Saturday, November 15, 2025

TARF (Trans-Affirmative Radical Frankenstein) By Way of Guillermo Del Toro


 November 14, 2025

“I find a deep affinity between myself as a transsexual woman and the monster in Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein. Like the monster, I am too often perceived as less than fully human due to the means of my embodiment; like the monster’s as well, my exclusion from human community fuels a deep and abiding rage in me that I, like the monster, direct against the conditions in which I must struggle to exist.” —Susan Stryker, 1994

Director Guillermo Del Toro has never hidden his affectations for El espíritu de la colmena (<Spirit of the Beehive> dir. Victor Erice, 1973), a picture whose narrative centers upon a Franco-era Spanish village holding a screening of the beloved 1931 James Whale Frankenstein film, and so it should come as no surprise he has selected for adaptation Shelley’s classic novel, one that holds the mighty distinction of being named as a foundational text for both horror and science fiction literary genres. Indeed, I purchased the commemorative 200th anniversary issue of DePauw University’s Science Fiction Studies (Vol. 45, July 2018), which testified to its literary power at its bicentennial and proves surprisingly relevant to the film review at hand.

“I am… the child of a charnel house… I am obscene to you, but to myself I simply am.” -Creature

Like Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (dir. Kenneth Branagh, 1994), this picture aspires towards hyper-fealty regarding the source novel. We are initially introduced to a Royal Dutch Naval expedition lodged on ice near the North Pole in 1857. The crew brings aboard the maimed Victor Frankenstein (Oscar Isaacs), who in turn is pursued by his artificial Creature (Jacob Elordi), the result of experiments in reanimating human cadavers. The two end up in the quarters of the ship’s hell-bent Captain Anderson (Lars Mikkelsen), narrating their respective sides of the story.

Let’s begin with the date: The original novel was published/set in 1818 while Del Toro’s film is set in 1855-1857, the immediate aftermath of the 1848 revolutions. Considering the director made two movies set during and immediately after the Spanish Civil War, it is not hard to perceive the political ramifications that he desires to import into the film. As a Mexican national, 1855 for Del Toro means the final exile of Antonio López de Santa Anna and the beginning of La Reforma, the secularization and anticlerical measures taken to create Mexican liberal democracy. Likewise, the latter date in the diegetic film timeline is the year of the new Mexican Constitution, one that was denounced publicly by Rome. In March 1857, Archbishop José Lázaro de la Garza y Ballesteros proclaimed Catholic Mexicans who swore allegiance to La Constitución Política de la República Mexicana de 1857 risked excommunication. This was a response, in part, to a thirty-five article land reform package, the Lerdo Law, initially proposed on June 25, 1856. If we grant some leeway in the proposition that the director has selected this two-year diegetic film timeline to intentionally correlate with the Mexican Reforma, the confrontation with Modernity is only that much more obviated and it is delivered in bodily terms.

Here I would borrow from the Black Feminist Hortense Spillers, who described the body and its flesh as its own form of “text,” something unto which is inscribed various histories and legacies we call life. For Spillers, this “reading of the body” entails a deeper confrontation with the Triangle Trade and the history of slavery; Spillers reads the scars of the slaver’s whip upon the back of an African held captive as a slave and recognizes these marks connote an entire history, an entire narrative, of struggle against captivity. Stryker likewise reaches for this framework, writing “You, as much as I, are responsible for the monster that I am.” A trauma history is not solely a written document, it is a set of experiences that are permanently and irreversibly written into your neurological system. Stryker herself confirms in retrospective interviews that her initial work with the Shelley novel emerged simultaneous with her engagement with the San Francisco BDSM scene in the late 1980s and early 1990s, where the body is subjectively treated in a powerful manner pursuing pleasure, inscribed with objectification in an affirmative manner.

Del Toro utilizes a medical apparatus that includes life-sized cross sections of the lymphatic system, laid out on a slab of wood and regarded as an educational text by medical practitioners. Victor’s use of cadavers is unanimously denounced by his academic superiors, leading to the termination of his professorship, following a vivid demonstration of the technological marvel. The Creature narrates his half of the diegetic film narrative, a text in its own right. Throughout the film, Victor fills his notebook with explanations of his method. Bodies are objectified and “read” as texts that create narrative developments; the Creature returns to the site of his birth and comes upon Victor’s aforementioned notebook, enabling him to comprehend who and what he is as the Creature.

Like Mexican society, the premodern Frankenstein family exists in the post-Napoleonic world and this is about their confrontation with Modernity. The Creature symbolizes a level of collision with Modernity, insofar as the revulsion expressed by various humans towards the Creature demonstrates a distinctive reflex that is equivalent to the transgression of norms and boundaries such as the gender binary or, in the case of Mexico in 1855, a social contract privileging the Church.

To begin his half of the story, Victor Frankenstein’s saintly mother (Mia Goth) dies birthing younger brother William (Felix Kammerer) to his beastly elder father (Charles Dance), feeding into the Freudian modus operandi of the mad scientist’s aspirations to conquer death. Henrich Harlander (Christoph Walz), the rich uncle of William’s betrothed Elizabeth (Goth, again), eventually steps forward to finance Victor’s experiments after he is purged from academia.

Del Toro is like a kid in a candy store during this first section of the film, featuring blood and gore splashing everywhere in homage to his own low-budget horror roots in pictures like Cronos (1992). This is a Gothic wonderland rivaling the best of Tim Burton, showing clear influences from German Expressionism as well. Isaacs and Walz ham it up on gloriously Baroque sets with magnificent costumes, the centerpiece being the tower where they enact their experiments upon freshly-hung corpses harvested from the gallows. If there is one thing that merits emphasis, it is that this is a neo-Gothic Romantic picture, not a gory horror film, and so this affords Del Toro space for exuberant blood-soaked glee akin to contemporaneous Sweeney Todd penny dreadfuls, creating a cinematic haunted house filled with all sorts of intriguing architectural joys.

Although Del Toro said his Pinocchio (2022) concluded the informal Antifascist Trilogy begun with El espinazo del diablo (<The Devil’s Backbone>, 2001) and El laberinto del fauno (<Pan’s Labyrinth>, 2006), it is difficult to ignore how he yet again returns to a recurring theme, the instrumentation and objectification of the female reproductive capacity within a wider social matrix underwritten by militarism and carcerality. In a post-Dobbs post-Roe v. Wade landscape, these themes take on a deeper gravity than the aforementioned productions might have been capable of. In one scene, it is all-but-stated that Father Frankenstein did something dastardly in the delivery room in order to rescue the unborn baby boy at the cost of his wife’s life; by contrast, transition and trans identity hinge upon negation of precisely those social coordinates, seeking to eliminate patriarchy. Stryker’s article includes a deeply personal reflection of being made to feel enraged in the midst of a childbirth by her partner; after three days of a complicated delivery, someone saying “It’s a girl!” triggers the author. Stryker interrogates this to its furthest degree possible and argues that imposing such an identity upon a child is a form of violence. We can ascribe parallel argumentation to the assignation of “Creature” as opposed to “human” for the reanimated cadaver at the center of the story; “the Creature” connotes character descriptors such as “demonic” or “inhuman,” delimiting what level of human empathy it should be entitled to. To be trans or to be the Creature is to be criminalized, unworthy of sympathy, stigmatized and ostracized.

We further witness how such normative expectations and privileges still underwrite the plight of the Creature. Father Frankenstein tutors his son in distinctly premodern medicine, quizzing the boy about the body’s various humors as opposed to the nuances of Modern discoveries about the pulmonary system. It warrants mention here that 1853-1855 also was the period when the despicable Frenchman Arthur de Gobineau first published and promulgated his theories of scientific racism; his Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races demonstrated another kind of response to the confrontation with Modernity that is presented by the Creature. It is likewise hard to ignore the obvious level of similarity between Gobineau’s scientifistic demonization of the non-Aryan and the scientific treatment of the Creature. In the first half of the film narrated by Victor, he admits to shamelessly beating the Creature. This dehumanization shared by Gobineau and Victor underwrites the larger challenge presented within the film: Who is the true monster, the Creature or Victor Frankenstein? If we acknowledge how sci-fi/horror has often relied upon framings and constructs that replicate the notions of racialism uncritically, we see how the Creature is dehumanized via mechanisms and processes reliant upon a racialist hierarchy. The cinematic truism is that the Creature might not be human because he is inhuman, endowed with eternal life and regenerative healing capability. And yet, it is the humanity of Victor Frankenstein that is subject to true scrutiny.

“An idea, a feeling became clear to me. The hunter did not hate the wolf. The wolf did not hate the sheep. But violence felt inevitable between them. Perhaps, I thought, this was the way of the world. It would hunt you and kill you just for being who you are.” -Creature

Frankenstein, regardless of how you package it, always carries at its core the Cartesian critique of consciousness and the inquiry into human agency. It is easy to read the film as just an analogy for artificial intelligence, or just an elaborate same-sex romantic analogy, without grappling with these deeper Cartesian queries, namely, “If indeed I do think, has that validated my existence and consciousness?” The aforementioned James Whale version gave us Boris Karloff as a hulking and incompetent mass as opposed to the agile, brilliant character Shelley had created in her novel.

Susan Stryker argues that there is an affinity between Victor Frankenstein and gender-affirmative healthcare providers. “I emulate…Mary Shelley’s literary monster, who is quick-witted, agile, strong, and eloquent,” she writes. Stryker sees gender confirmation as akin to the construction of the reanimated corpse. “The transsexual body is an unnatural body. It is the product of medical science. It is a technological construction. It is flesh torn apart and sewn together again in a shape other than that which it was born,” she says. The rage she experiences/designates as a result of transphobic violence, like that experienced by the Creature, grants her the courage to assert the Cartesian declaration of agency, to fearlessly claim trans identity, cogito ergo sum.

The Creature’s perception of “the way of the world” and how brutal nature becomes is very deeply applicable to the criminalization of LGBTQ+ bodies, and especially intensified criminalization of BIPOC bodies in such circumstances. The Kaiser Fund writes “KFF polling shows that a majority of trans adults (64%) say they have been verbally attacked and 1 in 4 say they have been physically attacked because of their gender identity, gender expression, or sexual identity. The share of trans adults who have been physically attacked because of their gender identity increases to 31% among trans people of color.” The Trump era mandates every non-cis person make a daily decision, whether or not to “go stealth” so as to not risk harassment or assault/battery by transphobic individuals. Indeed, since the last Election, it has “felt safer” to present as a cis male rather than a trans woman. If I let my facial hair grow out for a few days, two things happen: People will “safely presume” I am a cis male and this extended facial growth will give me an extended panic attack linked to my dysphoria. The itch and scratch of facial hair triggers my dysphoria symptoms in ways that generate a slow, grinding, endless stream of anxiety.

We cannot avoid this criminalization because of who we are and how we transgress hyper-policed trajectories and boundaries for “appropriate” or “acceptable” expressions of trans identity. Likewise, the Creature cannot escape prejudices imposed upon him. As normative gender expectations structure a set of social codes governing trans bodies, so too the Creature is confronted with similar policing.

The question becomes one of simile: Is it appropriate to structure our understanding of the Creature in the same way we structure our understanding of gender, or is there a deeper meaning that is being obscured? Again, the Cartesian thesis “I think therefore I am” carries tremendous gravity in this inquiry. Gender is a social technology, yes, but gender dysphoria is a concrete diagnosis for my symptoms. I use hormone therapy so as to alleviate distinct anxiety, distress, and bodily sensations. Even if “gender” did not exist as a binary social construct, I would still experience dysphoria’s symptoms owing to lack of estrogen and progesterone. By contrast, the Creature has no diagnosis (and indeed, Del Toro goes the extra mile by giving the character instantaneous regenerative healing powers, emphasizing its immortality). This is a divergence along the lines of bodily ability.

What is it that structures our understanding of trans bodies and identities as necessarily “acceptable” or not? While trans integration moves forward haltingly, the challenge of imposing cis-normative expectations upon trans bodies stands without having many contenders. One vivid example of this was the rather atrocious interview Congresswoman Sarah McBride gave to Ezra Klein in June 2025. The combination of news camera cinematography, lighting, and the body language of both interview participants established a clear message: Sarah McBride is represents not only her constituents, she represents trans woman identity itself. Because she is subject to higher scrutiny, because she is frequently misgendered by her colleagues during the Congressional sessions, because she has demonstrated she is able to be elected by a moderate state like Delaware, she needs to be seen as a role model that all other trans women seek to replicate. Klein, McBride, and The New York Times Editorial desk that published this video/podcast made obvious that they desire to see trans identity delimited to a Clinton-style neoliberal and imperialist feminism, delivering a persona that would be at home in the Head Accounting office of you local bank.

The expectation that a trans person embrace all normative components that we define as “cis identities” hinges upon unexamined privileges regarding issues like pediatric bullying or ability. “The consciousness shaped by the transsexual body is no more the creation of the science that refigures its flesh than the monster’s mind is the creation of Frankenstein,” says Stryker. To be trans is not to aspire to look as a cis person does, contra Sarah McBride; using “she” pronouns does not connote a desire to replicate cis feminine virtues, expectations, or normativities. Because we are bullied and traumatized, our symptoms preclude us from taking advantage of these archetypal identities.

So too is the Creature precluded from such “acceptability.”

“Forgive. Forget. The true measure of wisdom: To know you have been harmed, by whom you have been harmed, and choose to let it all fade.” -Old Man

One classic element of the story is when the Creature takes refuge with a blind Old Man (David Bradley). Throughout the story, the blind man’s Son (Kyle Gatehouse) repeatedly fires his rifle at the Creature out of revulsion and disgust. The reflex is so distinctively anti-human, in the sense the shooters abrogate any potential for humanity to exist within the Creature, that one is compelled to equate this with militant policing. The alpha son/male of the household defends not just hearth and home; gendered hierarchies, sexual mores, and notions of bodily autonomy likewise are administered by this same technologies, creating a patriarchal social ordering.

The Creature hides in the blind man’s barn, espying the Old Man tutoring his young granddaughter in literacy, which in turn eventuates a highly-literate monster, versed in both the Bible and John Milton. This sequence of education by the kindly Old Man whose blindness prevents perception of the Creature’s most ghastly features demonstrates a powerful analogy for the way gender is learned and performed as a social practice. It would be relatively easy to substitute a non-cis person for the Creature in this landscape and see Shelley’s original sequence transformed into a morality play on gender conformity in the 19th century.

The Old Man’s incapability of prejudice towards the Creature offers a deeper seam for contemplation. What he advises the Creature is, fundamentally, the most relevant words about trans experience possible. The Old Man’s “blindness” to transphobia, so to speak, demonstrates Del Toro’s distinctive humanist ethos.

“I sought and longed for something I could not quite name. But in you, I found it.” -Elizabeth

In stark contrast with the cis-/hetero-sexist ordering of society, the Creature and Elizabeth find refuge together. Her unabashed sympathy for the Creature makes her, along with the Blind Old Man, the only other person that dignifies his humanity.

The Creature is built of human parts, just as the trans body is human and “built” via medical interventions.

As such, the criminalization of these two bodies is a location of both pain but also liberation.

“Confronting the implications of [gender’s] constructedness can summon up all the violation, loss, and separation inflicted by the gendering process that sustains the illusion of naturalness. My transsexual body literalizes this abstract violence,” writes Stryker. “We do have something else to say, if you will but listen to the monsters: the possibility of meaningful agency and action exists, even within fields of domination that bring about the universal cultural rape of all flesh. Be forewarned, however, that taking up this task will remake you in the process. By speaking as a monster in my personal voice, by using the dark, watery images of Romanticism and lapsing occasionally into its brooding cadences arid grandiose postures, I employ the same literary techniques Mary Shelley used to elicit sympathy for her scientist’s creation.”

This has been an ugly decade for trans rights. In 2015, the Obama administration rolled out its final anti-discrimination regulations for health insurers, outlawing non-cis patient discrimination. For decades, gender confirmation had been an expensive set of health options that most insurers designated as “inessential” procedures on par with plastic surgery. Now, overnight, two major developments: mandatory coverage and, more drastically, re-definition of gender dysphoria from “disorder” to “normative” within the pages of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, 5th Edition (DSM-V).

This was meant to eliminate a decades-long case of queer medical discrimination that had impeded non-cis employee performance. Indeed, one should lend particular notice to how tremendously conservative this implementation was. It still came at the expense of the Public Option during the Obama administration negotiations around the Affordable Care Act. The ACA’s expansion of Medicaid has saved untold lives, including my own; yet the mandate to purchase private health insurance via the exchange system, the opt-out capability granted to the state level governments, and numerous other systemic flaws result in outcomes where 8.2% of Americans were uninsured in 2024.

As Klein rightfully pointed out in his interview with McBride, the Obama administration failed to present an adequate and meaningful public health education program so as to inform the public about this topic, instead leaving it in the hands of clumsy workplace HR officers who never even heard of Judith Butler. Unlike AIDS, tobacco consumption, lead paint, or other public health education initiatives, the federal public healthcare establishment has continued to neglect this obligation.

As a result of this negligence, the American right mobilized a Culture War during the start of a Presidential Election cycle. A frequent matter of interest parallel to the Trump versus Clinton contest was the matter of trans integration, with Time Magazine having declared 2014 “The Transgender Tipping Point.” Yet inadequate public health education made this much more volatile than the original headline editors initially considered.

I therefore chose a rather inopportune to initiate gender confirmation and continue to struggle along such lines. The truth is that I have been hurt and likewise have hurt others as I have traveled down this very messy path. I “knew” as early as third grade I wanted to wear Catholic school jumpers. Challenges I have encountered included serious illnesses and episodes of trauma. In that regard, I, like Stryker, can see the Creature in the mirror.

And it is in this regard that I commend the picture under discussion. Yes, it is so colorful, with such elaborate and gorgeous costuming, that it is impossible to ignore the pure gaiety of the production values in the most vividly queer sense. This is an ornate adaptation that opportunes important discussion about gender.

Andie Stewart is a documentary film maker and reporter who lives outside Providence.  His film, AARON BRIGGS AND THE HMS GASPEE, about the historical role of Brown University in the slave trade, is available for purchase on Amazon Instant Video or on DVD.

 

Offensive Realism Disrobed


Following the publication in 2001 of his book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, John Mearsheimer’s notion of Offensive Realism (OR) has become widely regarded (in academe and in state policy circles) as a no-nonsense, pragmatic and now preeminent ‘theory’ of how and why it is that the so-called great powers of the world behave – and should behave – in the ways that they do.

Adherents to OR take the view, which can be inferred from the book’s title, that we may not like the way that it portrays the world, but that, unfortunately, is how things are.

As the progenitor of the faith, Mearsheimer himself proselytises his ‘theory’ (we consider below its scientific merits) with considerable vigour and conviction, displaying an almost evangelical certainty about its validity and, like many ideologues, a sometimes faintly bemused puzzlement and condescension towards those who might have the temerity to suppose differently, no matter how polite and credible such others might be.

After a short account of the principal tenets of OR, this essay explains why the ‘theory’ is deficient and dangerous and should be rejected.

Principal tenets

OR proposes that nation-states are rational actors driven by self-interest.

They compete to survive in an anarchic world where there is no effective, accepted superordinate authority they can call on to resolve disputes.

In order to survive, and because competitors cannot be trusted, states must therefore acquire and maintain sufficient military and economic power to protect themselves against threats which, Mearsheimer (2019) concedes, ‘can be a ruthless and bloody business’. This is usually done at the expense of rival states and is a zero-sum game.

The best way to achieve state security and protect state interests is to maximise power to become a regional and/or global hegemon. This is clearly difficult in a multipolar world and may call for restraint. In this important sense of power maximisation – and others (immediately below) – OR is normative.

War should only be contemplated in the great powers’ ‘neighbourhood’ and in ‘distant areas that are either home to another great power or the site of a critically important resource’ (Mearsheimer, 2019, p. 17, ibid).

While alliances with other states are possible, they cannot be relied upon and are usually temporary and subject to unpredictable changes arising from shifting balances of power and interest.

The proponents of OR assert that the condition of the world and the behaviour of states provide innumerable empirical verifications of it.

Moreover, the rationality attributed to such behaviour produces a tautological result – either state behaviour conforms to the rationality that OR stipulates or it is, by definition, irrational. This is exemplified when Mearsheimer (2019, p. 17, ibid) asserts that ‘the US will have little choice but to adopt a realist foreign policy, simply because it must prevent China from becoming a regional hegemon in Asia’. If it doesn’t do so, then, according to OR, it will be behaving irrationally.

Mearsheimer (2019, ibid) is keen to remind us that he is a ‘hard-nosed’, no-nonsense kind of guy. Yet it seems that he does have a soft spot. When the occasion demands it, he does not seem to be averse to placing rose coloured spectacles on his redoubtable facial protuberance.

His view of post-WWII US ‘liberal democracy’, which he regards as ‘the best political order’, provides a vivid illustration of this in that he accepts en toto what has been shown to be the patently silly idea that liberalism:

“… has an activist mentality woven into its core. The belief that all humans have a set of inalienable rights, and that protecting these rights should override other concerns, [which] creates a powerful incentive for liberal states to intervene when other countries – as they do on a regular basis – violate their citizens’ rights…This logic pushes liberal states to favour using force to turn autocracies into liberal democracies, not only because doing so would ensure that individual rights are never again trampled in those countries, but also because they believe liberal democracies do not fight wars with each other” (Mearsheimer, 2019, p. 14, ibid).

The reasons for the breathtaking naivete and romanticism of the views expressed in this paragraph are so well known that they need not detain us here. Indeed, more than a little ironically, my writing of this article coincides with the US’s withdrawal from the Universal Periodic Review of Human Rights.

We can only suppose that Mearsheimer’s willingness to overlook the yawning gap between the rhetoric and reality of liberal democracy in the US (and elsewhere) bespeaks an ulterior motive. In order to promote the virtues and validity of OR – as, among other things, being less war-like than his missionary version of liberal democracy – perhaps he has simply resorted to constructing the flimsiest of straw men?

Clearly, Mearsheimer would have us believe that, if in the last 75 years or so US-led liberal democracies have been overly warlike and aggressive in their foreign policies, they could only have been so for the very best, humane, and altruistic reasons.

So, apart from the latter suggestion (apologia), which is clearly ludicrous and must surely make us wonder about the meanings that Mearsheimer attaches to state behaviours generally (the waving or drowning problem), why should we object to any of this?

Epistemological frailties

‘If we can’t explain why a cockroach decides to turn left, how can we explain why a human being decides to do something’ (Chomsky, 2002)

Metaphysical doctrines. Chomsky’s caution has done little to dampen the enthusiasm or slow the growth of the sizable industry that depends on the public’s willingness to accept psychological ‘theories’ of behaviour as valid and worthwhile. Reputations and incomes – particularly in the ‘analytical’ domains of clinical psychology – depend on it. Patients willingly spend thousands of dollars being psychoanalysed so that they can understand why, if they are male, they have unconscious (and untestable) sexual desires for their mothers and regard their fathers as competitors for their mothers’ love and affection. They are told, and accept, that these unconscious desires and the antagonisms surrounding them – together with others enshrined in the epic of the ego, the id, and the superego – have made them into the people they are today.

Remarkably, and despite sharp criticisms of the scientific merits of psychoanalysis and similar psychological theories (and our inability to explain cockroach preferences!), the industry and its primitive superstitions continue to thrive and among other things are testament to people’s willingness to believe (and do) what they are told by authority figures in white coats, as demonstrated many years ago by the methodologically sound but ethically questionable Milgram studies.

In 1962, Karl Popper had this to say about what he called ‘metaphysical doctrines’ of this type:

‘These theories [like psychoanalysis] appeared to be able to explain practically everything that happened within the fields to which they referred. The study of any one of them seemed to have the effect of an intellectual conversion or revelation, opening your eyes to a new truth hidden from those not yet initiated. Once your eyes were opened you saw confirming instances everywhere: the world was full of verification of the theory … it was practically impossible to describe any human behaviour that might not be claimed to be a verification of these theories” (1962, pp. 34-35).’

In the field of international relations, the notion of OR seems to have achieved a similar status and inviolability.

From a scientific standpoint, two related problems lead to Popper’s conclusion.

The sociology of science. First, there is the phenomenon of Kuhn’s ‘normal science’, which offers refuge or cover to those who work within the boundaries of the ruling paradigm (in this case, OR), where they engage in ‘puzzle-solving activities’ that do not threaten their dogma. On the contrary, their job is to find as many confirming instances of it as possible, which, through induction and accumulation, are assumed (wrongly, according to Popper) to ‘verify’ the ‘theory’ that they believe in. As Popper says, ‘confirming instances are seen everywhere’.

Anything that seems contrary to the prevailing view (ruling paradigm) is shunned or, where it is unavoidable, taken to indicate the shortcomings of the normal scientist in question rather than the doctrine to which she adheres.

Criticism and conflict among normal scientists are explicitly discouraged by Kuhn (1970):

“it is also important that group unanimity be a paramount value, causing the group to minimize the occasions for conflict and to reunite quickly …” (1970, p. 21).

“though tests occur frequently in normal science, these tests are of a peculiar sort, for in the final analysis, it is the individual scientists rather than the current theory which is tested” (1970, p. 5).

Epistemological critiques of normal science have been around for a very long time (including some by me), but normal scientists – displaying precisely the ‘virtues’ advocated by Kuhn – carry on regardless. Indeed, in their relentless pursuit of OR verification, some – like Johnson and Thayer (2016) –  have even sought (and found) it in evolutionary theories and the behaviour of other species like chimpanzees, leading them to conclude that:

“To an observant international relations scholar, the behaviour of chimpanzees is remarkably like the behaviour of states predicted by the theory of offensive realism. Offensive realism holds that states are disposed to competition and conflict because they are self-interested, power-maximizing, and fearful of other states. Moreover, theorists of offensive realism argue that states should behave this way because it is the best way to survive in the anarchy of the international system. This parallels the primatologists’ argument that the efforts of chimpanzees to seek territorial expansion and as much power as possible represent an adaptive strategy to ensure survival and promote the success of future generations.”

The black swan problem. Second, and related to the above, is the question of whether ‘theories’ like OR can be tested by observation and shown to be wrong, which is the well-known Popperian falsificationist criterion for distinguishing between science and non-science.

In this view, the proposition that all swans are white cannot be verified by the repeated observation of white swans, but it can be falsified by the observation of a single black swan.

The practices of normal science outlined above violate Popperian falsificationist principles, which are regarded as the basis of the growth of scientific knowledge. Theories that are susceptible to falsification are regarded as superior because they enable scientists to learn from their mistakes and to progress.

As with psychoanalysis, this is not the case with OR. Anything that seems to contradict OR can be discounted by adducing an ad hoc hypothesis or explanation, which leaves the theory intact and makes it impregnable to observable tests.

Accordingly, when states behave in ways that could be construed to be inconsistent with OR, this can be explained away after the fact as – for example – a mistaken power-seeking strategy or as a clever ruse to distract attention away from the state’s real (and rational) – power-maximising, hegemonic – intent, and so on.

To reiterate, one of the main duties of the OR convert or normal scientist is to devise such post hoc explanations in defence of the ruling paradigm.

In short, within the ruling paradigm, ‘black swans’ or falsifications are almost forbidden for ideological reasons, making it impossible for OR to learn from its mistakes, that is, according to conjecture and refutation. This reduces it to a metaphysical doctrine that you either believe in or don’t. In Popper’s view, normal scientists are simply ‘victims of indoctrination’.

The state as a monolithic, black box

Except by acknowledging that it can be subject to ‘domestic’ influences – and attributing fancifully to liberal democracy (as noted briefly above) beliefs in empathy, altruism, and humaneness – Mearsheimer does not invite us to consider what constitutes the state as a rational actor.

Perhaps the internal dynamics of the state are dismissed as immaterial, since OR concerns itself with what states must do to survive rather than with the internal forces that drive them or the special interests they might serve.

By helping to conceal these realities (badly, it has to be said), OR’s monolithic black box view of the state shields behind its apolitical, ‘hard-nosed’ real-world façade the imperialist machinations of a savage capitalism in decline and the crimes of the ruling elites who profit from it.

Conclusion

OR’s masquerade as an unflinching scientific theory of how the cruel world that we live in really works is easily revealed because, like other metaphysical doctrines such as psychoanalysis, it is unfalsifiable. Seeming anomalies or contradictions – such as those identified by Hall (2025) – are either treated as irrelevant and ignored or explained away after the fact by defenders of the faith (Kuhn’s normal scientists) through the introduction of ad hoc hypotheses.

OR’s scientific weaknesses are plain to see.

The dangers of OR stem from its impregnability and relative permanence (according to Kuhn, ruling paradigms can only be overthrown by rare ‘scientific revolutions’), which when combined with its pseudo-scientific and superficially persuasive normalisation of the supposedly innately aggressive (chimp-like) imperialist behaviour of late-stage capitalist states such as the US, make it a particularly effective weapon in the manufacture of consent – and hence the prolongation of late-stage capitalism and its adverse consequences for the future of all forms of life on Earth.

Peter Blunt is Honorary Professor, School of Business, University of New South Wales (Canberra), Australia. He has held tenured full professorships of management in universities in Australia, Norway, and the UK, and has worked as a consultant in development assistance in 40 countries, including more than three years with the World Bank in Jakarta, Indonesia. His commissioned publications on governance and public sector management informed UNDP policy on these matters and his books include the standard works on organisation and management in Africa and, most recently, (with Cecilia Escobar and Vlassis Missos) The Political Economy of Bilateral Aid: Implications for Global Development (Routledge, 2023) and The Political Economy of Dissent: A Research Companion (Routledge, forthcoming 2026). Read other articles by Peter.

 

The Difference Between The US Empire And The British Empire



The difference between people who supported the British Empire and people who support the US Empire is that those who supported the British Empire knew they were supporting an empire.

Someone who supported the British Empire’s acts of mass military slaughter around the world did so because they supported the Crown and wanted His Majesty to civilize the godless savages and turn the whole world into his royal subjects. Someone who supports the US empire’s warmongering thinks they are doing so because Saddam is an evil dictator, because Gaddafi is an evil dictator, because Maduro is an evil dictator, because Hamas and Hezbollah and the Houthis are terrorists, etc.

Supporters of the British Empire understood that enemies of the Empire were being killed because they refused to adequately submit to the King and his demands. Supporters of the US empire think the US and its allies are always attacking Evil Bad Guys in the name of spreading Freedom and Democracy, and if this happens to advance pre-existing geostrategic agendas and/or resource interests, then it is purely by coincidence.

Supporters of the British Empire understood that they lived under an actual empire: a power umbrella comprising colonies, protectorates, dominions, mandates, and territories spanning the globe. Supporters of the US empire think it is entirely by coincidence that there is a giant cluster of nations that happen to move in near-perfect unison on all foreign policy agendas and continually wage war on nations that are not part of that cluster.

The British Empire was entirely open about what it was. It would conquer a place, tell its inhabitants that they are now British subjects, and make them raise the Union Jack on their flagpole. The Western Empire, loosely structured around Washington, allows its member states to keep their own flags and pretend they’re sovereign nations while behaving in ways that are not significantly different from those of the subjects of the British Empire.

The British Empire was open and unapologetic about pilfering resources from the darker-skinned populations it had conquered and using them to improve the lives of people in the imperial core. In the US empire, those resources are extracted in the same way, but under the cover of slogans such as “opening up markets,” “free trade,” and “globalization.”

The British Empire was held in place by brute force and overt indoctrination. People were forcibly subjugated and then, over the years, educated to believe it served their interests to live under the Royal Crown, and if they tried to become independent, the redcoats would be sent in to remind them of His Majesty’s beneficence.

The US-centralized empire is held in place by plenty of brute force as well, but its primary weapon is psychological manipulation. It has the most sophisticated propaganda machine that has ever existed, which trains the minds of its subjects to support all its various agendas of capitalism, militarism, imperialism, and global domination under the guise of news media, Hollywood productions, and Silicon Valley tech services. Disobedient nations find their information ecosystems awash with National Endowment for Democracy reeducation media informing them why their current government doesn’t serve their interests. If that doesn’t work, there will be a “revolution” which decades later the CIA will admit to having fomented and armed.

The US empire is a larger, stronger, sneakier, bitchier, less honest, and more manipulative version of the British Empire. The British Empire told its subjects that they were the King’s property and must do as His Majesty commanded. The US empire subjugates people by tricking them into thinking they are free.

Caitlin Johnstone has a reader-supported Newsletter. All her work is free to bootleg and use in any way, shape or form; republish it, translate it, use it on merchandise; whatever you want. Her work is entirely reader-supported, so if you enjoyed this piece and want to read more you can buy her books. The best way to make sure you see the stuff she publishes is to subscribe to the mailing list on Substack, which will get you an email notification for everything she publishes. All works are co-authored with her husband Tim Foley. Read other articles by Caitlin.