from his job at a concrete factory in the nearby city of Nablus, hot and tired in the last week of Ramadan, jeans covered in grey flecks of cement. The 32-year-old began working there two years ago, after the seizure of a key part of his family’s land by Israeli settlers eventually made it unviable to farm it any more.

“It’s easy to see where the settlers are. Look at the olive grove below the cypress,” Haj Mohammed said, as a herd of goats passed by. “That is our land, but we are not farming it. See how close together the trees are? That’s because the settlers have access to the water supply and proper irrigation. Compare it to our trees, the ones that are spaced out more, and not in neat rows.”
Part of the land owned by the family of Mahmoud Haj Mohammed was seized by Israeli settlers. Photograph: Ofir Berman/The Guardian

Water is one of the most precious resources in Israel and the Palestinian territories. This beautiful landscape – the historic fertile crescent – can be harsh and unforgiving. But with enough water, as the Book of Isaiah says, “The desert and the parched land will be glad; the wilderness will rejoice and blossom.”

Israel is the world leader in water management and technology: last year, a first-of-its-kind project began pumping desalinated seawater from the Mediterranean northwards, to replenish the shrinking Sea of Galilee.


Yet rights groups contend that these successes are to the detriment of Palestinians; Israel controls about 80% of water reserves in the West Bank, but both the West Bank and Gaza Strip face severe water stress and drought.

In theory, no one living or working in Area C, the 60% of the West Bank fully controlled by Israel, can get connected to pipelines belonging to Israel’s national water company without proving ownership of the land or otherwise gaining a permit from the Israeli civil administration in the territories, known as Cogat. But in practice, access to water resources is a potent state-controlled weapon for the settlement movement, allowing Israeli-owned vineyards, olive groves, livestock farms and date plantations to flourish.


New York law aims to stop funding of illegal Israeli settlements in West Bank


Israelis, including those living in settlements, use three times as much water a day as West Bank Palestinians do, according to a new report from the Israeli human rights NGO B’Tselem. In many places, it is difficult for Palestinian farmers to cultivate even low yields of crops such as wheat, lentils and chickpeas. Decreasing access to land and water thanks to settlement expansion means farming contributes just 2.6% of the territory’s GDP today.

About 450,000 Israelis have settled in what is now Area C since the occupation began in 1967 and are motivated for different reasons: some see reclaiming the biblical land of Israel as a religious or nationalistic mission, while others are drawn by the cheaper cost of living or business opportunities. Overall, their presence is viewed by the international community as illegal, and a leading obstacle to peace: the phenomenon of settler violence against Palestinians is growing.

Palestinian children show their produce. 
Photograph: Ofir Berman/The Guardian

A handful have become rich by cultivating thousands of acres of disputed land, establishing lucrative boutique wineries and high-grade medjool dates and olive oil brands for export. One of the biggest settlement agricultural businesses today is Meshek Achiya, founded in 2003 near the biblically significant settlement of Shilo, an area particularly notorious for land grabs and settler violence.


Local families say Meshek Achiya grew after seizing swathes of their land during the second intifada (Palestinian uprising) of the 2000s, when access for Palestinians in the area, including the Haj Mohammeds, was blocked by army checkpoints.

The Guardian’s attempts to reach several owners and directors at the company went unanswered. Meshek Achiya has claimed in legal filings that the land it farms was bought from other settlers.

“If we had more water, the village would grow more than beans and za’atar. But sometimes in the summer we don’t even have drinking water,” said Jamal Deeb, a resident of Qaryut, the next village to Jalud, where land claimed by several local families has also been taken over by Meshek Achiya.

“My family is in a good position because we have deeds and can prove we own it, but we are still fighting for decades. Dragging out the court battles is part of the strategy,” the 55-year-old said. “I don’t think I will ever see our trees on that side of the valley again.”

Jamal Deeb, a resident of Qaryut, where land claimed by several local families has been taken over by the agricultural business Meshek Achiya. 
Photograph: Ofir Berman/The Guardian

Meshek Achiya’s success – and that of many other Israeli settlement enterprises – would be impossible without access to increasingly large amounts of water that farmers need in the drought-prone area. Yet even though there are five eviction orders pending on some of the land controlled by the company, upheld by Israel’s supreme court, the entire operation still appears to be connected to the Israeli water agency’s supply.

In 2017, the last year before the water authority stopped publishing detailed data on agricultural water allocations in the West Bank, Meshek Achiya received about 100,000 cubic metres of water, or 274 cubic metres a day (one cubic metre = 1,000 litres). Palestinians living in Area C use about 20 litres of water a day, just a fifth of the 100 litres a day minimum set by the World Health Organization.

The story repeated itself across the West Bank, said Dror Etkes, an expert on Israeli settlement construction and infrastructure and the founder of the NGO Kerem Navot.

Its research shows that the same year, the Water Authority allocated 17,000 cubic metres to the family that runs the popular Psagot Winery, near Ramallah, where there is a demolition order against the chief executive’s villa and swimming pool. Psagot denied any illegal activity in an emailed response. Another 12,000 cubic metres went to a Meshek Achiya employee who has started his own vineyard.


A large sheep herding outpost – considered illegal under Israeli as well as international law – received 9,000 cubic metres. The wife of the owner of the Giv’ot Olam organic egg farm, another outpost renowned for violence, was the registered name for 111,000 cubic metres.

Qaryut. Meshek Achiya has claimed in legal filings that the land it farms was bought from other settlers Photograph: Ofir Berman/The Guardian

Meanwhile, the UN says that more than 270 water and sewage facilities used by Palestinians in Area C have been demolished in the past five years on the grounds that the infrastructure is illegal.

Cogat, the arm of the Israeli military responsible for civilian affairs in the Palestinian territories, said in emailed comments that “allocation of water to Israeli agriculture in [the West Bank] is performed only after a thorough examination of the various aspects touching on land rights. When water is illegally diverted, the authorities take action in the area as they are legally entitled to do.”

The Israeli water authority directed requests for information to Cogat.

Etkes said: “It is easy to get rich when you don’t have to pay for the land and you’re hooked up to a water supply your neighbours don’t get.”

After 15 years of litigation, the Haj Mohammed family managed to win back 7 hectares (17 acres) – about a fifth of the land they claim – in a high court ruling in 2021. In February this year, Meshek Achiya’s olive trees were uprooted and moved, and Mahmoud and his brothers planted wheat for the first time in decades, in honour of their father. Haj Mohammed senior died in 2017; he never saw any of the family’s land returned.

“The settlers still come down from their homes on the hill. Last week they threatened to kill me,” he said, standing amid the freshly ploughed earth. On the tump above the field, three settlers sat and watched, a blue and white Israeli flag fluttering overhead.

“A lot of people in our village decided to leave. I am doing this for my father, but also for my children,” he said.


Protect ya king! Wu-Tang Clan’s GZA pairs bars and the board in speed chess tournament

A restored church in Melbourne’s north was the venue this week for an evening of chess fused with hip-hop

Players at a speed chess competition hosted by GZA of the Wu-Tang Clan in Melbourne

by Jo Khan
photography by Christopher Hopkins
GUARDIAN AUSTRALIA
Thu 18 May 2023 

Two clocks count down, not quite in sync, and there’s a collective intake of breath in the hall where more than 100 people stand transfixed by the projection of a chess game on the wall. Two hands dart across the board. White’s clock hits zero, black wins with one second left on theirs, and the tension in the room is released. The players smile at each other and raise their arms in a sort of acknowledgment of their captivating game.

On one side of the table is Stephen Lewinsky, a Melbourne doctor and former Australian junior chess champion; on the other side is the pre-eminent hip-hop artist and founding member of Wu-Tang Clan, GZA.

Stephen Lewinksy and GZA after their match

These most unlikely of opponents have been brought together in an unassuming restored church hall in the inner Melbourne suburb of Fitzroy North for a speed chess tournament. GZA, who completed the Australian leg of Wu-Tang and Nas’s NY State of Mind tour on Sunday, has hosted similar events in the US but this is the first time he has fused the two elements of popular culture in Australia.

‘This whole thing is pretty wild,’ says James Benjamin, co-founder of Acid Chess Club

“It makes sense,” says the night’s MC, N’fa Jones, pre-empting any bewilderment. Jones, an African-Australian hip-hop artist of 1200 Techniques and Cool Out Sun, says Wu-Tang’s “music, energy and unapologetic force” helped raise him and he sees the alignment of chess and hip-hop clearly. “Hip-hop, as a culture, is multifaceted,” he says. “People think it’s just rapping or something but there’s so many elements to it. And I think chess – understanding the game, you make your next move, your best move, planning, recognising, strategy – it’s an important part of hip-hop and just life and culture in general.”

Jones sees GZA’s passion for and skill at chess as a natural extension of his approach to the genre. “GZA has always pushed the intellect in hip-hop,” he says. “Not just through rapping it in bars, but how he lives his life. And that is, you know, a heavy chess player to the point that we’re running an event like this where, I think he did 17 straight bouts.”

Competitors speed through a match in the early rounds on Monday night


In a grey knitted sweater, blue jeans and black sneakers, the introspective man hunched at the board doesn’t cut that much of a different figure from when he’s rapping bars, but ask about chess and a boyish excitement appears on his face. Using a checkers board and transparent, neon pink and green chess pieces, a nine-year-old GZA learned the rules of chess from his cousin. “He told me the name of each piece and their functions, their mobility, how they move,” GZA says. “And I kept that with me but I never played a game.”

It wasn’t until the early 1990s when he linked up with rapper Masta Killa that GZA actually started playing chess. The pair once played 78 consecutive games in 12 hours and now GZA plays every chance he gets. “I have a passion for it,” he says. “It’s a mind-worker … for strategy, critical thinking, planning two, three, four steps. I just love the game.”

GZA flexes his brain muscles against a heat winner

He may have held on to the memories of that first Technicolor chess experience but these days he prefers classic standards on his chessboards. “I don’t want to play on a board where the pieces are the Byzantine empire, or a certain dynasty, and the pieces are so fancy it’s hard to distinguish sometimes,” he says. “You know, I want the pawn to be a pawn and not look like a bishop.”

Playing chess with one of the world’s pre-eminent rappers wasn’t on the cards for DJ James Benjamin a few years ago, when amid Melbourne’s Covid lockdowns he started teaching the artist Jack Irvine how to play chess. It still wasn’t on the cards when the city finally emerged from restrictions at the end of 2021 and the pair founded Acid Chess Club.

The winner of each round on Monday won the right to play GZA


But on Monday night he helped Melbourne distillers The Gospel bring together lovers of chess, hip-hop and whiskey to experience a previously unimaginable crossover. “This whole thing is pretty wild,” Benjamin says. “I got a call from The Gospel, they needed someone to run the chess tournament, I wasn’t going to say no.”

On one side of the old church hall there are two rows of eight tables. Every 30 minutes, Benjamin herds the next round of 16 players to their seats for 3/2 blitz chess elimination (three minutes for the whole game with two seconds added every move). The winner of each round gets to step up to the main table under lights to play GZA.

Rox Ziffer methodically wins her way through her round, surrounded by a small but rapturous support crew. She says being a fan of GZA makes her more nervous to play him. “It’s funny actually, my boyfriend and a bunch of his mates all started getting really into chess in the last six months and they love hip-hop and Wu-Tang Clan, so when this came about they were like, ‘Oh my gosh, what an opportunity,’” she says.

Clockwise from top left, competitors James Benjamin, Rox Ziffer, Rhys Lloyd and Stephen Lewinsky

The tournament blends seamlessly with the vinyl DJ sets of hip-hop, soul and funk from Mr Lob and Deejay Mathematics, plus some intermittent freestyling from Jones. Rhys Lloyd, a member of Benjamin’s Acid Chess Club, wins his round but plays down his impending game with GZA, also known as “the genius”. “It’s cool to meet him but it’s just kind of like a chess night.” The barista says he doesn’t really listen to Wu-Tang Clan but that “it will be cool to tell my friends that I played chess against fucking GZA”.


GZA walks in to the hall at 6.30pm, hangs his jacket on the back of his chair and sits down to play two-and-a-half hours of speed chess. In between moves he rests his elbows on the table and in between games he leans back to stretch his arms over his head. But he never gets up from his chair. After three nights of arena shows in Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne, this is where he wants to be.

The 56-year-old doesn’t really engage with the enthralled audience, but he smiles as his opponents sit down and exchanges a few words with those who want to. He wins some, he loses some. Lewinsky thinks GZA the chess player is “quite careful, makes sure he doesn’t lose any material and sticks to general principles”.

“It was a lot of fun,” he says, comparing their down-to-the-wire game to a James Bond movie “where the bomb went off in Goldfinger with seven seconds left”.

Ziffer celebrates a win in the early rounds

Lewinsky, who was “dragged here by my children”, is used to playing in front of an audience and against high-profile talent, but others who take to the centre table aren’t as confident. Already stressed from wrangling the tournament, Benjamin was reluctant to play GZA with “100 to 200 people watching you, plus being on the projector screen”.

“It’s like performing intellectually in front of people, putting your brain on the line in a way,” he says after his game. “I didn’t think about what I was doing for the first 10 moves, I thought I’d be sporadic, I ended up doing some no-no moves to throw him off but it didn’t work and he kind of boxed me in. Sitting up there with him was pretty intense, the experience of a lifetime for sure.”

The room watches on as GZA plays a heat winner

Benjamin learned chess from his dad; Ziffer’s mum – who runs chess clubs in schools – taught her early on, too. GZA and many of his opponents on Monday night learned how to play when they were young from an older family member or friend – and he has tried to do the same for the generation after him. When GZA’s daughter was about eight years old and his son was five he decided to teach them the game.

“I showed them how to play but they weren’t really interested,” he says. “It got to a point where I would offer the winner some money, like five or 10 dollars. But they decided to stage the game and whoever wins they just split the 10 dollars. It wasn’t until my son, maybe about nine years ago, he started playing again. He loves it. He’s like, ‘This shit is the bomb, man, this is the ultimate.’”

Decimated brush-tailed bettong makes a startling return – with the help of peanut butter


Project to reintroduce critically endangered marsupial in South Australia, involving lures with nut spread, has surpassed expectations

Graham Readfearn
@readfearn
GUARDIAN AUSTRALIA
Thu 18 May 2023 

The Australian bush was once full of rabbit-size marsupials darting and jumping around “like mini-kangaroos on steroids”, says ecologist Derek Sandow.

But since European invasion, the arrival of cats and foxes and the disappearance of habitat has left the brush-tailed bettong hanging on in only a handful of spots on the vast continent and on island refuges.

“They would have been one of the most common small mammals across the southern half of Australia,” says Sandow. “But they’ve gone missing from almost the entire mainland.”


Conservation efforts celebrated as 26 Australian species no longer need threatened listing


However, a project to reintroduce the critically endangered bettongs to Yorke Peninsula in South Australia – a boot-shaped chunk of mainland that probably hasn’t seen them for more than a century – is having a startling and unexpected success.

Since August 2021, some 120 bettongs have been tagged and introduced to the Dhilba Guuranda-Innes national park on the peninsula’s south-west tip. Chloe Frick, a PhD candidate at the University of Adelaide, guesses there may now be up to 200 bettongs on the peninsula.

“It’s surpassing everyone’s expectations,” she says. “And it’s down to a lot of people working really hard. It is unifying and inspiring to see these animals succeeding and digging around in the landscape.”
Members of the Marna Banggara project boosting brush-tailed bettong numbers at work in South Australia’s Yorke Peninsula.
Photograph: Quentin Jones/WWF-Aus/think Mammoth

‘They’re suckers for peanut butter’

Bettongs make their nests under dense vegetation and are good at hiding from native predators such as wedge-tailed eagles, says Sandow, from South Australia’s Northern and Yorke Landscape Board.

“But those introduced predators – the cats and foxes – have really good smell and they can find them,” Sandow says.

In the 1970s, as bettongs were disappearing, an “insurance population” was started on the tiny and feral-free Wedge Island to the peninsula’s west. That starter group of 11 bettongs has since grown to a population of about 2,500.


System to protect Australia’s threatened species from development ‘more or less worthless’, study finds


In August 2021, 40 bettongs were moved from the island to the national park. In 2022, another 44 Wedge Island bettongs joined them, along with 36 more flown 2,000 kilometres from the Upper Warren region of Western Australia, about 300km south of Perth and the species’ last remaining stronghold on the mainland.

Later this year, another 120 will arrive from WA in the project’s final leg of the reintroduction phase.

The work is part of Marna Banggara, a project to restore lost native wildlife to the area backed by the landscape board and state and federal government support together with WWF-Australia, the Foundation for National Parks and Wildlife and the Narungga Nation Aboriginal Corporation, with backing of the Narungga people and a host of other groups.
A bettong is examined by Chloe Frick in the Marna Banggara project. 
Photograph: Quentin Jones/WWF-Aus/think Mammoth


Sandow was among a team that went to the park in March to catch and check on the bettong population using cage traps with baits of peanut butter, oats and vanilla essence.

“They’re suckers for the peanut butter,” says Sandow.
Chloe Frick measuring a bettong’s leg. 
Photograph: Quentin Jones/WWF-Aus/think Mammoth

Of the 85 bettongs caught, almost half did not have any tags or microchips of the original groups, meaning they were born on the peninsula.

“They are having so many babies,” says Frick. “If I could bottle that feeling of having an animal in a bag and then opening it up to see two fresh bettong ears, it is phenomenal. Every time I see a new one I’m blown away. To catch 85 when we only reintroduced 120 is fantastic.”

Before releasing them back, Frick gathers an array of data, from health and size checks to DNA samples and swabs of their micro-biome.

One juvenile male – known as a “young at foot” – was a second generation on the peninsula, with his mum also born there. Among the 45 mature females caught, 42 were carrying young in their pouch.
Bettong traps are set on the Yorke Peninsula to enable checks of their health. 
Photograph: Quentin Jones/WWF-Aus/think Mammoth

A fence-free safe haven

On the perimeter of the peninsula, a fence cuts off a main route for feral cats and foxes to invade. Numbers of ferals are kept down with poison, shooting and trapping.

Rob Brewster, WWF-Australia’s Rewilding Project manager, says the monitoring showed the species could be successfully reintroduced if there was suitable habitat and feral controls.

Bettongs are ‘suckers for the peanut butter’, says ecologist Derek Sandow.
Photograph: Quentin Jones/WWF-Aus/think Mammoth

“If this population can be sustained over time, it would be the first successful reintroduction of this species beyond islands and fenced safe havens,” Brewster says.

The listing of more Australian bird species as ‘threatened’ is alarming – but also cause for hope
Sean Dooley

There are hopes other locally extinct species like the southern brown bandicoot, red-tailed phascogale and western quoll could follow the bettongs.

Reintroducing the bettongs should see a cascade of positive effects. The bettongs – known as woylies in WA and yalgi in local Narungga language – are prolific diggers, with one single animal moving between two and six tonnes of soil a year.

By digging, bettongs improve the soil, spread seeds and create micro-climates and water pools for bugs and plants to grow.

“They’re an eco-system engineer,” Sandow says. “Their preferred food is fungi but they’ll eat tubers and vegetation and insects in the soil. But they are really big diggers. We hope that’s going to improve the bushland.”

Right now, the new bettongs are sticking to the native vegetation but radio tags show they’ve moved up to 10km away from release sites. The data also shows the animals from Wedge Island and WA are mixing and breeding, strengthening the genetic diversity among the population.

“They’re finding food, they’re finding shelter and they’re finding mates,” says Sandow. Handlers have to be careful, though, because while they’re an “adorable” animal to look at, they have a less-than-adorable strategy if they feel too threatened.

As they sprint and zig-zag away, some bettongs will eject their young from their pouch in an attempt to distract their pursuer.

“In the wild that’s a great strategy, but it means we have to be really wary,” says Sandow.

Marna Banggara project members on a track in Dhilba Guuranda-Innes national park, where brush-tailed bettongs have been re-introduced after local extinction.
Photograph: Quentin Jones/WWF-Aus/think Mammoth

Frick says bettongs – which can have three young a year – can also hold a fertilised egg “in their back pocket” so if they lose a baby from their pouch, they trigger a hormone that releases the egg so they can start growing a new baby within a few days.

Frick has begun to spot personality traits in some of the bettongs, including one – nicknamed Friar Tuck for his bald spot. Friar Tuck has been caught multiple times in the same day – “I think to get a free feed,” says Frick.

Bachelorette Bettong has avoided male attention and is camped near a park hut. Others have the names of Australian singers, including “Jimmy Barnes”, who Frick says is skilled at evading capture.

“Once [Jimmy] was stood in the middle of the road just a few metres in front of me,” remembers Frick.

“He turned to me and I swear he winked before he ran off.”