Tuesday, January 03, 2023

Centre now wants Apple to manufacture MacBooks, iPads in India

Centre now wants Apple to manufacture MacBooks, iPads in India
Written bySanjana Shankar
Jan 02, 2023,
India proposes to boost incentives to 5% as per the new scheme

After iPhones, the Centre is keen on encouraging the manufacturing of iPads and MacBooks in India. And for that, it is planning to offer more benefits to OEMs.According to The Times of India, the government intends to increase the amount it spends on the production-linked incentive (PLI) scheme for IT hardware from the current Rs. 7,350 crore to about Rs. 20,000 crore.

Why does this story matter?

  • Apple shifted the manufacturing of its latest flagship iPhone 14 to India in late 2022 and has been producing certain older iPhones here for some years now.
  • The IT ministry, which is responsible for boosting the growth of electronics manufacturing in the country, has already pitched the plan and the matter now resides with the finance ministry and other related ministries.

Laptops do not have any import restrictions

The previous scheme, which was proposed in February 2021 and was agreed to by the Union Cabinet, assured incentive support of 1-4% over four years.In attempts to grow "Apple's manufacturing eco-system," the new scheme seeks to boost incentives to 5%.While smartphones have 20% import charges, laptops are exempted from duty charges as they fall under fall the ITA-1 category.

The rising tensions between India and China pose a problem

Apple has been reluctant to produce other products in India since the company does not have a dependable supplier base in the country.On the other hand, China has a powerful sales market and is home to Apple's largest production facility.Getting component supplies from China to India has not been easy either, given the growing hostility between the two countries.

The government is keen on scaling its manufacturing facilities

The government believes that persuading tech giants like HP and Dell might help it attain the "global manufacturing hub" status. However, the low demand in the global markets and the looming recession serve as major roadblocks.

Age-old cashmere trade ensnared in military tensions high in the Himalayas

By Shams Irfan and Gerry Shih
January 2, 2023 
A Changpa herder with her Pashmina goats in far northern India. A military pullback from the contested Chinese border and the creation of buffer zones has restricted the Changpas’ access to winter grazing pastures. (Shams Irfan for The Washington Post)


PHOBRANG, India — As a young Indian herder growing up in the Himalayas, Tsering Angchok would let his prized goats graze on a meadow north of Pangong Lake’s crystalline waters — until China and India fought a battle there in 1962. Today, the lakeshore is home to a Chinese military base and, U.S. experts believe, new radar facilities and a base housing artillery emplacements for the People’s Liberation Army.

Angchok, now in his 70s, lives about 50 miles north of the lake. Here, too, the feeding ranges where villagers take their goats in winter have recently been put off-limits. Since this summer, the area has become part of a two-mile-wide buffer zone between Indian and Chinese troops.

Two years after India and China clashed in a series of border skirmishes, the recent establishment of buffer zones in the Himalayan region of Ladakh has been hailed as a significant step toward containing tensions between the two giant neighbors. But India’s steady withdrawal from its historically claimed areas has taken precious pastures away from the Changpas, a semi-nomadic Tibetan people famed for producing Pashmina cashmere wool — the “soft gold” once favored by Mughal royalty and Empress Josephine, Napoleon’s wife.

Sitting in the last home in Phobrang, the last Indian village before the gravel road peters out into bleak plains, Angchok seethed. “We are ceding more and more land to the Chinese,” he said.

On Sept. 9, almost exactly two years after opposing soldiers fired on one another in an alarming spike of tensions, India and China announced a retreat from Gogra-Hot Springs, a campsite that was used generations ago by traders plying the Himalayan route between Kashmir and Xinjiang, in western China. The development was praised in New Delhi and Beijing — less so in Ladakh.

“Almost all our winter grazing areas now fall under newly agreed buffer zones,” said Konchok Stanzin, a local government representative in Ladakh. “Buffer zones were created out of our land only. China has not lost anything at all.”

For centuries, the Changpas have raised their Pashmina goats in these mountains, at elevations exceeding 17,000 feet. The hardy goats grow soft undercoats renowned for their extreme warmth and light weight, and the Changpas shear the wool and transport it down to the neighboring Kashmir Valley, where families of skilled artisans weave the raw fibers on wooden looms into shimmering shawls, garments and blankets.

Ever since the 1800s, these coveted exports have been shipped from Kashmir to eager buyers as far away as Paris and London. Today, cashmere — the English word derived from the region’s name — remains synonymous with the finest wool, even if most cashmere actually comes from producers in China, Mongolia and Afghanistan.

In the Indian regions of Ladakh and Kashmir, herders and weavers on either end of the wool trade say their difficulties are mounting.

Before June 2020, when a deadly clash between Indian and Chinese troops killed dozens of soldiers and led to the closure of areas that once sustained the Changpas’ herds, a kilogram of raw cashmere cost $120. Now it’s nearly $220, according to Showkat Ahmad Mir, 41, a third-generation Kashmiri who is part of a weaving cooperative in Srinagar.

“The supply of raw cashmere wool was disturbed,” he said. “If the conflict continues, there will be a huge decline in Pashmina goats.”

The lack of grazing land has required Indian officials to step in. Ravinder Kumar, the local government secretary for animal and sheep husbandry in Ladakh, said his office this year supplied about half a million kilograms of livestock feed to the Changthang region, home to the Changpas.

“Before June 2020, there was hardly anything supplied on a regular basis,” Kumar said in an interview. “Ample pasture land was available to the Changpas.”

Tsering Sonam, 61, a Phobrang resident who used to have over 500 goats and 50 yaks, was one of the herders feeling pinched.


Tsering Angchok, a former goat herder now living in Phobrang village, has seen several parts of the Ladakh border region ceded to Chinese control over the past six decades. (Shams Irfan for The Washington Post)

In summers, Sonam would take his goats to the plains near Phobrang, where they ate grass on the banks of small, glacier-fed rivulets, he recalled. By mid-November, when the temperatures in Phobrang plummet to less than minus-22 degrees Fahrenheit (minus-30 Celsius), Sonam and other herdsmen would hike with their goats and yaks for three days eastward, high into the mountains, toward China.

Eventually, herders would gather at Hot Springs and the Kugrang River valley, where fresh water and grass are found even in winter, the key breeding season for Pashmina goats. These days, those two areas are off-limits, part of new buffer zones.

Earlier this year, Sonam said he had had enough. He sold most of his Pashmina goats, keeping just five.

Stanzin, the government representative, and other local leaders say herders have recently been denied access to yet another area, making them believe that the Indian army is preparing to withdraw from a vast expanse known as Patrolling Point 16, turning a 150-square-mile swath in the Kugrang River valley into a no-go zone for locals. If the valley were vacated, herders would be cut off from an even bigger area of nearly 400 square miles, according to the local leaders, who have been voicing their fears to Indian newspapers and on social media without eliciting a response from officials in New Delhi.

The Indian Defense Ministry declined to comment for this article.

While the desolate mountains contested by India and China hold few underground natural resources, they have tributaries of important rivers, including the Indus, and strategic heights that lead into Kashmir and Tibet — two politically restive and vulnerable regions in the eyes of New Delhi and Beijing, respectively.

Military officials and analysts in China, India and the United States — which has backed India with intelligence-sharing and supplies in its high-elevation confrontation — have warned that the border remains tense, despite the buffer zones. Last month, Manoj Pande, the Indian army chief, told a conference in New Delhi that he did not see a “significant reduction” in Chinese troop levels near Ladakh. And on Dec. 9, Indian and Chinese soldiers fought with clubs and fists in Arunachal Pradesh, an Indian state farther south and east along the 2,100-mile border.

In August, India announced it was deploying amphibious assault boats to Pangong Lake. Meanwhile, on the lake’s north side, where Angchok used to take his goats, China has built radar facilities and an army base, surrounded by trenches, that could serve as a command center for a division of 10,000 troops, according to a November report by satellite imagery experts at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington think tank.

Today in Phobrang, life has been upended by the frequent roar of lumbering army trucks carrying supplies for border troops. In the home of the village chief, Konchak Stobgais also groused about the changes.

As he spoke, a low-flying Indian fighter jet shattered the stillness, leaving a trail of white vapor that stretched across the cloudless blue sky before vanishing behind a barren mountaintop.

The Indian military “sees these areas as mere wasteland,” Stobgais said. “But for us, these mountains are our lifeline.”

Shih reported from New Delhi.


Phobrang is the last inhabited village in India near the Chinese border, but Indian military convoys regularly rumble through on their way to reinforce troop positions. (Shams Irfan for The Washington Post)




By Gerry Shih is the India Bureau Chief for the Washington Post, covering India and neighboring countries. Twitter

‘Married to the Mob’ but under a chuppah: New memoir details a Jewish family’s crime ties

New book explores how Jewish mobsters fought antisemitism, beat up Nazis and helped a fledgling Israel acquire arms for War of Independence.

LIKE LUCKY LUCIANO DID FOR ITALY

Jon Kalish, JTA
Jan 2, 2023
Lou and Reba Geik, foreground, with mobster Benny Kassop and his mistress Sylvia
Courtesy Alan Geik

The Geiks weren’t your typical Bronx working-class Jewish family.

The father ran a mob-protected trucking company in Manhattan’s Garment District. One brother, an NYPD detective, chauffeured organized crime couriers around the city with illicit cash. A kid sister visited a Las Vegas casino where the tween was set up with a couple of slot machines in a private room.

And a close family friend was sent up the river for killing a notorious Jewish gangster.

Meet the family whose close ties to Jewish gangsters are chronicled in “Uncle Charlie Killed Dutch Schultz,” a memoir just published by Alan Geik.

Dutch Schultz was the mob name of Arthur Flegenheimer, the Jewish bootlegger and numbers racket kingpin who left this mortal coil in October 1935 at the Palace Chop House in Newark. The triggermen were two Jews, members of the organized crime group Murder Inc. Mendy Weiss and Charles “Bug” Workman, the Uncle Charlie of the memoir’s title, did the hit.

Workman, who reportedly killed more than 20 people before pleading guilty to the murder of Dutch Schultz, was not a blood relative of author Alan Geik. But Workman grew up with Geik’s father on the Lower East Side and was so close to the Geik family he was considered an uncle. The author was in his 20s when he first met Workman, after the hitman was released from a New Jersey prison in 1964.

“I would never think of calling him anything but Uncle Charlie,” said Geik, 80, a retired TV producer and radio host who lives in Las Vegas.

In addition to diving deep into Workman’s story, the book also explores how Jewish mobsters and their hangers-on fought antisemitism, beat up Nazis and helped a fledgling Israel acquire arms for its War of Independence.

“These were people, from the first generation of Jews in America, who fought back against antisemitism in the streets,” Geik said. “Their parents fled the pogroms of Eastern Europe. They were not going to let it happen again and they didn’t.”

Geik’s book joins a crowded shelf of histories and memoirs of the Jewish mob, including “But He Was Good to His Mother: The Lives and Crimes of Jewish Gangsters,” by Robert A. Rockaway, and “Tough Jews: Fathers, Sons, and Gangster Dreams,” by Rich Cohen. Like those books, Geik’s family history provides a sort of reverse image of typical Jewish immigrant stories: Instead of scrapping their way up from New York’s Jewish enclaves into retail and the professions, Geik’s family joined a criminal counterculture.

Books such as Geik’s “really put a personal experience to this whole world that we all know about, the world of New York mobsters,” said Larry Henry, author of a monthly column for the Mob Museum in Las Vegas. “The public’s appetite for mob stories is insatiable.”

“Uncle Charlie Killed Dutch Schultz” describes a tangled family tree ripe with, well, rotten apples. Geik’s father, Lou, was not actually in the mob but did reap benefits from his ties with organized crime, Alan concedes. Lou Geik was one of several individuals who delivered mob cash to Workman’s family over 23 years.

“Uncle Charlie felt indebted to my father,” said Geik.

The author’s father is cited as a source for many of the anecdotes included in the memoir. Geik said that while his father’s business relied on mob protection, Lou Geik didn’t have “that extra whatever-it-took to be a really hardened criminal” — a trait, he said, his own older brother Bernard also lacked.

“My brother always wanted to be a gangland figure,” said Alan Geik. “So, instead my brother became a policeman.”

An ultimately very corrupt policeman. Bernard Geik joined the force in 1962 and resigned in 1971 after serving in the notorious Special Investigative Unit, which, as depicted in the book and the motion picture “Prince of the City,” devolved into an extortion ring. After resigning from the NYPD, Bernard Geik was arrested for bribery and bribe-taking in 1974. He reportedly pleaded guilty but served no time.

The disgraced detective went to work at his father’s trucking company. According to the author, his brother was one of the detectives provided by a supervisor to drive their Uncle George and other mobsters around town when they were transporting mob money in New York.

Uncle George Gordon was a real uncle. Gordon is allegedly one of the gangsters the actor George Raft modeled himself after for his roles in 1930s and ’40s crime melodramas. For decades, beginning at a casino and speakeasy near the Hudson River in midtown Manhattan, Gordon had a big hand in organized crime’s gambling operations, supervising enterprises in Florida, the Midwest, Las Vegas and Havana.

Alan Geik isn’t the only keeper of his family’s convoluted story. His sister Iris has her own memories of growing up mob-adjacent, such as when she and her parents were Gordon’s guests at the Stardust Hotel in Vegas when the mob was running its casino and skimming cash from the profits. Gordon wanted Lou Geik to work there.

According to Iris, Gordon posted a guard outside a private room in which she had been ensconced with a couple of slot machines. The 13-year-old was “mesmerized” by the slot machines. Her mother was initially unaware of what was going on.

“I was having a blast,” Iris Geik said. “I’ll never forget when the door flung open and my itty-bitty mother came in with a big guard behind her. She immediately made me stop [playing with the slot machine] and give back the money I had won.”

Iris Geik, now a privacy lawyer in the Boston area, has written hundreds of pages of her own memoir about the wives and girlfriends of the Jewish gangsters, tentatively titled, “The View From the Women’s Table.”

“Their lives were complex but they were also heimische Jewish women,” she said, using the Yiddish word for cozy and familiar. She her mother and father eloped because they were a mixed couple: Her mother Reba was a Sephardic Jew and her father was Ashkenazi.

Geik remembered that as a child she noticed a newspaper article about a family friend being arrested. She said, “Mom! Mom! Look, we’re famous.” To which her mother replied, “That’s infamous, dear.”

Geik said that on several occasions her mother observed: “There are no second-generation Jewish mobsters. Jews don’t make gangsters out of their children.”

Reba Geik had been involved in caring for two of Iris’ aunts who lived in Brooklyn while they were dying. Those acts of kindness had a profound impact on Uncle George, the casino supervisor.

After the aunts passed away, Gordon always stood when Reba entered a room, Iris said. “My mother was very honored by that because he was such a big shot.”

Throughout her life, Reba Geik remained close to Sylvia Lorber, a friend from her teenage years. Lorber was the only mob mistress her mother would spend time with, said Iris. Lorber was the paramour of two Jewish gangsters: Benny Kassop, the brother of Murder, Inc. gunman Sammy Kassop, and Sam “Red” Levine, an observant Jew who wore a kippah under his fedora. Levine won the affection of Lorber while the Kassop brothers were in Sing Sing, the maximum-security prison in Ossining, New York.

“Sylvia was a hell of a lot of fun but my mother worried about her,” Iris said. “Sylvia told me her stories, which were kind of glamorous when she was young but sad when she was older.” After spending 20 years with Levine, Lorber couldn’t attend his funeral. Sylvia Lorber stopped talking to Reba Geik in her last years.

Jewish gangsters do, on occasion, display some altruism in Alan Geik’s memoir. Take Moe Dalitz, the head of the Cleveland Syndicate. He was a major bootlegger during Prohibition whose flotillas of illegal liquor on the Great Lakes came to be known as The Little Jewish Navy. His family ran legitimate laundry businesses in Boston and Detroit. Too old to be drafted during World War II, he enlisted at the age of 42 and was commissioned as a lieutenant. Dalitz ran the military laundry service on New York’s Governor’s Island — but declined to bunk in the island’s barracks, opting instead to stay at a swanky hotel overlooking Central Park.

Then there was Johnny Eder, a major source for Geik’s narrative. Eder was part of the Lower East Side teenage crime crew that included Uncle Charlie and Uncle George. As an adult he was a major fence for stolen jewelry and always had a bag of stolen rings on him. Eder also had many connections at City Hall and in the Brooklyn District Attorney’s office.

According to Geik’s account, Eder was the mob’s representative to the Haganah, the Jewish paramilitary force in Palestine. Eder arranged meetings in the noisy kitchen of the Copacabana, a mob hangout, between Haganah agents and mobsters and others described as “former wartime U.S. intelligence agents” working to secure weapons for Israel’s War of Independence. (The late Teddy Kollek, Jerusalem’s longtime mayor, would tell a story about passing cash to an intermediary at the Copacabana, who brought the money to an Irish sea captain with a ship full of munitions bound for the Holy Land. The bagman, according to Kollek, was Frank Sinatra.)

Alan Geik has a very personal connection to the creation of the Jewish state. His late wife Nina was the daughter of Lou Lenart, a World War II fighter pilot who served in the U.S. Marines. Geik’s memoir details how the elder Lenart was part of the group of men transporting surplus fighter planes and other weapons to Palestine for use in Israel’s War of Independence. Lenart’s story was featured in Nancy Spielberg’s 2014 documentary “Above and Beyond,” about the creation of the Israeli air force.

The story of how Jewish gangsters used some violent muscle against Nazi sympathizers in New York has been told before in historical accounts, but one episode in Geik’s memoir is particularly dramatic. A pair of Jews attended a Bund rally at Camp Siegfried on Long Island, a summer camp that taught Nazi ideology, and were offered a ride back to the city by a Nazi sympathizer who they ended up beating senseless in Brooklyn.

Alan Geik was not really hungry when he met Meyer Lansky at a Central Park hotel in the late 1950s. The gangster asked the 15-year-old nephew of George Gordon if he wanted a pastrami sandwich. Geik declined. Then Lansky, who struck Geik as an “older Jewish man who I knew was really powerful,” suggested that they split one. It was an offer that Geik did not refuse.

Canadian users of Essure birth control coils take pharma giant Bayer to court

Issued on: 








Canada bans foreigners from buying residential properties. There are exceptions

Canada Bans Foreigners From Buying Property: The steep rise in home prices in 2020 and 2021 was already reversed in 2022, much before the law took effect.

Canada Bans Foreigners From Buying Property: A Canada flag flies in Hamilton, Ontario. (Reuters)
Canada Bans Foreigners From Buying Property: A Canada flag flies in Hamilton, Ontario. (Reuters)
ByMallika Soni  Published on Jan 02, 2023 


Canada banned foreigners from buying residential properties in the country amid spike in home prices since the Covid pandemic started, CNN Business reported. The law putting the rule into effect was passed by the Canadian government. This temporary two-year measure was proposed by Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau during his election campaign in 2021.

Read more: Canada's start-up visa: All your questions answered

According to the law, an exception has been made for the immigrants and permanent residents of Canada who are not citizens, the report said. But the steep rise in home prices in 2020 and 2021 was already reversed in 2022, much before the law took effect, the report said adding that average home prices in Canada peaked just above $800,000 Canadian in February and have fallen steadily since then.

Canadian Bank is responsible for property price hikes as it continued to raise the interest rates resulting in higher mortgage rates in the country, the report said. Canadian Real Estate Association's (CREA) price index is still up 38 per cent from the end of 2019, before the pandemic, but the group said that the inventory of homes for sale has returned to pre-pandemic levels, the report said.

Read more: Canada immigration? How does express entry system work, explained

The association voiced concern about the law, even with the exemptions for people who intend to move to Canada.

"As currently proposed, the prohibition on the purchase of residential property by non-Canadians can impact our reputation as a welcoming nation," the group said in a statement.

“The potential benefits of the ban are likely to be modest,” it added.

"These provide Canadians with a place to spend the winter months and are a form of savings for Canadian retirees. If Canada places a ban on Americans owning property in Canada, we should expect them to respond in kind," the group said according to CNN Business.

‘Activist’ Steven Guilbeault reflects on 1st year as Canada’s environment minister

By Mia Rabson The Canadian Press
Posted January 2, 2023 

WATCH: Global agreement on biodiversity expected as China presents draft for approval – Dec 18, 2022

Five days after Steven Guilbeault was appointed Canada’s environment minister in October 2021, he headed to Scotland for the annual United Nations climate talks being held in Glasgow.

But Guilbeault, who says he prefers “trains to planes whenever possible,” would only agree to fly as far as London. His team made the remaining 555 km of the journey by train, producing less than a sixth of the carbon dioxide than if they had flown.

It was a sign to his slightly surprised staff that things were going to be done a little differently now that they had an activist in office.

READ MORE: Ottawa sets 2026 target for mandating electric vehicle sales


Guilbeault, 52, is the first professional environmental activist to go from lobbying the government to move faster against global warming to being the one controlling the speed of the bus.

“I think that the prime minister wanted to have an activist in this position because he believes that is what is needed to do what we told Canadians we would do during the last election on climate, on nature, on environmental issues, which is to do more and to do it faster,” he said in an interview with The Canadian Pres

The appointment brought hope to his compatriots in the environmental movement.

“He kind of understands what the scale of the challenge is,” said Timothy Gray, executive director at Environmental Defence Canada.

“You don’t need to spend hours briefing him, and so that makes a huge difference.”


1:00 COP15: Guilbeault says ‘Let’s give nature the Paris moment it deserves’



Since taking on the role, Guilbeault oversaw progress on at least eight major environment policy promises, including on electric vehicles, plastic pollution, clean electricity, updated regulations to curb methane emissions, clean fuel standards, an emissions cap on the oil and gas sector and the publication of a long-promised national adaptation strategy.

In April, he published Canada’s first national emissions reduction plan, the first to map out what needs to be done to meet greenhouse gas emissions targets by 2030.

And in the final weeks before Christmas, Guilbeault helped host the world in Montreal, where 196 countries reached a landmark agreement to halt the destruction of nature.

“This is an unprecedented rate of deploying, flexing basically, our regulatory muscles to ensure that we’re both using carrots and sticks to to achieve our targets,” he said.

READ MORE: Emissions cap coming for Canadian oil and gas by end of 2023: minister

He is quick to agree the heavy lifting isn’t done. Most of his files are works in progress, with final regulations still to be developed or implemented.

That includes making a decision on how the government will cap emissions from oil and gas production, which will involve more political bickering with the government of Alberta.

Oil and gas industry representatives declined to comment for this story, though they meet with Guilbeault regularly and have told him they can’t meet the targets he has tentatively set for them by 2030.

READ MORE: COP27: Canada has made ‘tremendous progress,’ says Guilbeault as emissions grow


The minister has chastised companies for raking in record profits because of the effects of the Russian invasion in Ukraine on world oil prices. But he has listened to their concerns, opened the door to some flexibility on targets and even approved a new oil production project in April – the kind of thing he had spent an entire career lobbying against.

“The most difficult decision I had to make, by far, was Bay du Nord. There’s no doubt about that,” Guilbeault said. “That particular day was extremely difficult.”

The mega offshore project in Newfoundland and Labrador is expected to produce more than 300 million barrels of oil over its lifespan.

Caroline Brouillette, the national policy director at Climate Action Network Canada, said its approval is proof that having “one of the most reputable community and environmental activists” in cabinet is not enough to prevent the exploitation of oil.

“It was really a heartbreaking moment,” she said, calling Guilbeault “someone who, in theory, should have said no to that project.”

In May, an alliance of environment groups launched a lawsuit to overturn the approval. Among the groups involved is Equiterre, the very same organization Guilbeault helped found in 1993.

Though Guilbeault said he hasn’t lost friends over it, he has heard their loud disappointment over the decision – one he said he made with extreme reluctance.

He said that while coal will disappear, every projection shows some oil and gas will be needed over the coming decades. This proposal followed a federal approval process, and after the required reviews it was recommended that Bay du Nord should proceed under strict environmental conditions, including that its emissions be net-zero by 2050.

The technology to achieve that is another source of friction between Guilbeault and his former colleagues.


0:44  COP27: Guilbeault says world is ‘condemned to working together’ on climate change


In April, the Liberals introduced a major tax credit to help oil and gas companies install carbon capture, storage and utilization systems on their operations, which are supposed to trap greenhouse gas emissions produced as oil and gas are pulled out of the ground and return those gases back into the ground.

Most major Canadian climate activists insist it is an unproven technology and point out that it doesn’t mitigate the emissions be produced when the fuels are used.

Gray said the government shouldn’t prop it up.

“You know, if you’re really going to decarbonize by bringing all these ‘gee whiz’ technologies that no one else seems to think will work, then you’ll put up your own money. Don’t ask the public to pay for it,” he said.

Despite the Bay du Nord heartbreak, Brouillette said it’s unlikely any other minister would have made as much progress in a year as Guilbeault has.

“The amount of regulations, and which regulations we are seeing at this point, it really is a tribute to how active and convincing the minister has been and it needs to be highlighted,” she said.

She said Guilbeault’s experience has played a “significant” role at global climate and nature talks. He is well known and has probably been to more such meetings than anyone else in the country, she said.

Guilbeault’s roots in environmental activism run deep.

Growing up in the town of La Tuque, around 250 kilometres northwest of Quebec City, he was just five years old when he staged his first protest, climbing a tree behind his house that a local developer wanted to chop down.

Twenty-six years later, in 2001, he and another Greenpeace activist scaled the CN Tower using steel maintenance cables to criticize Canada and the U.S. for not ratifying the Kyoto accord.

About 18 months later, then-prime minister Jean Chretien did ratify the deal. While his successor, Stephen Harper, pulled Canada out of the agreement and the country missed the Kyoto targets, Guilbeault said he still feels the stunt made a difference.

He is not backing the latest trend in climate stunts, though, which have seen as many as 20 artistic masterpieces attacked with everything from tomato soup to maple syrup. Most often the damage was not permanent, but Guilbeault said his civil disobedience was non-violent and non-damaging and never went after art.

“That’s not how I practised my activism,” he said. “I don’t understand this contrast that some are trying to play between environment and culture.”

Heading into 2023, Guilbeault expects movement on the oil and gas emissions cap, clean electricity regulations, electric vehicle mandates and legislation to enshrine Canada’s nature conservation goals into law.

He said he also recognizes a need to better communicate with Canadians.

For years, the Conservatives have dined out on the Liberal carbon-pricing scheme, focusing on its costs and largely ignoring rebates, which, for most Canadians, amount to more than they paid.

The government moved this year to separate the rebates from annual tax returns and send them quarterly, trying to make them more visible.

But there’s more to do, and Guilbeault said his office is working with “some of Canada’s foremost experts on climate and environmental communications to change the way we do things.”

He said there is an inherent tension in communicating a sense of urgency without depressing people.

“And I think where we’ve collectively failed in our communications is helping people see the hope, and see what we’re trying to do,” he said.

“And what we’re trying to do is to is to build a better world for all.”
WITH CRYPTO, THE BANKER DOTH PROTEST TOO MUCH

The collision of money with the internet was bound to present risks, many of which became apparent in 2022. While crypto's speculative phase might be experiencing an ice age, the demise of internet-scale always-on open technologies in financial markets is not, writes Circle’s Dante Disparte.
JANUARY 2, 2023

The collision of money with the internet was bound to produce a blend of novel risks, as well as serve as a new terrain for age-old human greed, criminality, and fraud. And yet for bankers to proclaim crypto is dead because 2022 produced a particularly dark and cold crypto winter, is not only disingenuous, it ignores one key thing—the emergence of blockchain-based financial services was never about substitution of their business models, it was about augmenting them. So perhaps, 2022 marks the beginning of a crypto ice age of the speculative phase, but not the demise of internet-scale, always-on open technologies in financial markets. Herein, the promise of crypto (short form for cryptography), could not be brighter or its necessity clearer.

Watch what the biggest and most well-endowed banks do, not what they say with repeated dismissals of crypto, bearing in mind crypto as an industry is no more monolithic than banking, central banking, or any other institution. Indeed, the crypto companies that fared well during 2022—a year punctuated by one epic failure after another—have all the basic preconditions and operating rigor of well-regulated, trusted financial services firms. While some have withered in the face of sunlight, the greatest disinfectant, others were born in it. They have eschewed from the outset the idea that stablecoins should be unregulated internet hot money like Terra-Luna—the collapsed $60 billion algorithmic stable-in-name-only coin. At best, this was a poorly designed digital derivative. At worst, it was fraud. But to link all crypto innovations, the responsible and the irredeemable, together would be like dismissing all banking because of Danske Bank’s $230 billion money laundering pipeline.

Instead, USDC, the dollar digital currency, which has safely processed more than $8 trillion in blockchain transactions, conforms with existing U.S. electronic stored value, money transmission, and state supervisory frameworks—all while guarding against and being responsive to global financial integrity and prudential norms. As countries, global regulators and policymakers call for hardening their regulatory posture towards digital assets, the regulatory principle of same risk, same rules, and technology neutrality should be remembered. All too often, the crypto conversation focuses on risks, which is fair enough especially after an annus horribilis like 2022, despite the fact that most of the failures have human protagonists. However, it is again disingenuous for bankers to criticize the fundamental technologies that underpin crypto, on the one hand, while trying to co-opt its innovations on the other. This is not a dire contest between emerging industries and the technologies that power them and traditional finance, it is convergence.

One of the key ways in which well-regulated payment stablecoins (or Europe’s e-money tokens under emerging regulatory frameworks) are making upgrades is by rejecting the leverage and rehypothecation that makes fractional reserve banking risky. Indeed, the conservative balance sheet construct, asset-liability management, and liquidity coverage ratio underpinning USDC is on par or better than what is expected of globally systemic banks. We have to remember the daisy chain of leverage, systemic correlations, opacity, and dangerous financial alchemy that set off the 2008 financial crisis triggered a multi-trillion-dollar public bailout. Thus far, crypto’s eye-watering losses in 2022 have been “self-insured,” borne by sophisticated investors and speculators, early adopters, or people who may know not to invest more in anything than they can afford to lose—or not to invest in anything they do not understand. All “crypto” losses triggered by fraud, criminality, or race to the bottom regulatory arbitrage, as with the real economy or any other sector, should be categorically rejected, prosecuted, and consigned to history, like the failure of FTX. If policymakers, legislators and regulators, fail to meet their own calls to action for a digital asset rulebook, the next crypto crisis may not be so cleanly contained from the real economy.

As the frothy, speculative waters of 2022 recede taking with them the brigands, crypto corsairs and frauds, an enduring, regulated, always-on financial system will remain. This is solving for what we cannot do with money, banking, and financial services if they remain largely analog and consigned to brick and mortar. The history of both technology innovation and finance teaches us that it often takes a collapse or a bubble bursting for enduring value to remain. Just as the dot-com bubble handed over the development of the internet to durable companies, unlocking novel business models we now cannot live without, 2022 marks crypto’s Dodd-Frank moment. Meeting the moment with rules-based competition and sensible regulation that protects consumers and markets is the only right choice. On this, even crypto’s biggest detractors agree.

About
Dante A. Disparte serves as the Chief Strategy Officer & Head of Global Policy for Circle. He is a life member of the Council on Foreign Relations and serves on the World Economic Forum’s Digital Currency Governance Consortium. He is also a member of Diplomatic Courier’s editorial advisory board.

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.
HUMAN RIGHTS VS RELIGIOUS RITES
Israeli rabbi calls gay Knesset speaker Amir Ohana 'diseased'

A rabbi in Israel with a history of inflammatory and controversial remarks has said the new speaker of the Knesset was 'infected' because he was from the LGBTQ+ community.


Ohana, who has held ministerial positions before, is Israel's first openly gay Knesset speaker [Getty]


The New Arab Staff
02 January, 2023

A rabbi in Israel reportedly said the newly appointed speaker of the Knesset, Amir Ohana, was "infected with a disease" because of his sexuality.

Rabbi Meir Mazuz, the rabbinic leader of Tunisian Jews in Israel, made the comments about Ohana – a staunch supporter of new Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the first openly gay speaker of the Knesset – during an online lecture on Saturday, according to Israeli media.

Mazuz, who has a long history of making inflammatory remarks about the LGBTQ+ community, said during his sermon that the annual Pride Parade in Israel was a parade of "beasts walking upright."

"There is a time when everyone will be asked: Are you part of the Pride Parade or part of the humility parade?" he told students during his weekly sermon, according to Times of Israel.

"You should distance yourself from it. You see people walking and bragging [about] the Pride Parade in Jerusalem," he said, continuing: "Close the windows and tell your children: 'This is a parade of animals, you have no business looking at it. These are animals walking on two legs. What can we do about them?'"



He even hinted that Ohana was responsible for a stampede in 2021 in Israel’s Mount Meron that killed 45 ultra-Orthodox Jews, as the current speaker was public security minister at the time.

Ohana has also held the position of justice minister before. He and his partner, Alon Haddad, have two children together.

He responded to Mazuz’s remarks on Sunday, saying he would rather "fail a hundred times with unrequited love of Israel than to do so once from baseless hatred of Israel."

Netanyahu now heads a government that includes ultra-nationalist religious parties, and what is believed to be the most hard-right cabinet Israel has ever had. Many of its members have a history of making racist remarks towards Palestinians and Arabs.

Some cabinet members are openly opposed to Israel’s LGBTQ+ community, but Netanyahu has said his new government will uphold their rights.

The new cabinet has raised concerns among Palestinians who fear further violence and oppression under the new government.