The Company – a network of Russian agents specialised in disinformation operations – has been carrying out a vast propaganda campaign against the Ukrainian embassy in Ivory Coast. When the pan-African media outlet The Continent received a trove of leaked documents about this operation, the FRANCE 24 Observers team joined forces with a consortium of international journalists to investigate the inner workings of this network.
Issued on: 03/04/2026
The FRANCE 24 Observers/Quang Pham
The FRANCE 24 Observers team and our partners were able to analyse 76 leaked documents from early 2024 describing how the Russian network The Company carried out one of its operations. © Documents from The Company, The Continent.
Ghanaian news site Ghana Web published an article on July 12, 2024 that sparked controversy in Ivory Coast. As a segment of the Ivorian public opinion looks to distance itself from the Russia-Ukraine war, the article claimed that Ukraine was trying to recruit Ivorian citizens for the Ukrainian armed forces. The article, written under what appears to be a pseudonym, claims that recruitment posters were spotted in the streets of the Ivorian capital, Abidjan. These posters, coloured yellow and blue like the Ukrainian flag, were said to lay out a lucrative offer: the Ukrainian army would offer Ivorian volunteers a $3,000 bonus and “European residency” if they signed up to fight in the conflict.
Ghana Web published an image of a fake Ukrainian army recruitment flyer in an article posted online on July 12, 2024. The Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan confirmed that this document is fake. © GhanaWeb
It turns out, however, that these flyers were not created by the Ukrainian authorities, whose identity was stolen. When we contacted the Ukrainian Embassy, they formally denied any connection to the flyers.
“Since we opened in April 2024, the Ukrainian Embassy has not carried out any such activity. The Embassy does not recruit [army volunteers]: an activity like this does not fall under its auspices. As a result, the Ukrainian Embassy cannot be behind the printing or the ordering of these materials,” said the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan.
Moreover, it remains to be verified whether these posters actually appeared on the streets of Abidjan. The Ukrainian Embassy said that it had not seen them.
Our team worked with a consortium of investigative media outlets, including The Continent, Forbidden Stories, All Eyes On Wagner and RFI, to investigate this fake news story targeting Ukraine and Ivory Coast. We determined that it was seeded by a shadowy network known as the Company that is tasked with carrying out pro-Russian disinformation operations.
Our investigation focused on 76 leaked internal Company documents, shared anonymously with the team at the pan-African media outlet The Continent.
The Company was initially run by Yevgeny Prigozhin, the founder of private military organisation the Wagner Group. After Prigozhin was killed in a plane crash in August 2023, the disinformation network slowly came under the auspices of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service or SVR. The network appears to be made up of around 90 specialists who organise influence operations in nearly 30 countries in Africa and Latin America. The organisation is headquartered in St. Petersburg.
The leaked documents – which include financial reports, documents detailing global strategy, operational plans for disinformation campaigns and even invoices – offer a detailed vision into the inner workings of the Company.
It turns out, however, that these flyers were not created by the Ukrainian authorities, whose identity was stolen. When we contacted the Ukrainian Embassy, they formally denied any connection to the flyers.
“Since we opened in April 2024, the Ukrainian Embassy has not carried out any such activity. The Embassy does not recruit [army volunteers]: an activity like this does not fall under its auspices. As a result, the Ukrainian Embassy cannot be behind the printing or the ordering of these materials,” said the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan.
Moreover, it remains to be verified whether these posters actually appeared on the streets of Abidjan. The Ukrainian Embassy said that it had not seen them.
Our team worked with a consortium of investigative media outlets, including The Continent, Forbidden Stories, All Eyes On Wagner and RFI, to investigate this fake news story targeting Ukraine and Ivory Coast. We determined that it was seeded by a shadowy network known as the Company that is tasked with carrying out pro-Russian disinformation operations.
Our investigation focused on 76 leaked internal Company documents, shared anonymously with the team at the pan-African media outlet The Continent.
The Company was initially run by Yevgeny Prigozhin, the founder of private military organisation the Wagner Group. After Prigozhin was killed in a plane crash in August 2023, the disinformation network slowly came under the auspices of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service or SVR. The network appears to be made up of around 90 specialists who organise influence operations in nearly 30 countries in Africa and Latin America. The organisation is headquartered in St. Petersburg.
The leaked documents – which include financial reports, documents detailing global strategy, operational plans for disinformation campaigns and even invoices – offer a detailed vision into the inner workings of the Company.
Why Ivory Coast is seen as ‘a promising country’ for The Company’s operations
In a 2023 document, the Company lays out an influence campaign aimed at the entire African continent – what it calls its “Africa Project”. Its stated aim is to provide support to “political leaders loyal to Russia”, to work against Western influence and protect Moscow’s interests.
This is a 2023 map from the Company’s Africa Project. The dark grey indicates countries where the Company is already running influence operations. The light grey indicates what the Company views as “promising countries” for launching operations. © The Continent, documents from the Company.
The Company began its operations in the Central African Republic in 2018 and in the countries that are part of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which – since 2023 – has included Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. As part of its expansion strategy, the Ivory Coast is listed as a “promising country in which to launch operations”, as indicated by a map of Africa that was part of these documents.
The Company clearly has designs on Ivory Coast, which it believes is part of the “sphere of Western influence". The Company’s stated aim is to shift public opinion in Ivory Coast by discrediting French and American influence. The organisation also criticises the international diplomatic position that Ivory Coast has taken, saying that it sides with the European Union “on all international resolutions concerning the Ukrainian question".
The Company began its operations in the Central African Republic in 2018 and in the countries that are part of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which – since 2023 – has included Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. As part of its expansion strategy, the Ivory Coast is listed as a “promising country in which to launch operations”, as indicated by a map of Africa that was part of these documents.
The Company clearly has designs on Ivory Coast, which it believes is part of the “sphere of Western influence". The Company’s stated aim is to shift public opinion in Ivory Coast by discrediting French and American influence. The organisation also criticises the international diplomatic position that Ivory Coast has taken, saying that it sides with the European Union “on all international resolutions concerning the Ukrainian question".
This is an excerpt from the Company’s country file on the Ivory Coast, written up as part of its Africa Project. The document is from 2023. © The Continent, documents from the Company.
Attempts to discredit Ukraine in Ivory Coast
Ukraine appears as one of the Company’s primary targets. Between May and September 2024, Russia carried out four operations targeting Ivory Coast on social media and in traditional media outlets – both influence operations designed to promote pro-Russian narratives and disinformation campaigns aimed at spreading fake news. Three explicitly targeted the Ukrainian Embassy.
“Since it was created in April 2024, the Ukrainian Embassy has regularly been the target of these attacks. The first campaign began in May 2024 – less than a month after it opened,” the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan said.
Attempts to discredit Ukraine in Ivory Coast
Ukraine appears as one of the Company’s primary targets. Between May and September 2024, Russia carried out four operations targeting Ivory Coast on social media and in traditional media outlets – both influence operations designed to promote pro-Russian narratives and disinformation campaigns aimed at spreading fake news. Three explicitly targeted the Ukrainian Embassy.
“Since it was created in April 2024, the Ukrainian Embassy has regularly been the target of these attacks. The first campaign began in May 2024 – less than a month after it opened,” the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan said.
According to this internal document from 2024, the Company launched four influence operations or operations aimed at spreading disinformation in the Ivory Coast between May and September 2024. © Company documents, The Continent.
In May 2024, the fake news story about the Ukrainian Embassy’s alleged drive to recruit Ivorian soldiers started to spread on social media. An image of a fake recruitment ad was also widely circulated on Facebook. The Ukrainian Embassy has denied that it is behind its creation. This disinformation campaign continued in July 2024 with the publication of the Ghanaweb article claiming that the Ukrainian Embassy’s recruitment flyers had been spotted in the streets of Abidjan. In that case, the Ukrainian chancellery denied that they were behind these posters and added that they had seen no sign of them in Abidjan.
In May 2024, the fake news story about the Ukrainian Embassy’s alleged drive to recruit Ivorian soldiers started to spread on social media. An image of a fake recruitment ad was also widely circulated on Facebook. The Ukrainian Embassy has denied that it is behind its creation. This disinformation campaign continued in July 2024 with the publication of the Ghanaweb article claiming that the Ukrainian Embassy’s recruitment flyers had been spotted in the streets of Abidjan. In that case, the Ukrainian chancellery denied that they were behind these posters and added that they had seen no sign of them in Abidjan.
The Ukrainian Embassy denounced on May 29, 2024, the publication of fake recruitment posters. Source: Facebook
In September 2024, the photo of a fake invitation to a cultural event supposedly organised by the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan was widely circulated on Facebook and WhatsApp. The event was portrayed on Ivorian social media as an attempt to enlist African citizens in the conflict in Europe. The Ukrainian Embassy also formally denied the authenticity of the document.
A campaign to place articles in the media
Along with the sharing of misleading content on social media, the Company also financed the placement and publication of news articles in African media outlets that reflect its language of propaganda. The documents that we obtained detail what is called Project Magadan, an influence campaign originally launched by Prigozhin’s teams. As part of this project, the Company organised the publication of 49 articles aimed at Ivorians in 22 media outlets between May and October 2024. One Ivorian media outlet was also used for the publication of 14 articles targeting other African nations.
The organisation says that it spent $39,800 USD (around 34,430 euros) to get these articles published or roughly $631 dollars (or 545 euros) per article. While the Company might have directly paid some journalists and media outlets, it also functioned more discreetly and in a more concealed manner.
The Ghanaweb article about the fake recruitment campaign supposedly being carried out by the Ukrainian Embassy in the Ivory Coast wasn’t written by journalists with the Ghanaian news site, as is made clear in the warning on the article. It was published in a paying space reserved for promotional content – for which GhanaWeb charges a fee of $250 USD (215 euros) – or outside contributors. Our team contacted Ghanaweb to ask about the publication of this article in particular, but they had not responded to our questions at the time of publication.
However, the Company’s financial documents indicated that they spent $700 USD on the publication of the Ghanaweb article.
Along with the sharing of misleading content on social media, the Company also financed the placement and publication of news articles in African media outlets that reflect its language of propaganda. The documents that we obtained detail what is called Project Magadan, an influence campaign originally launched by Prigozhin’s teams. As part of this project, the Company organised the publication of 49 articles aimed at Ivorians in 22 media outlets between May and October 2024. One Ivorian media outlet was also used for the publication of 14 articles targeting other African nations.
The organisation says that it spent $39,800 USD (around 34,430 euros) to get these articles published or roughly $631 dollars (or 545 euros) per article. While the Company might have directly paid some journalists and media outlets, it also functioned more discreetly and in a more concealed manner.
The Ghanaweb article about the fake recruitment campaign supposedly being carried out by the Ukrainian Embassy in the Ivory Coast wasn’t written by journalists with the Ghanaian news site, as is made clear in the warning on the article. It was published in a paying space reserved for promotional content – for which GhanaWeb charges a fee of $250 USD (215 euros) – or outside contributors. Our team contacted Ghanaweb to ask about the publication of this article in particular, but they had not responded to our questions at the time of publication.
However, the Company’s financial documents indicated that they spent $700 USD on the publication of the Ghanaweb article.
According to the Company’s financial report, the organisation paid $700 USD for the publication of the Ghanaweb article about the fake army recruitment drive supposedly being carried out by the Ukrainian Army in the Ivory Coast. © The Continent, documents from the Company.
Free articles sent to newsrooms
The Company also appears to have developed another model for getting articles placed: providing free articles to newsrooms.
A recognised Ivorian media outlet published 18 articles sent to them by the Company between May and October 2024. The documents say that the Company spent $10,200 on these articles.
The journalist from the Ivorian media outlet who published these articles – who spoke to our team on condition of anonymity – told our team that he had no idea that they had been written by a Russian intelligence service. He further said that he was not paid for their publication:
“At my level, I didn’t receive the sums that you are talking about. Perhaps an intermediary received this money, but I often published these articles in good faith without wanting to participate in Russian propaganda and even less so in a campaign that was anti-Western or anti-French.
By the way, I didn’t publish all the articles that they sent my way. Especially when the information they contained was hard to verify.”
The journalist explained that the articles attributed to the Company were not written by journalists on his team but by “special correspondents”, which is noted in the signature of the authors of these 18 articles. This title refers to outside contributors who write on a voluntary, unpaid basis for the publication.
“They are authors who want to write for us about an event, for example. They send us pitches, which we edit. They are not paid. But I do not personally know these authors. All of them introduced these articles through an intermediary who supplies content. Maybe these authors deal with him [about payment],” said the Ivorian journalist.
Marc-André Boisvert, an analyst with communications and digital services company Cronos Europe, explains how these free articles were used in certain Ivorian media outlets.
“In Ivory Coast, some newspapers are dedicated to the promotion of one politician in particular. Once they’ve promoted the politician they support, they will take pretty much any other articles to fill their pages. That’s where these disinformation networks work well in Ivory Coast. They often send these newspapers free articles.”
While not all of the articles by unpaid contributors are misleading, this practice is easy to abuse.
Even though independent contributors are not paid by the media outlets that publish their articles, they are often paid by outside sources for placing articles promoting certain topics or figures. We delve into the media outlets used by the Company in the second part of our investigation.
Free articles sent to newsrooms
The Company also appears to have developed another model for getting articles placed: providing free articles to newsrooms.
A recognised Ivorian media outlet published 18 articles sent to them by the Company between May and October 2024. The documents say that the Company spent $10,200 on these articles.
The journalist from the Ivorian media outlet who published these articles – who spoke to our team on condition of anonymity – told our team that he had no idea that they had been written by a Russian intelligence service. He further said that he was not paid for their publication:
“At my level, I didn’t receive the sums that you are talking about. Perhaps an intermediary received this money, but I often published these articles in good faith without wanting to participate in Russian propaganda and even less so in a campaign that was anti-Western or anti-French.
By the way, I didn’t publish all the articles that they sent my way. Especially when the information they contained was hard to verify.”
The journalist explained that the articles attributed to the Company were not written by journalists on his team but by “special correspondents”, which is noted in the signature of the authors of these 18 articles. This title refers to outside contributors who write on a voluntary, unpaid basis for the publication.
“They are authors who want to write for us about an event, for example. They send us pitches, which we edit. They are not paid. But I do not personally know these authors. All of them introduced these articles through an intermediary who supplies content. Maybe these authors deal with him [about payment],” said the Ivorian journalist.
Marc-André Boisvert, an analyst with communications and digital services company Cronos Europe, explains how these free articles were used in certain Ivorian media outlets.
“In Ivory Coast, some newspapers are dedicated to the promotion of one politician in particular. Once they’ve promoted the politician they support, they will take pretty much any other articles to fill their pages. That’s where these disinformation networks work well in Ivory Coast. They often send these newspapers free articles.”
While not all of the articles by unpaid contributors are misleading, this practice is easy to abuse.
Even though independent contributors are not paid by the media outlets that publish their articles, they are often paid by outside sources for placing articles promoting certain topics or figures. We delve into the media outlets used by the Company in the second part of our investigation.
Polarising debates
One of these articles written by one of these so-called correspondents, published on September 4, 2024, was about a fake musical event being organised by the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan. The article claimed that the organisation of this (fake) event angered some social media users, who saw it as foreign interference.
While the spreading of this rumour was a disinformation operation launched by the Company – as indicated in its internal documents –, the article seemed to spark real concern among some Ivorian social media users about the war between Russia and Ukraine.
“The feeling – I wouldn’t say dominant but often expressed by Ivorians on social media – is captured in this article. People want to distance themselves from this war,” said the Ivorian journalist who published this article. We also spoke to Boisvert, who warned that it was important not to exaggerate the amount of time that most Ivorians spend thinking about Ukraine.
Not all of the Company’s publications feature flagrant disinformation – often, they promote pro-Russian or pro-AES narratives. They also aim to polarise debates within the Ivorian population, which is already fertile ground for divisions. Mohamed Kebe, an Ivorian journalist and factchecker, explains:
“Ivory Coast is divided politically. When you are part of the opposition, you are likely to criticise anything that those in power do, whether good or bad. Similarly, those on the side of the government often reject any position held by the opposition.
The result is that, today, there are narratives fed by one part of the population. Because some don’t like the government, they might connect more with pro-Russian content, especially content shared by pro-AES accounts, and then share it.”
‘Sort of botched’ campaigns
So, how effective are these campaigns aimed at discrediting Ukraine in Ivory Coast?
The experts we interviewed had mixed feelings. For example, Ivorian journalist Mohamed Kebe said that there was “a lot of noise” on social media about the fake news story about the Ukrainian Embassy trying to recruit Ivorians.
In the leaked internal documents, the Company also brags about carrying out disinformation campaigns in the real world, not just on social media and in media outlets – like hanging up the fake recruitment posters in the streets of Abidjan. However, as for the actions supposedly carried out in the real world – as it remains to be seen if they actually were carried out – they seem to have had a very limited effect.
“I didn’t see any of these flyers in Abidjan,” said Mohamed Kebe. The Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan also said that they had not seen the flyers in the streets of the Ivorian economic capital.
For his part, expert Boisvert says that the disinformation campaigns about Ukraine carried out in Ivory Coast provoked “very little reaction” and had no significant impact on Ivorian opinion.
“The attacks on the meeting between President Alassane Ouattara and [Ukrainian President Volodymyr] Zelensky [in June 2024] were shared, but without any real political impact.
Increasingly, we feel like these campaigns are not specifically targeting Ivorians. They seem, more like an attempt to try and convince an outside public – like AES countries – that the Ivorian government is on the wrong path and too aligned with the West. Often, there seems to be underlying narratives about French conspiracies [Editor’s note: against AES nations].
Ivorians are more immune to these kinds of campaigns, which are sometimes sort of botched.”
This article has been translated from the original in French by Brenna Daldorph.
So, how effective are these campaigns aimed at discrediting Ukraine in Ivory Coast?
The experts we interviewed had mixed feelings. For example, Ivorian journalist Mohamed Kebe said that there was “a lot of noise” on social media about the fake news story about the Ukrainian Embassy trying to recruit Ivorians.
In the leaked internal documents, the Company also brags about carrying out disinformation campaigns in the real world, not just on social media and in media outlets – like hanging up the fake recruitment posters in the streets of Abidjan. However, as for the actions supposedly carried out in the real world – as it remains to be seen if they actually were carried out – they seem to have had a very limited effect.
“I didn’t see any of these flyers in Abidjan,” said Mohamed Kebe. The Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan also said that they had not seen the flyers in the streets of the Ivorian economic capital.
For his part, expert Boisvert says that the disinformation campaigns about Ukraine carried out in Ivory Coast provoked “very little reaction” and had no significant impact on Ivorian opinion.
“The attacks on the meeting between President Alassane Ouattara and [Ukrainian President Volodymyr] Zelensky [in June 2024] were shared, but without any real political impact.
Increasingly, we feel like these campaigns are not specifically targeting Ivorians. They seem, more like an attempt to try and convince an outside public – like AES countries – that the Ivorian government is on the wrong path and too aligned with the West. Often, there seems to be underlying narratives about French conspiracies [Editor’s note: against AES nations].
Ivorians are more immune to these kinds of campaigns, which are sometimes sort of botched.”
This article has been translated from the original in French by Brenna Daldorph.
INVESTIGATION
Leaked files reveal Russia's blueprint to expand African Sahel alliance
Russian-linked consultants worked to strengthen and widen a pro-Moscow alliance in the Sahel region, using media campaigns, political pressure and cultural events to influence governments and public opinion, according to leaked internal documents seen by RFI and its partners.
Issued on: 03/04/2026 - RFI
Shaping a pro-Russia bloc
In an August 2023 report titled “Global South”, strategists from Africa Politology called for a “confederation of independence” to counter what they described as a Western-built “belt of instability”.
They said the aim was to reshape a vast region stretching from Senegal and Guinea to Sudan and Eritrea. This vision developed alongside the emergence of the AES.
Military coups in Mali in May 2021, in Burkina Faso in September 2022 and in Niger in July 2023 opened the way for closer ties with Moscow, as French troops withdrew from counter-terrorism operations in the region.
The documents present this as a narrative of sovereignty – portraying jihadist groups, political opposition and critical civil society as internal threats backed by Western powers and their regional allies.
The objectives set out in the files closely match those of Russia, including weakening the West’s image as a reliable security partner and disrupting US military logistics across Africa.
They also aim to open new markets for hydrocarbons, weapons and agricultural products, and to secure diplomatic support.
Internal budgets reveal spending on communication campaigns, including $51,300 in Niger in May 2024 and $64,500 in September. Hundreds of sponsored articles and social media posts are listed, each linked to payments of several hundred dollars.
Africa Politology consultants also claimed credit for political developments, incasing the creation of the AES.
“A large information campaign was launched in the media and on social networks. The result of these actions was the agreement of the leaders of the three countries to sign a memorandum creating the Confederation of Sahel States,” they wrote.
That confederation was formalised at a summit in July 2024 between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
Mali driving the message
Mali is described as “the driving force of the anti-Western movement in the Sahel”, with the Africa Politology group claiming to support that role.
A work plan for May and June 2024 included an objective to “block the work of religious figures whose actions aim to weaken the established order”.
The same documents say regulations on religious organisations were tightened and that the Coordination of Movements, Associations and Supporters, known as CMAS, a movement linked to influential imam Mahmoud Dicko, was dissolved in March 2024.
Dicko had helped mobilise protests before the 2020 overthrow of president Ibrahim Boubakar Keïta but later fell out with the authorities and went into exile. The documents describe him as a “jihadist imam”.
Africa Politology also claimed to have led campaigns against foreign mining companies. Campaigns also targeted Orano and GoviEx, two foreign companies mining uranium in Niger.
“A vast information campaign was conducted to discredit foreign companies that own mines. Demonstrations in favour of the nationalisation of extractive industries were organised,” the documents state.
However, a specialist described this as an exaggeration, noting that changes to mining rules were driven by other actors and that disputes were often resolved through negotiation.
The files also highlight a youth forum held in Bamako in September 2024 to mark the first anniversary of the Liptako-Gourma Charter, the mutual defence pact that came before the confederation. Delegations from Senegal, Guinea and Chad attended.
Anti-Ukraine narratives
The leaked Africa Politology documents also detail a $3,000 campaign against Ukraine, described as “a country supporting terrorists in Africa”.
The campaign coincided with Mali cutting ties with Kyiv on 4 August, 2024, after comments by a Ukrainian military intelligence spokesman suggesting Ukraine had shared information with northern Mali rebels involved in an attack near Tinzaouatène the previous week.
The attack was devastating for the Russian mercenaries backing the Malian army, with several dozen killed.
The documents said they organised a conference in Dakar in October 2024 with Guinean singer Élie Kamano.
“I want to make my voice heard through this tour, to encourage AES member countries in their drive to establish the true foundations of African unity and to fight these terrorist groups financed by French and Ukrainian lobbies,” Kamano said.
The files say the conference cost $12,000 and that his remarks were repeated in 43 media articles.
Kamano confirmed to RFI that he made the comments but denied receiving any payment. “My fight in engaged music did not start yesterday. I give conferences wherever I go, in Dakar and elsewhere, and I am not concerned by your claims, not in any way."
He did not explain how the Dakar event was organised or the conditions of his wider AES tour, during which he filmed several clips praising the military governments allied to Moscow.
Kamano, who lives in exile in France, also said four members of his family, including two of his children, were abducted in Conakry in late November 2025 and blamed the Guinean authorities.
Satigui Sidibé, founder of the Malian news site Bamada.net, told RFI's sister TV channel France 24 he had not received any payment to publish related articles and had no contact with any Russian entity.
Leaked files reveal Russia's blueprint to expand African Sahel alliance
Russian-linked consultants worked to strengthen and widen a pro-Moscow alliance in the Sahel region, using media campaigns, political pressure and cultural events to influence governments and public opinion, according to leaked internal documents seen by RFI and its partners.
Issued on: 03/04/2026 - RFI
An investigation from the “Propaganda Machine” series examines how a Russian-linked network sought to strengthen and expand a pro-Moscow alliance in the Sahel. © Studio FMM
The leaked files form part of the “Propaganda Machine” investigation, led by the pan-African media organisation The Continent and the journalism network Forbidden Stories, of which RFI is a member.
The investigation is based on more than 1,400 pages of internal records from a group known as Africa Politology, set up by Yevgeny Prigozhin, founder of the Russian paramilitary group Wagner, which operated in several African countries.
Africa Politology was later taken over by Russian foreign intelligence services, after the Wagner Group was dismantle following a failed mutiny attempt and the death of Prigozhin in 2023.
The documents show how the group aimed to reinforce the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger and extend the alliance to neighbouring countries, while promoting Russian interests across the region.
It also set out a broader strategy to weaken Western influence, secure new economic opportunities and gain support at the United Nations.
The files identify the Sahel as a key focus of Russia’s return to Africa, alongside the Central African Republic, where Russia provides security support, has access to natural resources and promotes anti-Western messages.
The leaked files form part of the “Propaganda Machine” investigation, led by the pan-African media organisation The Continent and the journalism network Forbidden Stories, of which RFI is a member.
The investigation is based on more than 1,400 pages of internal records from a group known as Africa Politology, set up by Yevgeny Prigozhin, founder of the Russian paramilitary group Wagner, which operated in several African countries.
Africa Politology was later taken over by Russian foreign intelligence services, after the Wagner Group was dismantle following a failed mutiny attempt and the death of Prigozhin in 2023.
The documents show how the group aimed to reinforce the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger and extend the alliance to neighbouring countries, while promoting Russian interests across the region.
It also set out a broader strategy to weaken Western influence, secure new economic opportunities and gain support at the United Nations.
The files identify the Sahel as a key focus of Russia’s return to Africa, alongside the Central African Republic, where Russia provides security support, has access to natural resources and promotes anti-Western messages.
Propaganda Machine: Inside Russia's drive to shift Chad from Western influence
Shaping a pro-Russia bloc
In an August 2023 report titled “Global South”, strategists from Africa Politology called for a “confederation of independence” to counter what they described as a Western-built “belt of instability”.
They said the aim was to reshape a vast region stretching from Senegal and Guinea to Sudan and Eritrea. This vision developed alongside the emergence of the AES.
Military coups in Mali in May 2021, in Burkina Faso in September 2022 and in Niger in July 2023 opened the way for closer ties with Moscow, as French troops withdrew from counter-terrorism operations in the region.
The documents present this as a narrative of sovereignty – portraying jihadist groups, political opposition and critical civil society as internal threats backed by Western powers and their regional allies.
The objectives set out in the files closely match those of Russia, including weakening the West’s image as a reliable security partner and disrupting US military logistics across Africa.
They also aim to open new markets for hydrocarbons, weapons and agricultural products, and to secure diplomatic support.
Internal budgets reveal spending on communication campaigns, including $51,300 in Niger in May 2024 and $64,500 in September. Hundreds of sponsored articles and social media posts are listed, each linked to payments of several hundred dollars.
Africa Politology consultants also claimed credit for political developments, incasing the creation of the AES.
“A large information campaign was launched in the media and on social networks. The result of these actions was the agreement of the leaders of the three countries to sign a memorandum creating the Confederation of Sahel States,” they wrote.
That confederation was formalised at a summit in July 2024 between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
Internal documents show budget lines detailing spending on communication campaigns in each country targeted by the network. © Capture d'écran
Pressure and influence in Niger
In Niger, the documents describe efforts in 2024 to strengthen the military government and cut ties with the United States.
The consultants said they played a role in disrupting contacts with Washington. “Under the influence of the company’s contractors, negotiations with the American delegation were hindered in March 2024,” they wrote.
They added that Abdourahamane Tiani refused to meet a visiting US delegation, while protests saw American flags burned.
According to the files, more than a dozen meetings took place with senior figures in the regime.
Alongside political actions, cultural and social initiatives were used to build influence. These included opening a Russian cultural centre in Niamey in June 2024, organising a motorbike rally with more than 300 participants for “Russia Day”, and holding football tournaments and other sports and cultural events.
The documents also describe efforts to push Niger out of the CFA franc, a regional currency used in several West African countries, and promote a unified banking system across AES countries, with a roadmap said to have been presented to the three governments.
The documents recommend linking sabotage attacks by the Patriotic Liberation Front – an armed group in Niger – to France, as well as tensions with Benin, and promoting claims that “France trains terrorists to invade Niger”, a narrative later repeated by the authorities.
“The result of our campaigns allows for greater cohesion between citizens of the three countries,” the consultants wrote.
Pressure and influence in Niger
In Niger, the documents describe efforts in 2024 to strengthen the military government and cut ties with the United States.
The consultants said they played a role in disrupting contacts with Washington. “Under the influence of the company’s contractors, negotiations with the American delegation were hindered in March 2024,” they wrote.
They added that Abdourahamane Tiani refused to meet a visiting US delegation, while protests saw American flags burned.
According to the files, more than a dozen meetings took place with senior figures in the regime.
Alongside political actions, cultural and social initiatives were used to build influence. These included opening a Russian cultural centre in Niamey in June 2024, organising a motorbike rally with more than 300 participants for “Russia Day”, and holding football tournaments and other sports and cultural events.
The documents also describe efforts to push Niger out of the CFA franc, a regional currency used in several West African countries, and promote a unified banking system across AES countries, with a roadmap said to have been presented to the three governments.
The documents recommend linking sabotage attacks by the Patriotic Liberation Front – an armed group in Niger – to France, as well as tensions with Benin, and promoting claims that “France trains terrorists to invade Niger”, a narrative later repeated by the authorities.
“The result of our campaigns allows for greater cohesion between citizens of the three countries,” the consultants wrote.
How Moscow is reinventing its influence machine across Africa
Mali driving the message
Mali is described as “the driving force of the anti-Western movement in the Sahel”, with the Africa Politology group claiming to support that role.
A work plan for May and June 2024 included an objective to “block the work of religious figures whose actions aim to weaken the established order”.
The same documents say regulations on religious organisations were tightened and that the Coordination of Movements, Associations and Supporters, known as CMAS, a movement linked to influential imam Mahmoud Dicko, was dissolved in March 2024.
Dicko had helped mobilise protests before the 2020 overthrow of president Ibrahim Boubakar Keïta but later fell out with the authorities and went into exile. The documents describe him as a “jihadist imam”.
Africa Politology also claimed to have led campaigns against foreign mining companies. Campaigns also targeted Orano and GoviEx, two foreign companies mining uranium in Niger.
“A vast information campaign was conducted to discredit foreign companies that own mines. Demonstrations in favour of the nationalisation of extractive industries were organised,” the documents state.
However, a specialist described this as an exaggeration, noting that changes to mining rules were driven by other actors and that disputes were often resolved through negotiation.
The files also highlight a youth forum held in Bamako in September 2024 to mark the first anniversary of the Liptako-Gourma Charter, the mutual defence pact that came before the confederation. Delegations from Senegal, Guinea and Chad attended.
Internal documents outline Russian influence strategies in Mali (left) and Niger (right). © Screen grab
Ousmane Sonko Junior, a member of the Patriotic Youth of Senegal, a group linked to the ruling Pastef party, told Forbidden Stories he was surprised by the conclusions.
“The round tables were supposed to be about youth political engagement, growth and so on. When the conclusions came, we saw topics in the minutes that we had not discussed,” Sonko said, adding he refused to sign the document despite pressure.
“Our position as young members of Pastef is African integration and unity. We do not interfere in AES politics or alliances, but we refuse to be drawn into cooperation where we would submit to one foreign power or another."
Participants later learned their travel had been funded by the Russian House in Bamako, and reported the presence of two men conducting interviews, Maksim Kovaliev and Nikolay Laktionov, identified in the documents as Africa Politology employees.
Ousmane Sonko Junior, a member of the Patriotic Youth of Senegal, a group linked to the ruling Pastef party, told Forbidden Stories he was surprised by the conclusions.
“The round tables were supposed to be about youth political engagement, growth and so on. When the conclusions came, we saw topics in the minutes that we had not discussed,” Sonko said, adding he refused to sign the document despite pressure.
“Our position as young members of Pastef is African integration and unity. We do not interfere in AES politics or alliances, but we refuse to be drawn into cooperation where we would submit to one foreign power or another."
Participants later learned their travel had been funded by the Russian House in Bamako, and reported the presence of two men conducting interviews, Maksim Kovaliev and Nikolay Laktionov, identified in the documents as Africa Politology employees.
Former Wagner media operative lifts the lid on Russian disinformation in CAR
Anti-Ukraine narratives
The leaked Africa Politology documents also detail a $3,000 campaign against Ukraine, described as “a country supporting terrorists in Africa”.
The campaign coincided with Mali cutting ties with Kyiv on 4 August, 2024, after comments by a Ukrainian military intelligence spokesman suggesting Ukraine had shared information with northern Mali rebels involved in an attack near Tinzaouatène the previous week.
The attack was devastating for the Russian mercenaries backing the Malian army, with several dozen killed.
The documents said they organised a conference in Dakar in October 2024 with Guinean singer Élie Kamano.
“I want to make my voice heard through this tour, to encourage AES member countries in their drive to establish the true foundations of African unity and to fight these terrorist groups financed by French and Ukrainian lobbies,” Kamano said.
The files say the conference cost $12,000 and that his remarks were repeated in 43 media articles.
Kamano confirmed to RFI that he made the comments but denied receiving any payment. “My fight in engaged music did not start yesterday. I give conferences wherever I go, in Dakar and elsewhere, and I am not concerned by your claims, not in any way."
He did not explain how the Dakar event was organised or the conditions of his wider AES tour, during which he filmed several clips praising the military governments allied to Moscow.
Kamano, who lives in exile in France, also said four members of his family, including two of his children, were abducted in Conakry in late November 2025 and blamed the Guinean authorities.
Satigui Sidibé, founder of the Malian news site Bamada.net, told RFI's sister TV channel France 24 he had not received any payment to publish related articles and had no contact with any Russian entity.
Screenshot of an article on Bamada.net reporting on Élie Kamano’s statements about Ukraine during a pan-African tour. © Capture d'écran
Targets beyond the Sahel
Expanding the AES was a central objective, with Chad identified as the main priority and several other countries also targeted.
In Guinea, Africa Politology consultants said they were approached in 2019 by allies of then-president Alpha Condé. After his overthrow in 2021, they described the new authorities as a target for “reorientation towards Russia and the AES”.
Frustrated by limited progress, they said they launched a campaign portraying the leadership as a “puppet of France”.
Political analyst Kabinet Fofana told RFI that Guinea had little reason to join the bloc. “The opposition and civil society supported the coup at the start, so Guinea had nothing to gain in an AES-type approach,” he said.
“We did not have the same political, social or security context, and France was quite cautious.”
The documents also mention efforts to influence Senegal’s leaders, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. “The priority objective is to correct diplomatic positioning towards a sovereignist path, facilitating rapprochement with the AES,” the documents said.
Four campaigns launched between May and September 2024 pushed for closer ties with the AES, the departure of French troops and the expulsion of the Ukrainian ambassador. One campaign reportedly reached more than 8 million people.
Togo was identified as another key target, particularly its port of Lomé, described in the documents as a vital logistics hub. They say 35 campaigns were carried out between February and April 2024 to influence the country’s geopolitical direction.
The campaigns coincided with legislative elections held in a tense climate, alongside constitutional changes allowing Faure Gnassingbé to remain in power as president of the Council of Ministers. The campaigns accused the US of destabilising the country and the opposition of being backed by foreign actors under the pretext of restoring democracy.
The plans also involved cooperation in phosphate mining and security operations against terrorism and piracy in the Gulf of Guinea.
Togo later signed a defence agreement with Moscow and Gnassingbé travelled to Russia. In early March 2026, he discreetly received the Russian defence minister, according to specialist media.
A recent deserter from the Africa Corps, the paramilitary group linked to the Russian defence ministry, also described Togo as the group’s “new destination”.
Posts on Telegram channels linked to Russian authorities, including the widely followed Rybar account, a pro-Russian channel, raised the question: “Why do we need Togo?”
Benin and Côte d’Ivoire are also cited as future targets. The documents say contacts were made in July 2024 with figures close to former Ivorian president Laurent Gbagbo’s party and with former prime minister Guillaume Soro, now based in the AES.
Targets beyond the Sahel
Expanding the AES was a central objective, with Chad identified as the main priority and several other countries also targeted.
In Guinea, Africa Politology consultants said they were approached in 2019 by allies of then-president Alpha Condé. After his overthrow in 2021, they described the new authorities as a target for “reorientation towards Russia and the AES”.
Frustrated by limited progress, they said they launched a campaign portraying the leadership as a “puppet of France”.
Political analyst Kabinet Fofana told RFI that Guinea had little reason to join the bloc. “The opposition and civil society supported the coup at the start, so Guinea had nothing to gain in an AES-type approach,” he said.
“We did not have the same political, social or security context, and France was quite cautious.”
The documents also mention efforts to influence Senegal’s leaders, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. “The priority objective is to correct diplomatic positioning towards a sovereignist path, facilitating rapprochement with the AES,” the documents said.
Four campaigns launched between May and September 2024 pushed for closer ties with the AES, the departure of French troops and the expulsion of the Ukrainian ambassador. One campaign reportedly reached more than 8 million people.
Togo was identified as another key target, particularly its port of Lomé, described in the documents as a vital logistics hub. They say 35 campaigns were carried out between February and April 2024 to influence the country’s geopolitical direction.
The campaigns coincided with legislative elections held in a tense climate, alongside constitutional changes allowing Faure Gnassingbé to remain in power as president of the Council of Ministers. The campaigns accused the US of destabilising the country and the opposition of being backed by foreign actors under the pretext of restoring democracy.
The plans also involved cooperation in phosphate mining and security operations against terrorism and piracy in the Gulf of Guinea.
Togo later signed a defence agreement with Moscow and Gnassingbé travelled to Russia. In early March 2026, he discreetly received the Russian defence minister, according to specialist media.
A recent deserter from the Africa Corps, the paramilitary group linked to the Russian defence ministry, also described Togo as the group’s “new destination”.
Posts on Telegram channels linked to Russian authorities, including the widely followed Rybar account, a pro-Russian channel, raised the question: “Why do we need Togo?”
Benin and Côte d’Ivoire are also cited as future targets. The documents say contacts were made in July 2024 with figures close to former Ivorian president Laurent Gbagbo’s party and with former prime minister Guillaume Soro, now based in the AES.
A leaked internal document titled “The geopolitical situation in Togo”. © Screen grab
Impact unclear
Despite the scale of the operations described, their real impact remains unclear.
“These documents are full of bold claims about their achievements,” said Lou Osborne of All Eyes On Wagner, a partner in the investigative consortium.
“They do not show a deep understanding of local dynamics, and sometimes the same strategies are applied across different countries without adapting to local realities,” she said.
Osborne added that while the work may appear successful from Moscow, “the reality on the ground is much more nuanced and requires the action of a multitude of local actors”.
The documents also suggest that promotion of Russia as a security partner may be weakening, as the US increases its engagement in the region.
This article has been adapted from the original version in French by François Mazet
Impact unclear
Despite the scale of the operations described, their real impact remains unclear.
“These documents are full of bold claims about their achievements,” said Lou Osborne of All Eyes On Wagner, a partner in the investigative consortium.
“They do not show a deep understanding of local dynamics, and sometimes the same strategies are applied across different countries without adapting to local realities,” she said.
Osborne added that while the work may appear successful from Moscow, “the reality on the ground is much more nuanced and requires the action of a multitude of local actors”.
The documents also suggest that promotion of Russia as a security partner may be weakening, as the US increases its engagement in the region.
This article has been adapted from the original version in French by François Mazet
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