Saturday, February 21, 2026

We Can Move Beyond the Capitalist Model and Save the Climate – Here Are the First Three Steps

Source: The Guardian

We have an urgent responsibility. Our existing economic system is incapable of addressing the social and ecological crises we face in the 21st century. When we look around we see an extraordinary paradox. On the one hand, we have access to remarkable new technologies and a collective capacity to produce more food, more stuff than we need or that the planet can afford. Yet at the same time, millions of people suffer in conditions of severe deprivation.

What explains this paradox? Capitalism. By capitalism we do not mean markets, trade and entrepreneurship, which have been around for thousands of years before the rise of capitalism. By capitalism we mean something very odd and very specific: an economic systemthat boils down to a dictatorship run by the tiny minority who control capital – the big banks, the major corporations and the 1% who own the majority of investible assets. Even if we live in a democracy and have a choice in our political system, our choices never seem to change the economic system. Capitalists are the ones who determine what to produce, how to use our labour and who gets to benefit. The rest of us – the people who are actually doing the production – do not get a say.

And for capital, the purpose of production is not primarily to meet human needs or to achieve social progress, much less to deliver on any ecological goals. The purpose is to maximise and accumulate profit. That is the overriding objective. This is the capitalist law of value. And to maximise profits, capital requires perpetual growth – ever increasing aggregate production, regardless of whether it is necessary or harmful.

So we end up with irrational forms of production as a result: we get massive production of things such as SUVs, mansions and fast fashion, because these things are highly profitable to capital, but chronic underproduction of obviously necessary things like affordable housing and public transit, because these are much less profitable to capital, or not profitable at all.

Similarly with energy. Renewables are already much cheaper than fossil fuels. Alas, fossil fuels are up to three times as profitable. Thus capital forces governments to link electricity prices to the price of the most expensive liquified natural gas, not of cheap solar energy. Similarly, building and maintaining motorways is many times more lucrative for private contractors, car manufacturers and oil companies than a modern network of superfast, safe public railways. So capitalists continue to push our governments to subsidise fossil fuels and road building, even while the world burns.

Since Donald Trump’s election, many major investment firms have enthusiastically abandoned their climate commitments, which had, in favour of the common good, restrained their profitability. This should be a clarifying moment for all of us: capitalism cares about our species’ prospects as much as a wolf cares about a lamb’s.

So here we are: trapped in capitalism’s set of priorities, which are inimical to humanity’s. Human ingenuity has bequeathed us splendid technologies and capacities. But, like a cruel divinity, capital not only prevents us from using them for our collective good, but in fact coerces us to deploy them towards our collective doom.

The system also locks us into never-ending cycles of imperialist violence. Capital accumulation in advanced economies relies on massive inputs of cheap labour and nature from the global south. To maintain this arrangement, capital uses every tool at its disposal – debt, sanctions, coups and even outright military invasion to keep southern economies subordinate.

The solution is staring us in the face. We urgently need to overcome the capitalist law of value and democratise our economy, so that we can organise production around urgent social and ecological priorities. After all, we are the producers of the goods, the services, the technologies. It is our labour and our planet’s resources that are at stake. And so we must claim the right to decide what is produced, how, and for what purpose.

How can this be done? There are three necessary conditions for the transformation of our economy from a dead-end dictatorship into a functioning and ecologically sound democratic one.

The first condition is a new financial architecture that penalises destructive private “investments” and enables public finance for public purposes. At the heart of this architecture we need a new public investment bank that, in association with the central banks, converts available liquidity into the types of investment consistent with common, sustainable prosperity.

The second condition is the extensive use of deliberative democracy to decide sectoral, regional and national goals (eg regarding the growth or even winding down of different outputs) towards which the new public finance tools will be aimed.

And the third condition is a Great Corporate Reform Act for the purpose of democratising corporations, favouring and promoting the formation of companies run along the lines of one employee, one share, one vote.

We live in a shadow of the world we could create. A world in which we shall be able to avert an almost certain ecological collapse, rather than waiting around for capitalism to push us beyond the point of no return. A world where the abolition of economic insecurity, precarity, poverty, unemployment and indignity is possible, while we lead meaningful lives within planetary boundaries. This is not a distant dream. It is a tangible prospect.

Jason Hickel is professor at the Autonomous University of Barcelona and a visiting senior fellow at the London Schoool of Economics.

Yanis Varoufakis is the leader of MeRA25, a former finance minister of Greece and author of Technofeudalism: What Killed Capitalism

Source: Resilience

Humanity has missed the mark. Humanity has failed.

As COP30 got underway, this was the media’s take on the UN Secretary-General’s announcement that 1.5 degrees of global warming has now been locked in. We should be rolling our eyes at such proclamations. Once again, humanity takes the blame for the impotence of corporate-led summits.

The truth is that humanity includes billions of land-based people who have not yet been pushed into resource-intensive cities and consumer lifestyles. Humanity includes hundreds of thousands of people who – like you, perhaps – have been taking active steps to reduce their ecological footprint, while lobbying for meaningful government policy change. Why should humanity take the blame for the blind, top-down policy frameworks that, above all, treat ecocide and climate breakdown as a ‘carbon market’ – as an opportunity to grow corporate bottom lines?

Ever since Al Gore stood up on his soapbox, we’ve had the finger pointed at our individual behavior. Meanwhile, global corporations were needlessly transporting goods across the world, contributing to massive increases in emissions and mountains of plastic waste.

‘Free trade’ treaties were giving them the right to direct whole societies down the consumerist path; the right to target children with the message: ‘if you want to be loved and respected, you’ve got to have the latest smartphone, the coolest shoes’.

Humanity was never the issue. Corporate rule was.  

And there’s no two ways about it – COP is ruled by global corporations. Funding comes from chemical giants like Bayer, tech giants like IBM, and mining corporations like Anglo American. As such, there is no talk of real, commonsense solutions like decentralizing economies, limiting the barrage of consumer messaging, preventing built-in obsolescence, or regulating the most polluting industries. Emissions from redundant trade – at the very heart of the resource-guzzling global economy – has never been so much as mentioned during the negotiations.

The COPs have consistently ensured that billions of dollars get sunk into false but lucrative solutions. Ostensibly to monitor carbon, technologies like A.I. and Internet of Things are being rolled out, with enormous demand for rare earth minerals and severe implications for freedom and surveillance. Carbon markets are commodifying land and water and biodiversity and turning them into financial assets to be traded.

As our colleague, Dr. Camila Moreno, who has attended all the COPs, has summarized:

“This is not a meeting about climate. This is where you can see, most clearly, where the future of capitalism is going.”

Do you speak ‘carbonese’? 

Under the vague framing of ‘net-zero’, giant carbon capture plants have been built to supposedly combine air carbon with plastic trash under enormous temperatures and inject it into bedrock. And, perhaps even worse, the much-hyped ‘green transition’ has plastered what should be productive, biodiverse land and coastlines with solar panels, wind turbines, and biomass monocultures.

In the face of all this, humanity is not about to declare failure and give up. Things might be getting bad already – fires, floods, storms – but around the world at the grassroots, people are taking action.

And, come what may, what action makes most sense? Local food. Hands-on ecosystem regeneration. Strengthening community and the local economy. 

And raising awareness about the fact that governments don’t have our back.

So, where the UN, the COPs and global corporations have failed, humanity is the solution. Let’s make visible the quiet revolution that’s occurring from the bottom up as communities express their care for others and the living world.

Renewables – saviour or curse?

We must look squarely at the call for a renewable energy. It’s not an easy topic to address. For decades, Local Futures has been part of the call for a small-scale, decentralized renewable energy installations to meet real human needs. Back in the 70s, the environmental movement had clarity about this.

But over the last 3 decades, the global ‘green transition’ has emerged. In rhetoric, it’s about plugging the global economy into a different, greener power source. In reality, it’s about growing the global economy’s already outrageous and wasteful energy demands by throwing more mega-industrial technologies into the mix.

How can environmentalists support the plastering of land with solar panels made from silica mined by consuming entire Indonesian islands? How can they support the conversion of ever more mountains and valleys to vast landscapes of towering pylons built in concrete, plastic, steel and balsa wood from the Amazon – turbines with a life span of less than 20 years destined to pile up in landfills?

How can they support the scouring of the seabed for manganese, and the mining of copper, nickel, rare earths, lithium and cobalt – all of which the International Energy Agency says will require extraction increases of around 400% by 2040 in order to keep up with A.I., digital and renewable infrastructure demands?

We do need some renewables. But the ‘transition’ must be radically reframed. We must not start by asking “how do we transition the current global economy to renewable energy” – that proposition is a death sentence. We must start by asking “what are our real human energy needs, and how do we meet them in the wisest way possible?” In other words, what are the needs of thriving local economies.

A.I. – for climate? Or for corporate profit? 

The global economy’s demand for resources and energy is entirely about fueling technologies that have nothing to do with real human needs and everything to do with expanding corporate wealth and power. The A.I. industry is Exhibit A.

A.I.’s cheerful front end – the chatbot that answers a question, the app that writes your email – hides a vast infrastructure of energy-intensive data centers and mineral-intensive manufacturing – all expanding at breakneck speed. In some US states, data centers are already using more than 10% of all electricity, and analysts project that AI will push global data-center power demand up by more than 150% this decade. Google and Microsoft have both reported near 50% increases in their total emissions, due solely to the aggressive buildout of data-center infrastructure to support A.I.

Then there is the water. These facilities need vast quantities of fresh, clean water to stop their servers from overheating. Microsoft has admitted that nearly half of its water use now occurs in regions already facing water scarcity. In Spain, where drought conditions are worsening and desertification covers three-quarters of the country, Amazon’s new AI data centers have approval to draw over 750,000 cubic meters of drinking water a year. South Korea’s planned mega-cluster of semiconductor factories will demand more than half of Seoul’s daily water use, alongside vast amounts of electricity, toxic chemicals, and land for waste disposal. Similar stories are emerging from Chile, the US Southwest, and parts of India.

AI is not a climate tool at all. It is the next frontier in global corporate expansion – a new reason to build pipelines, power stations, transmission corridors, mega-mines, and surveillance infrastructures. Framed as “efficiency” or “net-zero”, it locks us ever deeper into the top-down model where entire regions are sacrificed so that a handful of companies can extract wealth from data, attention and public resources.

All this stands in stark contrast to the quiet, grounded solutions emerging from below. True climate action doesn’t require vast data centers, billions of liters of water, or mineral-intensive hardware. It requires shorter distances, stronger communities, healthy soils, local food webs, and diverse, place-based economies that reduce demand at the source.

A.I.’s expanding empire is a reminder of what happens when we allow the global economy to chase technological fixes instead of human-scale wisdom.

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Activists Are Racking Up Wins Against a False Climate Solution

Source: Waging Nonviolence

Last June, California climate and environmental justice groups celebrated a victory a long time in the making. After an opposition campaign that built alliances across movements, turned out supporters to hearings and generated 50,000 public comments, a company gave up plans that threatened to wreak havoc on the state’s forests.

The corporation behind the defeated project, Golden State Natural Resources, or GSNR, proposed building two mills in Northern California’s Tuolumne and Lassen Counties to turn wood from nearby forests into pellets to be burned for fuel. 

Globally, the burning of wood pellets made from trees, known as forest biomass, has become one of the fastest-growing false solutions to climate change. It is turning some of the world’s last intact forests into fuel that’s used as a substitute for coal, mainly in Europe and Asia. 

GSNR’s mills would have sourced wood from California forests already under strain from a drying climate. Burning wood contributes to climate change, with some estimates placing the carbon footprint of this type of energy generation close to that of coal. Even so, the company’s backers tried selling their project as “green” energy.

GSNR planned to export these pellets via the Port of Stockton, where local environmental justice organizations said increased industrial activity would further pollute communities already suffering from some of the worst asthma rates in the state. 

“This project would have transformed California in a very negative way,” said Gary Hughes, a California-based organizer for Biofuelwatch, one of the organizations involved in the campaign. “Grassroots organizing put a stop to it.” 

The coalition that stopped Golden State Natural Resources joined a global movement that has achieved real momentum, leading to major defeats for the industry last year in the Netherlands, Mississippi and Washington State.

“The movement against the forest biomass industry is winning,” said Michél Legendre, campaigns director for the Dogwood Alliance, which fights to protect forests in the U.S. South. “People exposing this industry for what it is have put it on shaky ground.” 

Uncovering false solutions 

The narrative propping up forest biomass as an energy source is that burning wood from trees is climate neutral, because the carbon that is released can theoretically be reabsorbed if the trees are replanted. However, this fails to account for how carbon from wood combustion remains in the atmosphere for decades or centuries before trees can fully regrow.

Other sustainability claims made by the industry, like that it uses mainly leftover slash from logging, have also been debunked. Industry whistleblowers and environmental groups engaged in ground-truthing — in which activists tail logging vehicles to see what they are cutting — say they have witnessed biomass companies harvesting whole, mature trees, including old-growth trees in British Columbia.

“This industry is a glaring example of corporations responding to the climate crisis with greenwashing as they try to make a profit,” said Merry Dickinson, a lead campaigner for the U.K.-based Stop Burning Trees Coalition. “In the process they’re destroying people’s health and livelihoods.”

Dickinson joined the movement against forest biomass while she was a university student in Yorkshire, home to the U.K.’s largest biomass power plant and single biggest source of carbon emissions. The Drax Power Station formerly ran on coal, but began transitioning to burn entirely wood pellets in 2012. The U.K. government supported the move by providing Drax with roughly a billion pounds in annual subsidies. 

“When Drax announced they would stop burning coal, we climate activists celebrated,” said Katy Brown, a campaigner with Biofuelwatch in the U.K. “But when they started burning wood instead, it began to feel like a hollow victory.”

Dickinson co-founded the direct action group Axe Drax in Yorkshire. This led to her becoming an organizer of Stop Burning Trees, a coalition working to educate the public about Drax’s climate impact. A major goal was to end Drax’s government subsidies, which were coming up for renewal.

“We did street outreach, knocked on doors in communities around the Drax plant, and built relationships with workers and unions,” Dickinson said.

In February 2025, the U.K.’s Minister for Energy made an announcement: Government support for Drax will continue through the period from 2027-2031, but at half the current level. This suggests Members of Parliament are at least beginning to see Drax’s subsidies as a liability. 

“Drax having its subsidies extended is far from what we wanted,” Dickinson said. “Still, the deal they got is far from being what Drax wanted, either.” 

U.K. activists have continued pressuring Drax. In May, Axe Drax nonviolently disrupted the company’s annual meeting, blocking entrances to the building where the gathering took place and delaying its start time by an hour. Meanwhile, biomass opponents won a victory in mainland Europe when plans for a massive biomass power plant in the Netherlands were canceled last year.

Drax, which has expanded into the global market, now operates pellet mills in the U.S. and Canada, sourcing much of the wood burned in its Yorkshire plant from the U.S. South. In 2024, Drax also entered a partnership with Golden State Natural Resources in California. 

But as support for Drax wanes in the U.K., it and other biomass companies are also running into trouble in North America. Thanks to opposition from local communities, several new or existing biomass pellet projects have been shelved or shut down in the past year — including in the industry’s heartland. 

Recent wins

When Mississippi state regulators denied a permit for a Drax pellet plant in the small community of Gloster last April, the decision showed how grassroots pressure is starting to push policymakers to take a harder line toward the forest biomass industry. 

Drax was requesting a change to its regulatory status that would have allowed it to emit more air pollution and increase the volume of pellets it could produce. When Mississippi’s Environmental Quality Permit Board met to discuss the plan, locals fed up with existing pollution from the plant turned out in force. 

“The community of Gloster packed the room,” said Legendre, the Dogwood Alliance campaign director. 

The board’s initial vote to deny the permit was later reversed after a flurry of public relations work by Drax convinced state regulators to backtrack and side with the company. However, the effort Drax had to expend to get its way in an industry-friendly state suggests the movement against biomass is having a real impact. 

Other biomass projects in Mississippi, a regional hub for the industry, were outright defeated last year. In February, biomass giant Enviva announced it would close a plant in the town of Amory, which once processed up to 115,000 metric tons of pellets annually. A massive new Enviva plant in Bond, Mississippi, is also unlikely to move forward. 

Industry attempts to expand to the U.S. West Coast have run into resistance, too. GSNR’s California development plans were opposed by a diverse coalition including forest defender groups, climate activists and environmental justice organizations like the Stockton-based Little Manila Rising. 

“It was a kind of unprecedented urban-rural alliance that came together to fight this project,” said Hughes, of Biofuelwatch. 

Another proposed Drax pellet mill in Longview, Washington, drew opposition from nearby residents and local climate groups. That project would have processed up to 450,000 metric tons of wood annually, exposing surrounding working-class neighborhoods to air and noise pollution. In December 2025, Drax put the project on indefinite hold.

“I am glad the Drax pellet project is gone from Longview,” said Diane Dick, a longtime climate organizer in the community. “I look forward to their forest destruction business being gone from North America.”

Drax also recently closed an existing pellet plant in British Columbia, citing a challenging business climate. Even so, the forest biomass industry in North America is far from defeated. Corporate giants like Drax and Enviva still operate pellet mills in Canada and the U.S. South. A smaller company called Pacific Northwest Renewable Energy has proposed building a large pellet plant in Hoquiam, Washington. Several existing power plants in New England also run on biomass pellets, with plans in the works for new projects that are opposed by activists

“As long as harm is being done to communities affected by biomass plants, this story isn’t over,” Hughes said. “We’re not going to declare victory when we’re far from getting to the end of this fight.”

Growing the movement 

Up to this point, organized resistance to forest biomass has come mainly from those who are directly affected by the industry, and a relatively small number of regional or international groups focused specifically on this issue.

“What we’ve done so far has been with a very small subset of impacted communities and those who care about Southern forests,” Legendre said. “I can only imagine what might happen when we bring the movement to a larger scale.”

Part of this process entails getting the broader climate movement to more explicitly embrace stopping forest biomass as one of its goals. 

“People who are already involved in other climate campaigns might feel, understandably, that they can’t take on another fight,” said Brown, of Biofuelwatch. “But something as simple as organizations who work on fossil fuels incorporating opposition to forest biomass into their existing messaging can really help, without creating a lot of new work.” 

In 2024, Enviva filed for bankruptcy, restructuring itself as a private company. Its troubles are another sign opposition to the biomass industry is having an effect — but activists fear the new structure will make it easier for Enviva to avoid public scrutiny. Meanwhile, Drax has floated building a data center in Yorkshire to prop up demand for its power plant.

“We have a real chance to put the final nail in the coffin of Drax and the biomass industry,” Dickinson said. “But they’re never going to be the ones to put themselves in the ground. It’s our job to fight them to the very end.”Email

Nick Engelfried is an environmental writer, educator, and activist living in the Pacific Northwest. He is the author of "Movement Makers: How Young Activists Upended the Politics of Climate Change."

EPA Sued for Backtracking on Greenhouse Gas Regulation

Source: Inside Climate News

Two lawsuits filed Wednesday in the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals mark the beginning of a rocky legal road for the Environmental Protection Agency following its reversal of a 2009 rule underpinning federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions.

The challenges include a lawsuit brought against both the EPA and its administrator, Lee Zeldin, by a coalition of 17 health and environmental groups, as well as a suit filed on behalf of 18 youths across the United States.

Created in the wake of a 2007 Supreme Court decision, Massachusetts v. EPA, which unambiguously held that greenhouse gases are pollutants under the Clean Air Act, the 2009 endangerment finding states that current or projected concentrations of greenhouse gases “threaten the public health and welfare of current and future generations.”

Reversing the 17-year-old scientific finding effectively undermines the EPA’s authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from sectors such as motor vehicles and power plants. 

“This repeal has no basis in law, science or reality, and human health is at extreme risk,” Georges Benjamin, the executive director of the American Public Health Association, said in a Wednesday press conference. “The Trump administration is making climate denialism the official government policy and undercutting the EPA’s ability to act.”

In a White House press conference last week, President Donald Trump hailed the endangerment finding reversal as “the single largest deregulatory action in American history.”

The EPA is attempting “an end run” around the 2007 Supreme Court decision, said the Sierra Club’s Andres Restrepo, senior attorney for the organization’s environmental law program. “They’re relying on what is clearly a mischaracterization of that decision,” Restrepo said.

“EPA is bound by the laws established by Congress, including under the CAA [Clean Air Act]. Congress never intended to give EPA authority to impose GHG [greenhouse gas regulations] for cars and trucks,” the agency wrote in a statement to Inside Climate News, following the lawsuits’ filing on Wednesday.

The lawsuit brought by environmental and health groups, including the Sierra Club, will challenge the EPA’s attempt to bypass the Supreme Court’s Massachusetts v. EPA decision and abandon responsibility for protecting citizens from greenhouse gas emissions, Restrepo said.

The EPA has said its decision is based on legal doctrine, not climate science, and has had to distance itself from the “Climate Working Group” of prominent climate skeptics cited in the original proposal to reverse the endangerment finding. The scientific community widely criticized the findings of the working group, and a federal judge ruled that Energy Secretary Chris Wright violated the Federal Advisory Committee Act by establishing the group.

“EPA carefully considered and reevaluated the legal foundation of the 2009 Endangerment Finding, the text of the CAA [Clean Air Act], and the Endangerment Finding’s legality in light of subsequent legal developments and court decisions,” the agency’s press office told Inside Climate News. “Unlike our predecessors, the Trump EPA is committed to following the law exactly as it is written and as Congress intended—not as others might wish it to be.”

Though the agency is no longer making a scientific argument for the repeal of the endangerment finding, science and health experts say the decision amounts to climate denialism.

“Simply put, there is no way to make the agency’s statutory claims without fundamentally misreading the science,” said Carlos Javier Martinez, a senior climate scientist with the Union of Concerned Scientists. “Scientifically, this decision by the Environmental Protection Agency is reckless, illogical and ignores the vast majority of public comments.” 

The Alliance of Nurses for a Healthy Environment is among several health organizations joining the suit, along with the American Public Health Association, the American Lung Association and Physicians for Social Responsibility. 

“We need to call the Trump Administration’s repeal of the Engagement Finding what it is—climate denialism and the EPA abandoning its responsibility to protect us from climate change,” said Katie Huffling, a doctor of nursing practice and executive director of the Alliance of Nurses for a Healthy Environment, in a statement issued Wednesday.Email

Anika Jane Beamer covers the environment and climate change in Iowa, with a particular focus on water, soil and CAFOs. A lifelong Midwesterner, she writes about changing ecosystems from one of the most transformed landscapes on the continent. She holds a master’s degree in science writing from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology as well as a bachelor’s degree in biology and Spanish from Grinnell College. She is a former Outrider Fellow at Inside Climate News and was named a Taylor-Blakeslee Graduate Fellow by the Council for the Advancement of Science Writing.

The Erosion of EPA Enforcement Under Trump Creates a Public Health Risk



 February 20, 2026

Weyerhaeuser plant, Halsey, Oregon. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

It’s been a tumultuous couple of weeks for the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The agency followed through on its plan to rescind the 2009 Endangerment Finding and all the rules and decisions based on it. This action means the federal government no longer considers carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases — which result from burning fossil fuels like coal, oil, and gas — a threat to public health and welfare, which goes against the government’s own thorough review of existing scientific research and all the evidence that has been added since 2009.

On top of that, legal actions initiated by the Department of Justice on behalf of the EPA against alleged polluters have sharply decreased, according to a new reportfrom the Environmental Integrity Project. The report found only 16 such legal actions, a 76 percent drop from the number taken during the Biden administration’s first year. But that’s not the only metric by which the EPA’s work has declined under Trump. EPA’s Enforcement Compliance and History Online (ECHO) database shows how little the EPA enforces its own regulations.

In particular, data for compliance and enforcement activities conducted under the 1976 Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (RCRA) for hazardous waste handlers show a large gap in the number of formal actions taken between Biden and Trump (see figure below).

Unlike the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, in which EPA delegates a lot of authority to state agencies, RCRA gave EPA the authority to control hazardous waste “from cradle to grave.” This is why in the figure below, states are consistent in the number and percentage of actions they take across administrations. That is because EPA is supposed to lead the way on enforcement. If you look at the states as the control group and the administration as the experimental group, this starts to make sense.

So what is considered hazardous waste? Title 40 of the US Code of Federal Regulations lists everything from petroleum refinery wastewater treatment sludges and the output of pesticide manufacturing to discarded commercial chemical products. These wastes share common traits: they are flammable, corrosive, unstable (meaning they react with other chemicals or water to produce gases or potentially explode), and toxic. Mixed waste contains all those components and radioactive materials. Hazardous waste that is improperly disposed of poses a serious risk to public health and the environment. Contamination of water sources can lead to severe outcomes, including elevated cancer rates, lethal effects on both humans and wildlife, and toxicity to vegetation.

The EPA or state EPA offices can take informal and formal actions against facilities to enforce compliance. Informal actions are less serious and often involve a written warning, while formal actions are usually reserved for more serious violations and may include penalties. Examples of formal actions include court orders or administrative orders with a compliance schedule. The figure above shows that the Biden administration issued far more formal actions than the Trump administration in its first term and the first year of the second term. Not only that, the data show that the Biden administration took more than 3,200 formal and informal actions against alleged polluters, almost double the number Trump took in his first term (1,823).

While the Trump administration claims that taking these recent actions — reversing the endangerment finding, reducing regulations for companies, etc.—will save consumers money, the truth is that these moves will have a very real cost in terms of public health and environmental degradation. Findings in just the last five years have linked fossil fuel emissions to respiratory illnesses such as asthma and premature birth rates. There is also plenty of research showing that facilities that generate hazardous waste are often located in or near marginalized neighborhoods. Communities of color are disproportionately affected by environmental hazards, according to the EPA’s own data. Black Americans, for example, are 75 percent more likely to reside in “fenceline communities” — areas situated near hazardous waste sites and polluting facilities.

Regulations are not created arbitrarily by politicians and policymakers. They are based on scientific evidence and real examples of companies putting profits over public safety. When the evidence is ignored, the true price of “savings” is measured in public health crises and disproportionate harm to the nation’s most vulnerable communities. Instead of “Make America Healthy Again,” these actions are more likely to “Make America Sick Again,” and the public shouldn’t stand for it.