Europe weighs €10bn plan to launch its own astronauts ahead of Rome space summit

Copyright AP Photo

By Stefania De Michele

Published on 26/10/2026 -  EURONEWS

Europe is seeking to boost its presence in space and cut technological dependence on other states. The 15 December ESA summit in Rome will shape choices on astronauts, cargo and investment.

Europe wants to stop depending on others to send its own astronauts into space. The next key date for deciding how to do that is 15 December in Rome, when the member countries of the European Space Agency (ESA) will meet to discuss the future of space exploration. On the table are multi-billion-euro investments, new technologies and one strategic issue: ensuring that Europe can reach Earth orbit with its own means, without relying exclusively on services provided by foreign companies.

The summit, officially the Intermediate Ministerial Meeting 2026, comes at a time of transformation in the sector. Member states will have to assess proposals to strengthen Europe’s role in low Earth orbit, prepare for the post-International Space Station era and build the continent’s presence on the Moon, while also looking towards Mars. The aim is not to abandon international cooperation, but to take part in it with greater autonomy.

Ten billion euros to send European astronauts into space

The most ambitious challenge concerns human spaceflight. Today, Europe does not have a fully autonomous system to launch astronauts and bring them back to Earth: for crewed missions to the International Space Station it depends on capabilities developed outside the continent, in particular in the United States.

ESA’s director general, Josef Aschbacher, has proposed investing around €10 billion over ten years to develop a European system capable of carrying astronauts into space and returning them safely. According to the estimates he presented, continuing to buy services from foreign providers could cost European taxpayers about €5 billion over the same period.

These are projections, not funds already allocated: the political and financial decision rests with the member states. The choice, as Aschbacher frames it, is between building up Europe’s own industrial capabilities or continuing to buy services from other operators, with costs and availability that also depend on the commercial decisions of those suppliers.

What is at stake goes beyond transporting astronauts. An autonomous capability would keep a larger share of investment within Europe’s space industry, drive the development of reusable technologies and strengthen the continent’s bargaining power in international programmes.

Ariane 6 and Vega-C: Europe’s renewed access to space begins with its launchers

Autonomy also depends on having reliable rockets that can be launched frequently enough to meet demand. In this field Europe can count on Ariane 6, the heavy launcher developed for institutional and commercial missions, and on Vega-C, designed to place lighter satellites into orbit.

The two launchers are key components of independent access to space. Vega-C, for example, put the FLEX and Sentinel-3C satellites into orbit in September 2026 as part of Europe’s Earth observation activities. The goal is to consolidate launch capabilities and widen opportunities for both public and private customers.

Competition, however, is global. SpaceX has built a model based on frequent launches and reusable rockets, securing a central role in the international market. For Europe, therefore, it is not enough simply to have its own launchers: they must also be competitive in terms of cost, availability and turnaround times.

The challenge also involves new commercial operators. German company Isar Aerospace took a step forward on 5 September 2026, when its Spectrum rocket reached space for the first time, placing five small satellites and an experiment into orbit. The first test flight in March 2025, by contrast, ended after about 30 seconds. The 2026 outcome shows the progress of a European sector in which start-ups are seeking to stand alongside established operators.

Cargo capsules and reusable technologies: the race among European companies

Another piece of the puzzle is the transport of goods to space stations and their possible return to Earth. On 10 September 2026 ESA awarded The Exploration Company a contract worth a total of €760 million for the next phase of the ALADDIN programme, dedicated to developing the Nyx capsule.

The agreement provides €310 million for a demonstration mission and includes a further €450 million for two additional missions, which still have to be confirmed. The aim is to prove Europe’s ability to carry cargo to low Earth orbit and bring it back, starting with a mission to the International Space Station.

The programme marks an important step towards a European commercial service: ESA is not only funding technological development, it is also becoming a key customer for a private company.

At the same time, industry is working on reusable rockets, a technology that can help cut the cost of access to space. This is the context for programmes run by European companies such as France’s MaiaSpace and Italy’s Avio. For the latter, the development of new propulsion and launcher-recovery solutions remains an area to watch, but the results of individual demonstrators and their timelines must be assessed on the basis of official updates.

Italy, the States General to organise the Space Economy

For Italy, the Rome summit comes as the country seeks to strengthen coordination between businesses, research and institutions. The space sector involves major industrial groups, specialist firms, start-ups, universities, research centres and financial operators: a complex value chain in which the ability to work together can make the difference in accessing European programmes and international markets.

In June 2026**,** the cross-party parliamentary group on space chaired by Andrea Mascaretti, launched the States General of the Space Economy. The programme includes twenty events in sixteen Italian regions, with the aim of showcasing aerospace clusters and gathering input from the national production system.

The initiative aims to help define strategic guidelines for the sector. The issue is not only the ability to build satellites or launchers, but also to connect industrial expertise, attract investment and turn innovation into services and economic opportunities.

Life after the International Space Station and the challenge of the Moon

The timetable for European decisions is also linked to changes in human exploration. Under current plans, the International Space Station is due to end operations by 2030, while commercial projects for new low-orbit infrastructure are taking shape. For Europe, securing a role in this scenario means being able to continue carrying out scientific experiments, developing technologies and taking part in future missions without depending entirely on the choices of external partners.

The Moon is the other major objective. The ESA wants to strengthen Europe’s presence through international cooperation and the development of targeted capabilities, viewing Earth orbit and lunar missions as stepping stones towards the exploration of Mars.

On 15 December in Rome, European governments will be asked to discuss the options prepared by the space agency. No single summit is expected to resolve all the sector’s vulnerabilities, but it will be an important step towards understanding which goals states are willing to fund, and on what timescale.

 

German police: Strong wind pushed cruise liner into container ships

26.10.2026, DPA

Photo: Sina Schuldt/dpa

A strong gust of wind caused a cruise ship carrying more than 3,300 passengers and crew to collide with two container vessels while leaving the German North Sea port of Bremerhaven, police said on Monday, sharing new details about Sunday's accident.

TUI-operated Mein Schiff 3 was departing for the Canary Islands on Sunday evening when a gust of wind pushed it towards two container ships moored alongside the harbour wall, police said.

One container ship was severely damaged by the collision, while the other one sustained slight damage, according to police. The cruise ship was also severely damaged, with images showing that the ship's on-board lifeboats were crushed.

"The collision tore open the port side of the large container ship over a length of several metres and deformed the container guides," police said.

No one was injured on any of the three ships and no water entered the vessels, as the damage occurred a few metres above water level, according to police.

Mein Schiff 3 returned to the cruise ship terminal following the collision and all three vessels have been barred from leaving the port.

TUI Cruises confirmed on Monday that it was cancelling the cruise in light of the crash. According to the operator, the cruise ship requires repair work at a shipyard.

According to TUI, 2,428 passengers and 922 crew members were on board the cruise ship at the time.

An eyewitness video verified by dpa shows the cruise ship leaving the port accompanied by tugboats in choppy waters.

The vessel can be seen moving increasingly close to a container ship moored alongside the harbour wall before striking it.

"I think that’s it for the trip," a woman can be heard saying in the clip.

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

 

London mayor hails new era as Oxford Street goes traffic-free

26.10.2026, DPA

Photo: James Manning/PA Wire/dpa

London Mayor Sadiq Khan has hailed the pedestrianization of Oxford Street as "a truly momentous occasion for the capital."

From Monday, almost a kilometre of the busy central London shopping street, between Orchard Street and Great Portland Street, will be traffic-free with vehicles being diverted onto nearby roads.

Oxford Street, which produces an annual spend of around £3.1 billion ($4.1 billion), is one of the world's busiest shopping areas, with around half a million visitors each day and the overhaul comes in time for the run-up to Christmas.

Buses, taxis, private hire vehicles, private motorized vehicles, cycles, scooters and pedicabs can no longer enter while deliveries can be made from midnight to 7 am.

Emergency services will have access to the street at all times.

The area has become increasingly popular as an office location thanks to the Elizabeth line and Khan believes the scheme will help revitalize the site, boost economic growth and attract visitors.

Describing it as "a new vibrant destination", he said: "I'm hugely excited to see my bold vision for Oxford Street coming to life from today. It is a truly momentous occasion for the capital."

He added: "For centuries, Oxford Street has reinvented itself, adapting to changing times and helping shape British culture along the way.

"There has been talk of pedestrianizing Oxford Street for decades. After so many false dawns, and now working with a government who share the scale of my ambition, I'm proud that we're finally unlocking a new era for the street."

He hopes the changes will open up the chance to bring new experiences to the street, from sport to fashion and cultural events.

He said: "Revitalizing Oxford Street will boost jobs and economic growth in the capital, unlock the full potential of this key part of the West End and help build a better, greener and more prosperous London for everyone."

The move marks the first phase of a pedestrianization and wider regeneration project aimed at putting Oxford Street among top global shopping destinations including Times Square, the Champs-Élysées and La Rambla.

Critics have said the scheme is too rushed and fears have been raised about diverted traffic increasing congestion.

New bus stops are sited along Wigmore Street, Henrietta Place and Cavendish Place approximately 200 metres from the traffic-free area.

The deputy leader of Westminster City Council believes Lord Khan is "rushing preparations."

Councillor Tim Barnes has previously said: "If this is going to be the 'greener, better and more prosperous' success that the mayor has promised, then issues around access, air pollution, street cleaning and public safety need answers urgently.

"Right now there's a danger that we will have all of the downsides and too little upside.

"Traffic will be pushed to the small streets nearby causing economic and environmental harm."

The scheme has the backing of businesses including John Lewis and Selfridges, who both described it as "exciting", along with Under Armour and Grosvenor Property plus organizations such as UK Hospitality and the New West End Company.

Minimal construction will take place in the immediate weeks to reduce disruption in the busy Christmas period.

By the end of spring 2027, visitors to Oxford Street should see more than 50 new trees, two new public squares and better signage.

More than 100 new seats, dining tables and new lighting are also to be installed.

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

 

UK's Burnham rules out rejoining EU within this parliamentary term

26.10.2026, DPA

Photo: Temilade Adelaja/PA Wire/dpa

British Prime Minister Andy Burnham has ruled out the prospect of Britain rejoining the EU within this parliamentary term.

Burnham said he would not “move ahead of the public” but that he wanted to see the UK return to the bloc within his lifetime and would work to secure a better deal with Brussels.

He insisted a general election would not be called “any time soon” amid speculation he could go to the country early to secure a mandate of his own and put proposals to rejoin to voters following a bounce in Labour’s poll ratings.

Asked about Brexit on ITV’s Good Morning Britain, Burnham said: “I don’t think things have worked out as people said they would at the time, particularly when it comes to immigration.

“I think we’ve got weaker control now. The reason the small boats crisis has arisen is because we can’t return people, and people know we can’t do that in the same way that we used to be able to do.”

But he added: “I’m not proposing any changes in this Parliament. I’m not going to move away from the red lines that were in the Labour manifesto.

“I am respecting what I said to the voters in Makerfield, but I’m not going to say this morning, sitting here, that the deal we’ve got at the moment is good enough for Britain. I don’t think it is good enough for Britain.

“I think we can make it better and I’m going to lead a discussion about how do we make it better in a way that people can support.”

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

Burnham rules out UK return to EU free movement without referendum

26.10.2026, DPA

By Helen Corbett and Nina Lloyd, Press Association Political Staff

British Prime Minister Andy Burnham has said he would not return the UK to EU freedom of movement rules without a referendum, after ruling out the prospect of Britain rejoining the bloc within this parliamentary term.

It comes after his call at the weekend for an "honest discussion" about a return to freedom of movement fuelled questions about the parameters around his vision for a deepening relationship with Brussels.

The prime minister was asked on Monday morning if he would allow the UK to join the EU freedom of movement scheme without a referendum.

He said: "No, I mean I wasn't saying that yesterday. I was asked about how things have changed in the 10 years since Brexit, and the truth of the matter is we've lost immigration control in the way that we once had.

"For instance, the small boats crisis has arisen in the last 10 years because we lost that returns agreement when people came here that we could work with other countries to return them.

"And when it comes to immigration more broadly, we're seeing a situation where people are coming here to settle permanently in a way that we had more revolving door migration in the EU."

Burnham said the UK needed to "have an honest discussion about that and take steps back to get a more functional relationship again" ahead of a summit with the bloc in November.

"I want to use that opportunity to get a practical deal in place to support our farmers, our food manufacturers, but also to increase collaboration on immigration because we lost that and we need to get it back.

"So I'm talking about practical steps to deal with the things that matter to people, and I will never move ahead of the British public when it comes to Brexit."

The prime minister had earlier ruled out the possibility of rejoining the EU within this parliamentary term, signalling however that he could fight the next general election on a promise to take the UK back into the bloc.

He told ITV: "I'm not proposing any changes in this parliament. I'm not going to move away from the red lines that were in the Labour manifesto."

Asked when the public could expect to see a manifesto proposing a return to the EU, Burnham ruled out an early general election but left the door open to fighting the next vote on a promise to rejoin.

"No time soon, if at all, it's not. It's not about that. My mind isn't on that. I don't know if that is coming over here, but it genuinely is not on that. There is no election coming anytime soon," he said.

Burnham will meet EU chiefs including European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen for a key summit in Brussels on November 20 as he seeks to strike a better deal with the bloc.

The prime minister wants to consider various longer-term options for a new relationship with Brussels, potentially including a return to full EU membership or joining the single market - which would require free movement.

Burnham told the Sunday Times he wanted to have a "very factual, quite evidence-based debate about this" as he acknowledged freedom of movement "had very significant challenges associated with it."

He said he could not imagine recommending joining the Schengen borderless area or ditching the pound to adopt the euro.

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

 

From whales to elephants: Can wild animals really grieve?

26.10.2026, DPA

Photo: Carola Frentzen/dpa

A female humpback whale refuses to leave her dead calf, remaining close for hours. Similar behaviour has been observed in elephants, chimpanzees and orcas. But are these animals really grieving?

By Carola Frentzen, dpa

The sea off Australia's Gold Coast is remarkably calm on a winter morning.

Two humpback whales move through the shallow waters near Palm Beach Reef, but one repeatedly returns to the same spot on the seabed.

The young female dives down again and again, touching the calf with her head and pectoral fin. At one point, she lies beside it, eye to eye. She remains close for almost two hours as another adult whale swims nearby. Vocalizations can also be heard.

Marine biologist Olaf Meynecke of Griffith University says this is the first detailed documented case of such behaviour in the species. Meynecke analysed the observation together with whale rescuer Andrew Mulville and wrote a study on it.

"For me, her search for physical contact and her attempt at eye contact with the dead calf were surprising, but so was the duration of the behaviour - over hours and presumably days," Meynecke says.

He and Mulville reported that the female did not try to bring the dead calf to the surface. Normally, mothers help their newborn calves take their first breath this way.

"We have two theories," Meynecke says. "It may be that the mother was unable to bring the calf to the surface, but that seems unlikely because we could not document any attempt to do so. Or maybe she was aware that it was no longer alive."

Tahlequah's journey of grief

The behaviour is reminiscent of that seen in other mammals, with orcas offering one of the most striking examples.

In 2018, the female Tahlequah carried her dead calf on her snout and forehead for 17 days off the coast of North America, covering more than 1,500 kilometres.

Again and again, she lifted the body out of the water when it threatened to sink.

Scientists spoke of a "tour of grief" - a journey of mourning. Pilot whales and dolphins have also been observed carrying dead young for long periods. Evidence of similar behaviour in humpback whales, however, remains much more limited.

"From personal experience, I am very certain that other species, and mammals in general, perceive the loss of a fellow member of their species, and this leads to behaviours that can be described as grief or depression," Meynecke says.

He says the feelings were presumably different from those of humans, but the effects were often similar, such as refusing food.

Chimpanzee Flint died of a broken heart

The story of young chimpanzee Flint is particularly dramatic. When his mother Flo died in Tanzania's Gombe National Park, the then eight-year-old son increasingly isolated himself.

The world-famous primatologist Jane Goodall watched Flint repeatedly go to his dead mother. Then he stopped eating, and a few weeks later he was dead himself. Goodall later said Flint had died of a broken heart.

Chimpanzee mothers, conversely, also seem to find it hard to part from their dead young. Some carry the lifeless bodies for days, sometimes weeks or months.

What about pets? In a study from Australia and New Zealand involving 159 dogs and 152 cats, owners reported, among other things, changes in eating behaviour when a companion died.

Among dogs, 35% ate less and 31% ate more slowly. Cats also showed changes, with many meowing more often and more loudly. Both species sought out the favourite places of the dead companion.

Elephants "bury" their dead

Elephants gather around carcasses, touch, sniff and guard them, and repeatedly return to the dead. They have also been observed trying to support dying animals or carry dead calves away.

Sometimes they cover deceased companions with soil or plants. Whether this truly corresponds to the human idea of burial, however, no one knows for certain.

A striking case occurred in Kenya in 2013. When the 55-year-old elephant cow Victoria died, her family did not leave the matriarch's side. Victoria's 10-year-old daughter Noor stayed with her for a long time, and her 13-year-old son Malasso nudged the mother with his tusks, probably in an attempt to get her back on her feet.

Weeks later, researcher Shifra Goldenberg observed an even more surprising scene: elephants from other families were still visiting Victoria's remains.

What drives such behaviour? For now, science has no clear answer. Perhaps it is not a farewell in the way humans understand it.

Yet if grief means being unable to simply let go of a companion who has died, then many animals may come surprisingly close to what we call mourning.

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

The Individual In Relation To Self And The World: Conscience As The Foundation Of Personality In The Work Of Ibush Reçica – Book Review

October 25, 2026

By Ernesto Kahan


Ibush Reçica’s Thoughts on Human Traits and World, translated into English by Avni Spahiu, represents an extensive effort to understand human beings through their qualities, feelings, actions, and relationships. At the heart of the work lies the question of how to develop a stable, conscientious personality that contributes to the community. The author explores this question through brief reflections, advice, and moral judgments. The book thus becomes a space for reflection in which lived experience meets the search for meaning, and self-knowledge becomes a prerequisite for a more ethical relationship with the world.

In the foreword, Reçica explains that these reflections were recorded over twenty-five years and that the work continues the concerns of his earlier book, Our Personality. This information helps clarify the nature of the collection: it emerges from sustained observation, an engagement with human behavior, and a desire to give experience an enduring expression. Its central concern is the weakening of moral values in an increasingly fast-paced society. In response, the author proposes education, reasoning, and responsibility as ways of preserving human dignity and directing life toward collective well-being.

Photo credit: Prof. Dr. Acad. Jeton Kelmendi, private collection (2026). World poetry and culture Summit in Kosovo, September 2026.

The book’s structure, organized into two chapters and one hundred and forty topics, demonstrates its ambition to examine human life from numerous perspectives. The first chapter encompasses traits, values, actions, and social factors, while the second focuses on feelings and the characteristics associated with them. Family, work, time, politics, health, and science appear alongside love, fear, conscience, freedom, and hope. This thematic proximity suggests that human beings cannot be understood by separating their inner lives from their external circumstances. Personality develops precisely through the continuing interaction between individual experience, education, and relationships with others. The work’s central intellectual concern is the relationship between reason and emotion.


Reçica emphasizes that knowledge, judgment, and emotional life must work together in shaping behavior. Unregulated emotion may lead individuals to react impulsively, whereas reasoning should help them recognize the consequences of their actions. In the section devoted to intense emotional states, attention centers on the loss of self-control and the danger of irreversible harm. The advice to pause before reacting contains practical wisdom: even a brief period of reflection can change the course of a conflict. Maturity, in this sense, is the ability to regulate emotion responsibly. Conscience forms the ethical core of the book. It is presented as the capacity to examine one’s actions, acknowledge mistakes, and respect the dignity of others. Particularly significant is the view that punishment should aim to reform the wrongdoer rather than satisfy the desires of the person administering it. Here, reflection moves from individual advice to an important social principle. Judges, teachers, and all those in positions of authority bear responsibility for the consequences of their decisions. Conscience therefore requires justice, prudence, and courage: it must remain active even when the right decision is difficult or conflicts with personal interests.

Another important dimension is education as a lifelong process. In keeping with the spirit of the foreword, individuals must reassess their knowledge and attitudes, correcting whatever new experience reveals to be inadequate. Personality is understood as an open formation, capable of change. This conception gives the book a pedagogical orientation: readers are invited to work on themselves, develop understanding, and learn from their mistakes. Self-knowledge becomes an ongoing practice that helps them recognize weaknesses, improve their responses, and establish healthier relationships.


Work and ambition are discussed in close connection with dignity. The author values activity that produces benefits, develops abilities, and helps others. At the same time, he insists that personal aspirations must not compromise modesty, justice, or respect for nature. In his reflections on ambition, success is also judged by the means through which it has been achieved. A victory founded on harming others loses its moral legitimacy. The relationship between employer and employee is likewise examined through honesty, mutual agreement, and fair remuneration. Ethics thus emerges in concrete situations in which keeping one’s word and recognizing the value of effort have direct importance.

Human relationships occupy a substantial place in this landscape of reflections. Family, besa—the solemn commitment to honor one’s word—friendship, courtesy, and compassion are treated as conditions of coexistence. In particular, besaconnects trust with responsibility for a promise. A promise kept creates security, while its violation damages both relationships and character. In his reflections on friendship, the author also acknowledges human imperfection: seeking a friend without weaknesses jeopardizes the durability of friendship itself. This observation brings the work closer to lived experience, in which closeness requires understanding and relationships are tested especially in adversity. A person’s worth becomes apparent in the willingness to help when no personal benefit is involved.

From private life, the book moves toward politics, power, conflict, and war. This widening of its scope shows that moral responsibility extends beyond the individual. Political decisions affect people’s lives and security and therefore require particular ethical scrutiny. In discussing war, Reçica distinguishes the interests of those who instigate it from the sacrifices of those who endure its violence. He also recognizes the legitimacy of defending freedom and dignity against aggression. This perspective combines a concern for peace with an acknowledgment of the need for resistance. Actions are evaluated in relation to their purpose, circumstances, and human consequences.


The aphoristic form is one of the work’s most distinctive features. Its brief reflections seek clarity, are easily remembered, and can be read independently. They are often constructed through contrasts between wisdom and ignorance, honesty and deception, restraint and haste. Quotations from various authors also appear at the end of the thematic sections, placing personal reflection within a broader tradition of wisdom.

The book consequently lends itself to slow, selective reading. Readers may pause over a thought, compare it with their own experience, and return to it later with a different understanding. Nevertheless, a critical reading requires a distinction between ethical observations and assertions that take on a psychological or scientific character. Some formulations are categorical and connect moral qualities with psychological conditions too directly. The complexity of human behavior calls for caution when approaching such explanations. The repetition of advice can also, at times, weaken the force of the argument. These limitations arise partly from the aphoristic form itself, which condenses a conclusion while omitting the full reasoning behind it. The work is therefore most fruitfully read as moral reflection and distilled experience, with its generalizations examined in the light of concrete circumstances and relevant knowledge.

The book’s significance lies in its insistence on making individuals accountable to themselves and to their communities. Reçica understands a dignified life as a union of knowledge, feeling, work, and conscience. He maintains that courtesy must have inward roots, that success must preserve humanity, and that authority must be accompanied by justice. Across its many themes, this is the thread that holds the work together. Readers are invited to examine how they live, make promises, judge, and act. In this daily practice of self-knowledge, the book finds its most enduring purpose: cultivating a personality capable of establishing responsible relationships with the world.

Finally, I can say with deep conviction that this author is truly distinctive, for he engages in one of the most profound forms of inquiry into the human condition: the exploration of the inner life and the ways in which it finds expression in human thought and behavior.


About Ernesto Kahan
Ernesto Kahan, Professor Emeritus at Tel Aviv University’s Faculty of Medicine, is an Argentine-Israeli physician, epidemiologist, and poet. Former Director General of Argentina’s Ministry of Health and Vice-President of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (Nobel Peace Prize 1985), he has published widely on public health and literature.
View all posts by Ernesto Kahan →

REVISIONIST HISTORY

How U.S.  Party Politics Fueled The Militarization Of  Race Relations – OpEd

October 25, 2026

MISES


By Dr. Wanjiru Njoya

Key Takeaways:

The article rejects the conventional Reconstruction narrative that Democratic violence was pure aggression and Republican force pure self-defense, arguing that both sides’ claims of “defense” and wartime propaganda produced reciprocal racial violence rather than a simple party-line moral divide.

Drawing on Richard Nelson Current’s Those Terrible Carpetbaggers and contemporary sources, it contends that Radical Republicans militarized race relations by arming black militias while denying arms to whites, promoting the belief that only federal troops could prevent a race war, and using black votes to sustain carpetbagger governments.

Applying the non-aggression principle, the piece maintains that genuine self-defense requires clear evidence of imminent violent threat and cannot justify aggressive or preemptive force, a standard it says Republican policy in the South failed to meet.

According to the non-aggression principle, aggressive violence is never justified. But stating the principle is the easy part. Identifying the aggressor is more difficult when the facts are contested and when both sides, in their respective political parties, claim to be “defending” themselves against their aggressive enemies.

In the history of the Reconstruction era, the official narrative is that the Democrats were the aggressors, and Republican violence was “self-defense.” This is often presented as a moral justification for the militarization of race relations under Republican governments. The rationale of the non-aggression principle is then lost, wrongly subverted into its opposite—that violence is justified for those on “the right side of history” fighting against racism.


A closer examination of the facts reveals that the blame for racial violence cannot be assigned superficially along political party lines. Rather, in the aftermath of war, the same propaganda that fueled the war spawned Reconstruction violence.

In the foreword to his book Those Terrible Carpetbaggers, Professor Richard Nelson Current recounts some of these events from the perspective of the “carpetbaggers.” He argues that this history is important, observing that, “Anyone who claims to know anything about American history can tell you who the carpetbaggers were.” He attempts to give an objective analysis, explaining that,


. . .the story is told from the standpoint of these participants in it, not from the usual standpoint, which has been that of their enemies. While trying to see things as the carpetbaggers saw them, the book strives for objectivity in the sense of relying on the critical use of sources and revealing the pertinent facts whether favorable or unfavorable to the subjects.

By focusing on individuals who were influential during Reconstruction, he shows that not all Republicans—and, indeed, not all Democrats—were the same. Some tried to restore peace and prosperity, while others were in politics for selfish reasons. The “good Republican, evil Democrat” narrative is shown to be woefully simplistic.


While most historians focus on the corruption and mismanagement of the era, it is less often observed that the era had a disastrous effect on race relations in the South. Too often the violence of the era is simply blamed on “racism,” with little effort to understand the contested political issues and the role played by the Republican militarization of race relations. The Republicans promoted the belief that only federal troops could prevent a race war in the South.

The fact that black people could not vote in most states in the North belies the claim that giving blacks the vote in the South reflected a principled Republican belief in civil rights. A genuine belief in civil rights would have insisted on the vote for blacks in the North too.

Further, if the Republicans had a principled desire to give land to the freedmen, why not give them federal owned land in the North or West, rather than give them the plantations seized from white Southerners? Expropriation of white planters, promoted in congress by Thaddeus Stevens, was hardly a course of action likely to yield lasting peace and harmony.

The declared need for blacks to vote in the South, which in practice meant voting for the very same carpetbaggers who called for military occupation, created the need for military protection of black voters. The cure—military rule—came first, and the problem—protecting blacks who supported military rule—was then created to justify the desired cure.

Black Southerners were not in danger purely because their skin was black, as the radical Republicans claimed—they were in danger because they were propping up the carpetbaggers. The fact that the Democrats also campaigned in black communities and protected blacks who voted for them shows that the objection was not to the mere thought of blacks voting but to the fact that blacks—who outnumbered whites in many counties—voted for the carpetbaggers.

For example, in South Carolina, at the 1868 constitutional convention, 51delegates were white and 73 were black—and the black delegates were all Republicans. The spectators, who were there to observe proceedings, were nearly all black.


The first Republican Governor of South Carolina, Robert K. Scott, relied on the black vote to sustain Republican control. He wrote that he did not see any way for harmonious life in the South other than by military occupation. He believed his job was to deploy the state militia to keep white and black apart for their own protection:


The Negro predominates in this state about three to two whites and while he holds the balance of power numerically he will refuse to submit to the demands of his former master. And on the other hand this generation of white men will not overcome the education of two centuries, and therefore I regard a compromise as almost hopeless. Hence the two races can only live together by the presence of a sufficient military force to protect both.

Having persuaded the black population that they were under constant threat of extermination by their former masters, much effort and expenditure was directed to military “self-defense.” Republicans then blamed the Democrats for the ensuing hostilities.

Governor Scott singled out a former slave owner, General Francis Preston Blair, a Lincolnite and leading Missouri Republican who fought on the Union side during the war. Blair decamped to the Democratic Party after the war, as he opposed the Radical Republican view of Reconstruction.


Scott blamed the top Democratic leaders, state and national, for the violence. He had in mind, for one, the Democratic vice-presidential candidate, Frank Blair, whom he had known personally as his superior in Sherman’s army, and who recently had called for the overthrow of the carpetbag governments in the South.

Scott insisted that the best course of action would be to arm the state militia: “To raise an adequate militia, he would have to rely on black recruits and he would have to find the means to arm them.” This was deemed justifiable because use of force by the black militia was deemed “legal,” while retaliation from the white population would be “illegal.”


By the fall of 1870 the militia consisted of fourteen regiments of infantry, each containing nearly a thousand men. . . Except for some of the officers, all the militiamen were black. Scott started to arm a few white companies, but blacks objected so strongly that he soon desisted.

The reason the black militia objected to white companies being armed was that they feared that armed whites would not work with them and would, instead, constitute an armed opponent to contend with—precisely as Scott himself had worked so hard to convince them.

Benjamin Franklin Perry—a Democrat and former governor—wrote to Scott to warn against deploying the state militia to prop himself up in office. Although Perry was a distinguished lawyer and statesman who had campaigned against secession, as a Democrat he was now on the “wrong side of history” so he was ignored. He cautioned that:



There are two things which you can do, and should do, the sooner the better. Disarm your militia and appoint good and intelligent men to office. All the lawlessness and violence which has disgraced the State has been owing to these two sources of mischief. Never was there a more fatal mistake nor a more diabolical wrong committed than when you organized colored troops throughout the State and put arms in their hands with powder and ball, and denied the same to the white people. . .

The colored people of South Carolina behaved well during the war and would have continued to do so but for the unprincipled carpet-bagger, who came among them and stirred up hatred to the white race by the most artful and devilish appeals to their fears. . .

Professor Current is right to observe that this course of action by the Republicans—insisting that whites are a threat to blacks and that militarization was, therefore, necessary—was unwise, and contributed to the deteriorating situation:


All the while, they incited the blacks to such extremes of self-assertion as to destroy the harmonious relations that would otherwise have prevailed between the former masters and the former slaves.

While self-assertion is part of basic human integrity, taken to extremes it blurs the moral boundary between defense and attack, crossing over into unjustified violence. The same type of self-assertion is seen today among black people who believe that using racial slurs is an “attack” that merits a violent response from them in “defense.”

As Murray Rothbard argued, the right to self-defense must never be used to justify aggressive violence. To avoid this danger, those who seek to use force in self-assertion must hold themselves to the highest standard of proof of a violent threat against them, before resorting to violence in purported defense.

About the author: Dr. Wanjiru Njoya is the Walter E. Williams Research Fellow for the Mises Institute. She is the author of Economic Freedom and Social Justice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), Redressing Historical Injustice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023, with David Gordon), “You Stole Our Land: Common Law, Private Property, and Rothbardian Principles of Justice” (Journal of Libertarian Studies, 28 (1): 91–119 (2024) and “Individual Liberty, Formal Equality, and the Rule of Law” (Palgrave Handbook of Classical Liberalism, forthcoming, 2026).

Source: This article was published by Mises

About MISES
The Mises Institute, founded in 1982, teaches the scholarship of Austrian economics, freedom, and peace. The liberal intellectual tradition of Ludwig von Mises (1881-1973) and Murray N. Rothbard (1926-1995) guides us. Accordingly, the Mises Institute seeks a profound and radical shift in the intellectual climate: away from statism and toward a private property order. The Mises Institute encourages critical historical research, and stands against political correctness.
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Audi's first US production plant: carmaker strikes deal with Trump

Copyright AP Photo

By Nela Heidner

Published on 25/10/2026 - EURONEWS

Audi is planning its first car factory in the United States, with the Ingolstadt-based manufacturer set to invest billions in a new plant in Georgia.

Audi is taking a major step into the United States: the premium carmaker from Ingolstadt plans to invest around four billion US dollars in its first own US car plant in the state of Georgia.

The announcement was made on Saturday, 24 October 2026, at a campaign rally by US President Donald Trump in Perry, Georgia. Trump appeared alongside Döllner and stressed in his speech that his trade policy was prompting companies to move their production to the United States. The announcement is likely to play well in the battle for the midterm elections on 3 November.

Relat

Audi CEO Gernot Döllner justified the investment in his address by pointing to the company’s long-term ambitions in the US: the American market is one of the world’s most important premium car markets, but Audi has not yet fully tapped its potential there.

Production scheduled to start in the early 2030s

The plan is for an annual capacity of up to 200,000 vehicles and around 4,500 jobs. The plant is to be built at the Middle Georgia Megasite in Peach County, near the city of Macon. According to the state authorities, Georgia won out as a location partly because of its existing supplier base, its transport links and its pool of skilled workers. The option to expand the facility at a later date also played a role in the choice.

According to the company, preparatory work is due to begin in 2027, with series production to start in the early 2030s. The government of Georgia is naming 2031 as the target date for full-scale production.

With around 4,500 planned jobs, the project would be a major industrial development for the region. Additional posts at suppliers, logistics firms and service providers would come on top.

Large SUVs for the American market

The new plant will mainly build large, high-end sport utility vehicles. Reuters reports, citing a US government official, that the Audi Q7, Q8 and Q9 models are planned. Audi itself speaks of particularly large and upmarket SUVs tailored to the needs of North American customers.

Relate

For Audi, the move is strategically significant, as until now the company has imported its vehicles for the US market from Europe or Mexico. Local production would reduce its dependence on international supply chains and exchange-rate fluctuations. At the same time, Audi would be producing closer to its American customers and strengthening its competitive position against manufacturers with their own US plants, as the carmaker stresses in an official statement.

Trump claims the move as a success for his tariff policy

Trump imposed additional tariffs on imports of cars and car parts and repeatedly called on foreign manufacturers to produce more in the United States. For companies such as Audi, this policy increases the cost of imports, making local manufacturing more economically attractive. According to Reuters, Trump’s tariffs cost Audi around 1.2 billion euros last year.

Relate

However, this does not mean that the tariffs alone explain the choice of location: Audi also points to the long-term expansion of its US business, access to the sales market, the existing infrastructure and the regional supplier base.

What does this mean for Germany?

The decision raises questions for the German sites of the Volkswagen Group. Additional production in the US does not automatically mean job losses in Germany, but it does alter the geographical distribution of future investment and increase the importance of North America.

Audi emphasises that Germany and Europe are to remain the company’s industrial backbone; the existing expertise in development, engineering and production is merely to be complemented by the new site.

According to Tagesschau, the IG Metall union broadly welcomes the stronger push into the US market, but at the same time is calling for firm long-term prospects for employees at the German sites. The union also says that the final decision is still subject to approval by the relevant Volkswagen bodies.

Georgia: an industrial hub with a car-making tradition

Georgia has long been a centre of the American car industry. South Korean carmaker Kia has been producing in West Point since 2009, while Hyundai, also from South Korea, has built a multibillion-dollar plant for electrified vehicles near Savannah. Added to this are the powerful ports of Savannah and Brunswick, through which vehicles and components can be shipped internationally.

For Trump, the investment would be another trump card in his strategy of bringing more industrial production back to the United States. For Audi, it marks a step closer to one of the world’s most important car markets.

This text was translated with the help of artificial intelligence and originally published in German

VW works council slams Audi chief's appearance at rally with Trump

26.10.2026, DPA

Photo: Julian Stratenschulte/dpa

Volkswagen works council chief Daniela Cavallo has sharply criticized Audi chief executive Gernot Döllner after the boss of the VW subsidiary appeared at a campaign event alongside US President Donald Trump.

"Several minutes full of racism, sexism, xenophobia, transphobia, denigration of democracy - and then one of our top group representatives steps on stage and engages in active campaign support," Cavallo said in an interview on Sunday, which was made available to dpa.

At a campaign rally in Georgia on Saturday, Trump unexpectedly announced Audi's plans to build its first US production facility in the state. Döllner, who is a member of the VW group board, then took the stage and thanked the US president for his support.

Cavallo said Döllner's appearance contradicted internal Audi guidelines, which ban the carmaker's employees from making public appearances with politicians standing for election in the three months before a vote. Döllner had signed these principles only a few months ago, she said.

The US midterm elections are on November 3, with the Republicans' narrow majorities in both chambers of Congress at stake.

Cavallo also levelled criticism more generally at the Volkswagen board under chief executive Oliver Blume. He had let himself be turned "from a highly questionable political figure, who violates pretty much every one of our corporate values, into a puppet in [Trump's] propaganda show," she said.

The works council head recalled the history of VW, which was founded during the Nazi era and served as a flagship company for Adolf Hitler's regime.

• Audi statement on US plant, in German
• IG Metall statement, in German
• Audi code of conduct

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

 

Audi chief faces criticism over appearance at Trump campaign rally

25.10.2026, DPA

Photo: Daniel Karmann/dpa

German carmaker Audi's chief executive has come under fire for appearing alongside President Donald Trump at a campaign rally to announce plans for a new $4-billion factory in the United States.

Isabel Cademartori, a transport policy expert for Germany's Social Democrats (SPD), condemned Gernot Döllner's appearance at the rally on Saturday in Perry, Georgia, where he joined Trump on stage and thanked him for his support.

Cademartori accused Döllner of lending campaign support to an "autocrat" who is waging a trade war against Germany, calling his appearance shameful given the Nazi-era origins of Audi's parent company, Volkswagen.

"This is a disgrace, particularly in view of the history of the VW Group," she said in Berlin.

Volkswagen was founded during the Nazi era and served as a flagship company for Adolf Hitler's regime.

The appearance also raised questions about Audi's own political neutrality guidelines, which state that employees should avoid public appearances with political parties or candidates in the three months before elections.

Trump's Republican Party faces crucial congressional midterm elections on November 3, with its narrow majorities in both chambers of Congress at stake.

Audi's first US factory

Trump announced Audi's plans to build its first US production facility during the campaign rally in Georgia.

The German carmaker intends to invest $4 billion in the plant, which is expected to produce around 200,000 sport utility vehicles (SUVs) annually and create some 4,500 jobs.

Construction is scheduled to begin in 2027, with production of premium SUVs tailored to North American customers expected to start in the early 2030s.

The project still requires approval from Volkswagen's supervisory board, although Audi supervisory board chairman Manfred Döss has already backed the management's strategy.

Audi's future cannot be secured through cost-cutting and efficiency improvements alone, Döss said.

"We need the courage to invest, seize new opportunities and make decisions that will shape our company for decades to come," Döss added.

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

Audi announces new US factory at Trump campaign rally

25.10.2026, DPA

Photo: Andrew Leyden/ZUMA Press Wire/dpa

German carmaker Audi announced plans to build its first factory in the United States during a campaign rally held by US President Donald Trump in the state of Georgia on Saturday.

Trump told supporters that construction of the large SUV plant would begin next month and that it would produce 200,000 vehicles a year.

Audi chief executive Gernot Döllner then joined Trump on stage and thanked him for his support.

In a statement, however, Audi said construction was scheduled to begin in 2027, with production expected to start in the early 2030s.

The company plans to invest around $4 billion and create some 4,500 jobs at the factory, which will produce premium SUVs tailored to North American customers.

The announcement comes less than 10 days before the November 3 midterm elections, when Trump's Republicans will seek to defend their narrow majorities in both chambers of Congress.

Since returning to office in January 2025, Trump has pressured foreign companies to shift production to the US, threatening steep import tariffs while offering the prospect of avoiding duties by manufacturing locally. The president hopes the measures will boost the US economy and create jobs.

• Audi press release

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH