Thursday, August 06, 2020

GERMANY
Local slaughterhouses struggle to keep ethical farming alive

The coronavirus pandemic has focused fresh attention on local supply chains, as well as the dangers of mass meat production. But without small-scale abattoirs, environmentally friendly farming could be at risk.


At the height of the coronavirus lockdown, the Welsh high street where William Lloyd Williams' has his butcher's shop was virtually deserted. Yet Williams was inundated with customers keen to buy meat with a fully traceable supply chain.

Williams slaughters local livestock in his small abattoir next to the farmland in Machynlleth's bucolic Dyfi Valley where he keeps his own cows and sheep. The shop itself is only a short walk away.

"Wil has got a field so the animals have no stress," says Joy Neal, from nearby Glandyfi. "He is kind to the animals and provides good meat for local people and I think he is much appreciated!"

Consumers often prefer not to think about how their meat was killed. But Neal is reassured that it comes from a local abattoir. "There are very few of them left and I feel very strongly about this one," she says.

Read more: German slaughterhouse overhaul: Radical reform or return to status quo?

A business in decline

Williams' abattoir has been in his family since the 1950s. He learned his craft from his father, carrying sheep heads out at the age of eight, and began training properly aged 17.

His business has survived foot-and-mouth disease, BSE or "mad cow disease" — both of which cost the UK agricultural industry billions of pounds — and now COVID-19.

But it's been a struggle. In the 1980s, there were seven local abattoirs in Montgomeryshire county, now Williams' is the only one. Across the UK, there was a 99% decrease in local abattoirs between 1930 and 2017, according to the Sustainable Food Trust (SFT), which launched The Campaign for Local Abattoirs in 2018.



William Lloyd Williams butchers' in Machynlleth is transparent about the supply chain behind the meat it sells

These small businesses aren't profitable enough to compete with supermarkets, and a growing burden of paperwork and regulation hasn't helped. The SFT says much regulation is drawn up with large abattoirs in mind and is "unnecessary or inappropriate for small abattoirs."

"We've destroyed that latticework of localized infrastructure which used to be in place," says STF founder Patrick Holden. "That's not to say we can't rebuild this in a new way after COVID, but you can't achieve that unless the links between the primary producer and the consumer are in place. Abattoirs are particularly critical because you can't have local and welfare friendly meat of any description unless you have local abattoirs."

Gentler on livestock, and the planet

According to data from the UK Food Standards Agency, most welfare problems associated with the farm-to-slaughterhouse chain occur in transport. Standards set by the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals state that livestock should be slaughtered as close as possible to its point of origin.

And the factory-farming model isn't just bad for animal welfare. It relies heavily on antibiotics due to the risk of disease when animals are packed together in large numbers, and huge quantities of grain and protein-rich soya that is grown in agrochemical-dependent monocultures, leading to soil degradation, pollution and biodiversity loss.

Read more: Can feeding insects to animals shake up farming as we know it?

The farmers whose meat Williams sells are listed on a sign in his shop window that changes week-by-week. All the livestock he slaughters is grass-fed on farms within a 20-mile radius, most fewer than 10 miles away.

"I house the animals the night before so they're rested; they're on clean straw and water and it is short work from field to abattoir," he says. "Because of the nature of the task, one of the most important things is there must be no cruelty involved whatsoever."


Wil Lloyd says avoiding cruelty is central to how he raises and slaughters his beloved cattle

Political recognition

While historically there has been little support from the UK government to preserve local abattoirs, the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Animal Welfare (APGAW) released a report in June 2020 recognizing their importance.

A spokesperson for the UK's Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs told DW it was "currently carrying out a review of the relevant regulations and will consider the APGAW report as part of this."

In 2018, the Welsh government introduced the Small Slaughterhouse Food Business Investment Scheme to help the sector, while an amendment made to the British Agriculture Bill currently being debated adds slaughtering to the list of ancillary activities eligible for financial assistance.

"It's a great feeling to have gained this valuable recognition," says Williams. "However, there is still much to be done."

And the pandemic has made the urgency of this all the more apparent.

"If you look at industrial systems of rearing animals they do contribute to the emergence, spread and amplification of disease," says Peter Stevenson, of Compassion in World Farming.

Factory-style meat-processing plants around the globe have become COVID-19 hotspots, likely because of their frigid temperatures and cramped conditions, according to animal rights group Peta UK.

Read more: Europe's meat industry is a coronavirus hot spot

Williams hopes the pandemic has helped customers understand why local food is so important. "And to have local meat you need a local abattoir," he says.

Selling a story

Local operations cannot compete with industrial farming on price. But there are myriad costs that don't show up on supermarket price tags, both environmental and in terms of local economies that suffer when food production shifts to large, centralized operations.


Wil Lloyd and local farmer John Jones at Wil's abattoir in Machynlleth. Inside the car is half a heifer belonging to John, which Wil slaughtered the previous week

"Big retailers talk about economies of scale but what this really means is that these large food systems are an extractive industry, they're mining the social and human capital that used to be a feature of resilient food systems," Holen says. "It's a short-term gain and a long-term cost and we're just beginning to wake up to that now."

Animal farming is responsible for 14.5% of global greenhouse gas emissions and cattle raised for meat and dairy accounts for 65% of that, according to the United Nations. Yet done right, rearing livestock can contribute to healthier soils that take carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere and keep it in the ground.

Read more: World needs 7 planets to eat like a G20 nation, food report finds

Eating meat less often, and sourcing from ethical produces when we do, can dramatically reduce its environmental impact, and for a growing number of consumers, knowing where food comes from is important. This story of provenance is one that Williams, and his father before him, have been telling for decades.

"Farmers are not selling the product, they're selling the story: 'These are my children, and this is the abattoir that is five miles away.' Once that story goes beyond 20 miles, the product is not animal friendly, and the value is less," Williams says.



HOW CORONAVIRUS MIGHT CHANGE FARMING
Factory farming on the out

While scientists don't yet know exactly how COVID-19 originated, recent pandemic virus threats such as swine flu and bird flu almost certainly evolved at pig and chicken factory farms. With a link already established between intensive animal agriculture and an increased pandemic risk, it might be the moment to rethink factory farming at its current scale.


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Coronavirus rallies: Germany's growing anti-lockdown movement

Germany is seeing growing protests against the government for its handling of the pandemic. Who are these people and why are they taking to the streets?



It was a curious sight to behold. On August 1, a motley crowd of protesters from across Germany — ranging from far-right extremists and conspiracy theorists to supporters of the anti-vaccination movement and followers of esotericism — flocked to Berlin to vent their anger at government-imposed restrictions to curb the spread of coronavirus. In front of the city's iconic Brandenburg Gate, people shouted "we're the second wave" and "resistance." According to the police, some 20,000 protesters converged on the capital that Saturday.

The event had been organized by a controversial Stuttgart-based organization known to have staged the country's largest anti-coronavirus lockdown protests so far. That day's theme — "Tag der Freiheit," or "Day of Freedom" — was eerily reminiscent of the title of a 1935 Nazi propaganda film by Leni Riefenstahl.

Read more: Germany debates curbing freedom of assembly after coronavirus rallies
Shared loathing of the government

Protester were seen waving Germany's Imperial War Flag, a favorite with far-right extremists and members of the Reichsbürger, or Reich Citizens' Movement, both of whom reject Germany's present-day political order. Yet among the crowd were also people waving peace and rainbow flags, as well those with placards reading "Jesus Lives!"
https://www.dw.com/en/germany-protests-coronavirus/a-54456654
Watch video01:56
No masks, no distance at Berlin coronavirus protest

The demonstration also included families, many of whom voiced a vague displeasure with coronavirus-related safety measures adopted by the government, albeit without subscribing to any of the conspiracy theories espoused by others attending the march.

While the protesters evidently hailed from all walks of life and did not share a single worldview, they were united in their loathing of the government's approach to containing COVID-19. Many are also deeply suspicious of the media. A DW journalist covering the event was repeatedly insulted, bullied and urged to remove her face mask.

Read more: Opinion: Germany should not ban protests by coronavirus deniers
Railing against Angela Merkel and Bill Gates
It was clear from some of the protesters' placards that they do not believe the coronavirus exists. Instead, many are convinced the virus is a pretext fabricated by the government to turn Germany into a dictatorship.

Some of the protesters were seen wearing Nazi-era Stars of David on their chests that read "not vaccinated." They were drawing a parallel to Jews in Nazi Germany, casting themselves as a persecuted people living under a dictatorship that imposes "vaccination fascism." Some were seen and heard lambasting Chancellor Angela Merkel, high-profile German virologist Christian Drosten and German Health Minister Jens Spahn as "appeasement politicians."

Many marchers held signs reading "don't give Gates a chance," a riff on a slogan popularized years ago in the fight against AIDS but tweaked to target Microsoft founder Bill Gates. These protesters are convinced that the billionaire tech entrepreneur is out to vaccinate people against their will and plant microchips in their bodies.

Read more: In Germany, vaccine fears spark conspiracy theories

Protesters in Berlin on August 1 carried signs with slogans such as "we are the second wave"

Most of these conspiracy theories originated online. Some have been aggressively promoted by right-wing extremists and conspiracy theorists on social media since anti-coronavirus protests began some four months ago. This online campaign partially explains why so many protesters are now taking to the streets, often wearing T-shirts and carrying signs that reference these conspiracy theories.
Who is promoting these theories?

Anselm Lenz, a former journalist, organized Germany's first protest march against coronavirus lockdown measures. Lenz, who is associated with the country's political left, claimed the German state had allied itself with pharmaceutical and tech companies to abolish democracy.

A mere 40 people showed up to his protest at Berlin's Rosa Luxemburg square. Just four weeks later, a similar gathering drew a crowd of 1,000 people, with some railing against Bill Gates and what they called a "vaccination dictatorship."

Read more: German conspiracists protest against coronavirus lockdown

Former radio journalist Ken Jebsen was one of the first high-profile figures to join the movement. Jebsen, who was fired from his job in 2011 for anti-Semitic remarks, has since built up a popular YouTube channel and personal website. Some 490,000 followers regularly consume his content. At one of the early protests, Jebsen interviewed Lenz and shared it on his channel. Jebsen has also claimed on YouTube that Bill Gates is manipulating the World Health Organization in order to make money selling a vaccine. That particular clip resonated with Jebsen's supporters and was widely shared online, garnering 3 million views in just one week.

Some 20,000 people turned out in Berlin as part of the "Day of Freedom"

German cookbook author and vegan chef Attila Hildmann similarly suspects Gates of evil machinations. He has become one of the most outspoken critics of coronavirus lockdown measures. After being banned from Instagram for violating its community rules, he began posting content on messenger service Telegram, where he currently has over 68,000 followers. Hildmann deems Gates a Satanist and Merkel a Chinese puppet. He has also urged his followers to violently resist the lockdown if necessary.

Heiko Schrang's worldview is similar to Hildmann's. The conspiracy theorists makes YouTube videos in which he variously decries an alleged manipulation of society through the mainstream media, brands the coronavirus a hoax, or calls on citizens to disregard everything their leaders "up there" tell them.
Resurgent movement

Many of these conspiracy theorists have a common enemy: the German state, Bill Gates and a "Zionist global conspiracy." They often refer to one another when promoting their ideas, building on each other's crude theories.

When coronavirus infection rates recently began tapering off, their theories suddenly lost some of their appeal. But now that Germany is seeing a rise in cases once more, and a second lockdown is being considered, the movement is once again growing.

Read more: Is Germany ready for the second coronavirus wave?

Jebsen and Hildmann both livestreamed last Saturday's anti-lockdown protest, praising those in attendance as "freedom fighters." Like other supporters of the movement, they claimed that over 1 million people had gathered in Berlin when in fact, some 20,000 turned out.

A few of those who attended sported T-shirts alluding to a book written by Heiko Schrang, who was celebrated like a pop star at the march. He gave a speech onstage, spurring the thousands of protesters on and promising that liberation from the "coronavirus dictatorship" was near. A video of his speech was viewed over 13,000 times within the first hour of being uploaded.

VIDEOS
https://www.dw.com/en/germany-protests-coronavirus/a-54456654
BOOK

Sayragul Sauytbay: How China is destroying Kazakh culture

The former Kazakh camp inmate Sayragul Sauytbay speaks out about the oppression of Muslim minorities in China — and has received death threats for doing so.






Sayragul Sauytbay
When you meet bright-eyed Sayragul Sauytbay, it's hard to believe that this energetic woman has been through hell. To this day she is still being harassed by the "long arm of China," she says. Although the former civil servant and director of several pre-schools has now been granted asylum in Sweden, she continues to receive death threats from Chinese callers. Yet she is not intimidated: "I feel obliged to tell the world my story," Sauytbay told DW.


Sayragul Sauytbay presented her book in German this summer in Berlin

In 2016, Sayragul Sauytbay became entrapped in the cogs of the Chinese apparatus of repression. "Her extraordinary strength should not hide the mental agony that has afflicted her," says Alexandra Cavelius, who together with Sauytbay wrote The Chief Witnesss: Escape from China's Modern-Day Concentration Camps, to be released by Scribe Publishers in English simultaneously in the UK, the US and Australia in May 2021. The German version was released in June this year.

The book is a haunting eyewitness account by Sauytbay, an ethnic Kazakh Chinese national who fled China's notorious internment camps, where countless Muslim ethnic minorities are held.

"During the interviews, she sometimes had to tie her head around with a cloth so that the horrible images wouldn't make her feel like her head was exploding," Cavelius told DW.

It has been four years since Sauytbay, born in 1977 in the Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture, was imprisoned in a Chinese re-education camp in Xinjiang province. Official statements by the Chinese Communist Party portray these camps as educational institutions where potential Muslim terrorists are taught Chinese language and culture.
Up to 1 million Muslims detained

However, Sauytbay, who trained as a doctor before becoming a teacher and being appointed a senior civil servant, reports of mass rapes, mock trials, suspected drug experiments — and a "black room" where she was imprisoned. That's what she calls a space in the camp that contains an electric chair, in which inmates are tortured — and says she herself she was tortured to the point of unconsciousness there.

The camp is located in what is officially called the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, described by Sauytbay as the "largest open-air prison in the world." Human rights organizations estimate that there are some 1,200 such camps there containing 1 million internees of China's ethnic minorities, including the Kazakh and Uighur ethnicities.


A suspected reeducation camp for Muslim ethnic groups in the Xinjiang region of China

Speaking of a "cultural genocide," anthropolgist Adrian Zenz says, "Something unprecedented is taking place there. The systematic internment of an entire ethno-religious minority is probably the largest since the Holocaust," Zenz told the German public news program tagesschau.de in 2019.
Xinjiang strategically important

Since ancient times, the Kazakhs have been at home not only in Kazakhstan, but also in Mongolia and northwest China. Sayragul Sauytbay grew up as one of nine children. Initially, the family and their animals lived as pastoral nomads in harsh nature.

The family settled on a riverbank together with other families in the 1980s. One day, Han Chinese appeared in the village and opened up general stores. Before the locals even realized it, the newcomers had the command in the area. Dams and huge factories were built, and the river, the former lifeblood of the Kazakhs, turned into "a stinking trickle."


Satellite photo of reeducation camp in China's Xinjang region

China was on the advance, with the major economic Silk Road project running through the northwest region of the country. "Xinjiang" means "New Frontier" and is extremely strategic geopolitically. Around one-fifth of China's coal, gas and oil reserves are located here. For the ethnic groups there, however, it has remained "East Turkestan" or "Uyghurstan" — a rejection of the Chinese perspective reflected in the name "Xinjiang."

Read more: Exclusive: China's systematic tracking, arrests of Uighurs exposed in new Xinjiang leak
Brutal 'cultural exchange'

But back to Sauytbay, who by 2016 at the latest, realized just how dire her situation was. Her son's mouth was taped shut in kindergarten because he spoke Kazakh. Her husband and their two children left Kazakhstan, and Sayragul was to join them shortly afterwards.

She would not see her children for a long time. First, the authorities confiscated the passports of the Muslim ethnic groups. Then a "friendship service" was initiated: eight days a month, Kazakhs, Uighurs and other ethnic groups are to live with Han Chinese in order to learn their culture.


Beijing does not deny the existence of the reeducation camps, but presents them as educational institutions

What looks like a harmless exchange program is described by Sauytbay in her eyewitness account The Chief Witness as a state-imposed form of torture. Most are exploited as household slaves. Muslims are forced to eat pork. The women must share the bed with their hosts. As if this were not degrading enough, the Han Chinese are required to take photographs of each bit of work their "guests" perform and send them to the authorities. Or to post them on social media for entertainment.
Surveillance, torture, rape

When the first reeducation camps opened in 2016, hardly a day went by without someone disappearing — the reasons were incomprehensible, seemingly arbitrary. Sayragul Sauytbay tells us that, like so many others, she had a small bag with the bare essentials hanging next to her door. Always at the ready.

Eventually, she was picked up as well. As a teacher, she was forced to teach the camp inmates in Chinese and also teach them propaganda songs. Her solitary cell consisted of bare concrete and five cameras on the ceiling. Other internees, on the other hand, were crammed into 16 square meters (172 square feet) with up to 20 people. The inmates wore handcuffs and uniforms; their heads were shaved.

As a trained physician, Sauytbay was forced to work in the infirmary and witnessed how the inmates were given medication without any symptoms. She suspected that experiments were being performed, and that women were being sterilized. At an assembly, she witnessed guards raping a young woman in front of 200 inmates. Anyone who expressed emotion was subjected to further torture.
Severe trauma

Sauytbay's release from the reeducation camp after five months was just as arbitrary as her detention there had been. Courageously, she fled to Kazakhstan, where she met up with her husband and two children again after two and a half years. Yet since she crossed the border illegally, she was not granted asylum there.

Instead, Sweden agreed to take in the family. How does she experience the newly gained freedom? Sayragul Sauytbay bursts into tears at the question. The 43-year-old is so grateful — and at the same time so sad that she is not even allowed to contact her relatives. Her children go to school in Sweden; she and her husband are learning Swedish.

Her trauma runs deep. In her book she writes: "Ever since I was in the prison camp, I sometimes can't get up from bed. This is because I had to sleep on the cold concrete floor for so long. My limbs and joints hurt from rheumatism. Before, I was perfectly healthy; now, at 43, I'm a sick woman."

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China convicts Uighurs in sham trials at Xinjiang camps

More than 1 million Uighurs have disappeared into China's internment camps in Xinjiang province. A DW investigation reveals how many of them were tried for their alleged "crimes" in sham trials.


US sanctions Chinese entities over human rights violations

The US says it will penalize 33 Chinese entities for human rights abuses against Uighurs and other minority groups. The move comes after China imposed a law that would quell the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong. 
     Zoe Saldana regrets portrayal of Nina Simone

Zoe Saldana has expressed remorse for altering her complexion to portray Nina Simone in Nina, a 2016 biopic about the jazz legend.

The Afro-Latina actress attracted criticism for accepting the role and was lambasted for darkening her skin, donning a full bodysuit, and using false teeth, in her attempt to take on the characteristics of Simone.

At the time of its release Simone's daughter, Lisa Simone Kelly, said the film was: "not how you want your loved ones remembered."

Although Saldana brushed off the condemnation at the time of her casting, she later acknowledged that she should have made better decisions around how she played the role.

Now, during a Bese interview posted to Tuesday on Instagram, Saldana said she regrets taking up the part entirely.
“I should have never played Nina,” she repeated throughout the chat.

Explaining: "I thought back then that I had the permission because I was a black woman - and I am," Saldana elaborated, "Nina had a life and a journey that should be honoured to the most specific detail because she was a specifically detailed individual."

She then apologised to fans of the singer for dishonouring Simone, saying: "She deserved better, and I am so sorry."

Reflecting on what she might have done differently, Saldana said she should have used her clout to get producers to recast the role: “I should have done everything in my power to cast a Black woman to play an exceptionally perfect Black woman.

IF YOU ARE GOING TO HAVE A WHITE PERSON DO NINA'S SINNERMAN WELL I CANNOT THINK OF ANYONE BETTER

  OF COURSE NO ONE CAN DO IT LIKE THIS  1965
'SO I RAN TO THE DEVIL, AND HE WAS WAITING
ALL ON THAT DAY AND I SAID POWER, POWER LORD'
BOOKS 

Nora Krug: Replacing German 'guilt' with 'responsibility' to defend democracy

Nora Krug is the author of a bestselling graphic memoir titled "Heimat," which looks into her family's involvement in World War II. DW asked her what we can learn from the generation of "followers" of the Nazi Party
"Heimat" is a loaded German term; it was misappropriated by the Nazis and more recently by the far rightEdgar Reitz, the director of a series of films in the 1980s called "Heimat," told DW in an interview that he wouldn't have called his project that way today; he finds the term to difficult to defend. Why did you pick it for your book?
That's exactly why we decided to call the book "Heimat," because we felt that we needed to claim the term back from the extreme right. The book is both a quest to find out what it means to be German and it's also a commitment to Germany — in a positive sense. I believe it should be possible to both look critically at our past and express love for our country
Your graphic memoir offers a complex, very poetic interpretation of the concept of Heimat. But did you also come up with an easy way to define the term in interviews? 
I don't think I have a clear definition of the word Heimat yet. The goal of the book wasn't to provide easy answers or to understand what being German means, but more an attempt to better understand the German war experience.
And even after the whole process of writing the book, I can't really say that I know what the term Heimat means to me personally, partly because I've been living abroad for all in all 20 years. And it's also a term that changes over time, just as we change and our society changes. And that's how it should be looked at, as something that's not static but that's allowed to change and mean different things to different individuals.
 Buchcover von Nora Krugs „Heimat“ (Penguin Books Ltd)
The US version of the book has the title: "Belonging: A German Reckons with History and Home"
Did you initially conceive your book for Germans or for English-language readers?
When I first wrote the book, I really had an American audience in mind because, as a German living among non-Germans in America, I had been often confronted with negative stereotypes about Germans, but also with a lack of knowledge of what we do with the legacy of the war. So that's why I wrote the book in English first.
And then I realized that the German publishing world was actually the one that was the most excited about it, because living with this legacy is still such a trauma for the Germans as well.
Your book details your quest to find out more about your ancestors' involvement in the war; would you encourage other Germans to do that research too?
Everybody has their own way of dealing with the past, so I wouldn't say that there's one way of handling it. But I personally think it's always better to know than not to know. I found it difficult to live with gaps in my family narrative. I wanted to ask as many questions as I could, and find out as much as possible. And now we have so many technological possibilities to find information that wasn't available maybe 15 years ago; certain files have only been made public recently.
We now understand how people ended up joining the Nazi party without having committed  war crimes, so it's something we'd expect to see in most families. Still, you describe the moment you found out that one of your relatives was officially categorized as a "follower" in the denazification as very emotional. Why did it hurt so much?
I had always suspected that nobody in my family had been a major Nazi, because I think that's the kind of information that you can't keep hidden; it would have come up much earlier in my life.
But I grew up with this narrative of my grandfather Willi as somebody who had voted for the Social Democrats all his life, who were the Nazis' major political enemies. So there had always been this myth of him having nothing to do at all with the Nazi regime. So when I found out at the archive that he had actually been a member of the Nazi party, at a time when it was actually not so easy to join, I was very surprised and it was painful, because I saw myself confronted with a side of him that was uncomfortable to witness — of somebody who was opportunistic in his choices, and a bit of a coward.
A picture in the book "Heimat": Nora with her now deceased grandfather
Your ancestors' ambiguous position during the war — they weren't Nazi criminals but they weren't engaged in the Resistance either — not only reflects the case of a majority of Germans, it also makes your book more universal, since we end up thinking, "that could have been my family," or even in a way, "that is me today…"  Was this one of your goals in making the book?
Yeah, exactly. I think that the gray zone of the war, those people who fall in between the categories of Resistance fighters, victims, and major Nazis or war criminals, is the category that is the most important to look at, because it is probably the one that most of us would identify with, and the one that probably teaches us most about how dictatorial regimes work.
That group of people has been overlooked a bit in German society, because it's easy to say "well everybody was a follower and my family was among those people who followed." But I think that's just too easy; the term follower is so much wider. There were followers who saved Jewish lives for instance. And then there were followers who committed terrible crimes. So that's why I feel it's so important to look at individual narratives and try to deconstruct individual myths that maybe circulate in your family.

A page from Nora Krug's book
Many Germans claimed they didn't realize what was happening under Hitler. Today we are very well informed of the world's problems, and we are witnessing events in the US that are often compared to Germany in the 1930s. As a naturalized US citizen with a German background, what is your reaction to the current political situation there?
What's going on in the US at the moment is very frightening. And I do think there are parallels in some of the behavior we are witnessing, such as how language has become much more aggressive, which is of course troubling. I'm actually reading Mein Kampf at the moment for the first time in my life, and it's so evident that language is the seed of violence. But I do think that the comparison between Hitler and Trump is too easy to make from a historical point of view, even if some traits of personality are familiar.
And does the election of far-right politicians in Germany scare you more?
I think it's equally scary. As a German, I'm of course very concerned about the developments in Germany. One of the things I find the most concerning is the fact that society is so split today and that it's becoming increasingly difficult to talk to one another, to have a civilized dialogue. I think Germany underestimated what had been going on under the surface for a long time. Now we need to really take it very seriously.
And what is your role as an artist in this context?
One of the most important goals of my book was to give a universal quality to the story, so that it wouldn't only apply to Germany and the Nazi regime and allow readers to project the situation back then to what's happening now, and maybe find ways of replacing the term "guilt" with "responsibility" and think about what we can do today to contribute to a tolerant society and defend our democracy. I used to think that democracy was basically as a state of being. But I realize now that it's a process that's that we constantly need to defend.

GO HERE TO WATCH VIDEOhttps://www.dw.com/en/nora-krug-replacing-german-guilt-with-responsibility-to-defend-democracy/a-49960409

NONFICTION TOO 

Deutsche Bank gives Trump financial documents to New York investigators: report

Germany's Deutsche Bank has reportedly complied with a subpoena from the Manhattan District Attorney. The bank has been the US president's lender since the late 1990s.
    
 
Deutsche Bank complied with a subpoena in relation to an investigation into US President Donald Trump's tax records, The New York Times reported Wednesday.
The bank reportedly provided the Manhattan District Attorney office with "detailed records, including financial statements and other materials" that the president provided to the bank.
The investigation into Trump and the Trump Organization was launched after the disclosures of hush payments to two women who said they had sexual relations with Trump before he became president. Trump has denied the claims.
Deutsche Bank has been Trump's main lender since the 1990's, according to the paper. Investigators were reportedly heavily reliant on the documents after other lines of investigation were halted by legal action. 
The documents that the attorney's office has obtained are subject to grand jury secrecy rules, according to the report. The newspaper said they may never become public unless the office brings charges and introduces the documents as evidence at a trial.
Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance did not share details about his probe, but the office told a federal judge earlier this week that it was a "complex financial investigation" that followed reports of "possibly extensive and protracted criminal conduct at the Trump Organization." The investigation included charges of alleged insurance and bank fraud.
Vance did not confirm or deny the newspaper report. Representatives for Trump and Deutsche Bank also did not respond to initial requests for comment from the paper or other media outlets.

They subpoena, Trump sues

Vance launched investigations after Trump's former lawyer, Michael Cohen, told congress that the president would mislead business associates about the value of his assets. 
Two Congressional committees, both run predominately by Democrats, subpoenaed Deutsche Bank for documents related to Trump after Cohen's revelations. Trump sued to block their release.
Trump has called the investigations against him politically motivated. Earlier this week, he said Vance's investigation was "a continuation of the witch hunt." He refused to disclose his tax returns during the 2016 US presidential election and the 2020 election, even though it is standard practice for Republican and Democrat candidates to do so.
kbd/aw (AP, Reuters)   https://p.dw.com/p/3gUrz
NONFICTION

‘Life of a Klansman’ Tells Ugly Truths About America, Past and Present




A Klansman photographed in 1871. In “Life of a Klansman,” Edward Ball recounts the saga of his great-great-grandfather, an embittered racist, in an attempt to understand the history of white supremacy in America.Credit...Private collection/Picture Research Consultants and Archives
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By Walter Isaacson, 

BOURGEOIS HISTORIAN
Aug. 4, 2020

LIFE OF A KLANSMAN
A Family History in White Supremacy
By Edward Ball


When his mother died in 2003, the writer Edward Ball went to New Orleans, where her family had lived for generations, to bury her and sort through her belongings. Among her papers were documents that had been collected by her late aunt, including tales about the man who was known in the family as “our Klansman.”

Ball had already written, in 1998, a deeply reported National Book Award-winning history, “Slaves in the Family,” for which he tracked down descendants of those who had once been enslaved by his South Carolina ancestors on his father’s side. In his new book, “Life of a Klansman,” he follows a similar course, taking the reader along with him on a journey of discovery as he teases out facts, engages in speculation and shares his emotions about the sad saga of Constant Lecorgne, an unsuccessful carpenter and embittered racist who was a great-great-grandfather on his mother’s side.

The result is a haunting tapestry of interwoven stories that inform us not just about our past but about the resentment-bred demons that are all too present in our society today. “This is a family story,” he writes. “Yet it is not a family story wrapped in sugar, the way some people like to serve them.” The family is not just his, it’s our nation’s.

[ Read an excerpt from “Life of a Klansman.” ]

Lecorgne, born in 1832, was raised in a New Orleans that was, as it has been throughout its history, very complex racially and ethnically. About a quarter of the population were French-speaking whites, a quarter were English-speaking whites, a quarter were free mixed-race Creoles and a quarter were slaves. The Lecorgnes were in the first category, but they rented a home from a free French-speaking woman of color.

Because he has few documents, Ball indulges in a lot of surmises and speculations, perhaps a bit too many for my taste. He pictures the young boy Lecorgne walking with his family the four blocks to Congo Square, where the slaves were allowed to drum and dance on Sunday afternoons. There is a sexual tension that the boy finds both attractive and appalling. “I think I can begin to see, in Congo Square, a script and a stage, a place where Blackness and whiteness meet,” Ball writes. “Complications ensue. They move apart. Eventually the script calls for a crescendo. Blackness and whiteness collide, and the ending, for our Klansman, is an explosion.”

Lecorgne is the unsuccessful and unpopular middle child of a large family. He tries to make a living as a carpenter, but he descends into what is known in the local parlance as petits blancs, the poor working-class whites. Resentments accrue. When he marries, his wife’s family gives him a household slave as a dowry, but he has to sell her for $500 to afford a home.


The Civil War offers Lecorgne an outlet for his resentments and a chance to finally earn a little respect from his family and neighbors. But even there he fails. After joining one of Louisiana’s militias as a captain, he is demoted to a second lieutenant. On a train trip to Virginia he gets into a melee and, along with much of his unit, is court-martialed. At a public ceremony, he and his comrades have one-half of their scalps shaved and are cashiered. Lecorgne heads back to New Orleans in disgrace.





Under Reconstruction, the city becomes integrated. Blacks can vote, testify against whites in court and sit where they want on the streetcars; a few even attend integrated schools. Lecorgne’s neighborhood in uptown New Orleans, around where Napoleon Avenue meets the river (which is where I grew up), becomes mixed, with Creoles, Germans, Irish, Blacks and mulattoes all living on the same blocks. It’s nice to think what the city, and our nation, might have been had that progression continued. But among the whites, especially the petits blancs, resentments built.

The clubhouses for resentful poor whites are the neighborhood firehouses. Lecorgne joined one just off Napoleon Avenue, the Home Hook & Ladder Company, housed in a Romanesque building with a first-floor facade clad in stone and a second in red brick. Its membership suddenly swelled during Reconstruction to 85 men, far more than were necessary to fight off the neighborhood’s house fires. Instead, as Ball writes, “the firehouses play a big part in the tale of the Ku-klux,” which is what the loose-knit confederation of white supremacist organizations came to be called.

Lecorgne was a minor player in this movement. But for that reason his tale is valuable, both for understanding his times and for understanding our own; he allows us a glimpse of who becomes one of the mass of followers of racist movements, and why.

His one recorded inglorious moment came in early 1873. With Black support, a Republican was elected governor, and the local white militias took up arms to resist his rule. Lecorgne and a group of armed men gathered with the goal of taking over their neighborhood police precinct station, hoping it would spark a wider white uprising. Although the newspapers referred to them as “Ku-Kluxers,” the rebel raiders most likely did not wear robes and hoods. That practice was mainly for rural marauders. They were successful, but the following night the police staged a counterattack. As Lecorgne hid in a staircase, his cousin was wounded and a friend was killed.

Lecorgne surrendered and was carried away to the city jail. In the indictment, which misspelled his name, he is accused of treason and violating federal law for having “unlawfully maliciously and traitorously conspired” to attack state authorities. But a local judge quickly dismissed all the charges. That low point was the high point of his life.

Near the end of his book, Ball makes a fascinating digression. It involves a prominent person of color who lived in New Orleans at the same time as Lecorgne. Louis Charles Roudanez was a medical doctor, trained in France and at Dartmouth, who published The New Orleans Tribune, a daily newspaper for the Black community. An homme de couleur libre, Roudanez married a free woman of color. While researching his own family, Ball decided to look for the descendants of the Roudanez family.

He finds one of the physician-publisher’s great-great-grandchildren, named Mark Roudané, living in a leafy subdivision of St. Paul, Minn. “He was raised white, and he appears white,” Ball writes of Roudané. “In middle age he learned that according to the one-drop rule of blackness, he was not white.” Roudané did not know the tale of his father’s ancestors, or even the Roudanez spelling of his family name, until he stumbled across some family documents when he was 55. As happened with Ball, the discovery of a bit of family history leads Roudané on a quest. “When my father died, in 2005, I was going through his papers and throwing stuff away, and I found an unmarked binder,” Roudané tells Ball. It contained papers showing how his father, who was designated as “colored” on his birth certificate, had forsaken his distinguished roots, changed the spelling of his name as a young man, gone to Tulane by passing as white and then moved to the Midwest. Despite this history, or perhaps because of it, he became a resentful white racist. “When it came to talking about Black people,” Mark Roudané told Ball, “all this venom would come out. I thought, ‘Why is my dad being ugly?’ I didn’t understand it.”

The interconnected strands of race and history give Ball’s entrancing stories a Faulknerian resonance. In Ball’s retelling of his family saga, the sins and stains of the past are still very much with us, not something we can dismiss by blaming them on misguided ancestors who died long ago. “It is not a distortion to say that Constant’s rampage 150 years ago helps, in some impossible-to-measure way, to clear space for the authority and comfort of whites living now — not just for me and for his 50 or 60 descendants, but for whites in general,” Ball writes. “I am an heir to Constant’s acts of terror. I do not deny it, and the bitter truth makes me sick at the stomach.”

Walter Isaacson is a professor of history at Tulane.

LIFE OF A KLANSMAN
A Family History in White Supremacy
By Edward Ball
Illustrated. 395 pp. Farrar, Straus & Giroux. $28.
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Aug. 6 (UPI) -- On this date in history:
Atomic bomb levels Hiroshima
On Aug. 6, 1945, an atomic bomb was dropped on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. Three days later an atomic bomb hit Nagasaki and Japan soon surrendered, ending World War II.

THE BIRTH OF THE ATOMIC AGE AND THE COLD WAR
 'Now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds'. The story of Oppenheimer's infamous quote. As he witnessed the first detonation of a nuclear weapon on July 16, 1945, a piece of Hindu scripture ran through the mind of Robert Oppenheimer: “Now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds”
By UPI Staff

An unidentified newsman stands amid the rubble of Hiroshima in September 1945. On August 6, 1945, an atomic bomb was dropped on the city. UPI File Photo | License Photo

The interview portion of this footage, which aired on NBC in 1965, shows American theoretical physicist and "father of the atomic bomb" J. Robert Oppenheimer reflecting on the July 16, 1945 Trinity test in New Mexico. Oppenheimer's quote reveals a more philosophical viewpoint, ending with a line from the Hindu scripture Bhagavad Gita, "Now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds." Related Article: Manhattan: History vs. Hollywood

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CULTURE
How a graphic novel illustrates Hiroshima's atomic disaster

'The Bomb' uses facts and images to tell the complete story. And it's not the first illustrated work to deal with the topic.




German covers of two graphic novels about Hiroshima


On the morning of August 6, 1945, at 8:15 a bomb detonated over the city of Hiroshima with an explosive force the equivalent of 15,000 tons of TNT. Over 90% of the city's housing burned to the ground, and over 200,000 people died in the first five years after it detonated.

In more than 470 pages, a new graphic novel, The Bomb (original: La Bombe in French), tells the story of humankind's greatest weapon of mass destruction, the so-called ultimate weapon of World War II: the atomic bomb the US dropped on Hiroshima, Japan.

In it, one sees drawings of a city in ruins: people's faces, zombie-like, bearing the signs of terror. But is a graphic novel the right medium to deal with such a catastrophe? Didier Alcante, one of the publication's authors, says the answer is a resounding yes. For him, it is actually the perfect medium to tell the story of such an atrocity. "On the one hand, you can use the text to convey complex scientific content. You can read at your own pace and understand its complexity. And on the other hand, drawings can be used to convey the emotions." Over 20 pages of the book do not include text, relying instead on images to illustrate the force of the atomic bomb'sexplosion.


The destruction of Hiroshima, as reflected in the graphic novel "La Bombe"
Meticulous research on the a-bomb

Part of the book's genius lies in the thorough research done by its authors. The scenes, military operations described and even the characters — from scientists to officers to politicians — are based on factual events and real people. No detail is spared during the explanation of the complex technology behind an atomic bomb, which is explained comprehensibly, yet understandably. Authors Didier Alcante (a Belgian) and Laurent-Frédéric Bollée (a Frenchman) worked for four years with the illustrator and author Denis Rodier (a Canadian) to perfect the publication, which was the culmination of several years of research.


The book "La Bombe" (published in French in March) was published in German in June 2020

"In 1978, I was eight years old at the time, a Japanese boy came to my class. We lived in Belgium and he didn't know a word of French. I helped him at school, we became very good friends and still are today," remembers Alcante. Later, this friend became one of the protagonists in the book. In 1981, Alcante visited his Japanese friend in Hiroshima and had a life-changing experience. "We visited the museum in Hiroshima. There were many photos of corpses, destruction and chaos. What struck me most was a shadow of a person literally fixed to a staircase." This "shadow" was the remains of a person who was about 250 meters from the epicenter and died in the explosion. What was left of him were nothing more than marks on the wall. "It was very formative for me to see a shadow and to know there was someone and now ... nobody, a shadow, a ghost. When I was a young man, I could not believe how such a beautiful country could be destroyed. Later, I started researching, reading and learned a lot about the military system in Japan," says the author.


Author Didier Alcante (r) and his Japanese friend in Hiroshima in 2018
Giving a face to the forgotten

The graphic novel portrays scientists who worked on the Manhattan research project that produced the bomb. One of them is Leó Szilárd, a Hungarian physicist who was involved in the construction of the bomb but later strongly advised against its use. "The more I read about him, the more admiration I had for him. He could have taught at any renowned university or won the Nobel Prize, but he made the US military uncomfortable because he was against the use of the bomb. I regret not having described his life in more detail in the book. I could have written 2,000 pages, but the illustrators wouldn't have been happy," laughs Alcante.

In the book, Alcante also tries to capture the unique aspects of Japanese culture. "There is a place where the Japanese father hugs his son, who is returning home from military service after fighting against China. But when my Japanese friend saw the drawing, he said: "The Japanese don't do that. Father and son greet each other respectfully, but they don't hug in a situation like this." And so, through the book, the reader also learns about Japanese customs.


Different customs: The illustration at the left shows father and son hugging; the scene on the right made it into the book, as it depicts father and son greeting each other at some distance
A seminal Japanese manga series

The first graphic novel about the atomic bomb was written in the 1970s: an autobiographical masterpiece by manga artist and writer Keiji Nakazawa, who describes the life of the Japanese before and after the atomic bomb. Nakazawa grew up in Hiroshima, and his stories begin in the first years of the war before the bomb was dropped on his city in his feature titled I Saw It. His character, six-year-old Gen Nakaoka, describes scenes of deprivation and hunger, including siblings fighting over a potato or collecting grasshoppers because there is nothing else to eat. Nakazawa also describes the exclusion and mockery the family is subjected to because their own father is against the war. "They can inflict wounds on my body, but never on my soul," says the father in the book when he comes home with bruises after a police interrogation.


Keiji Nakazawa's "Barefoot Gen" is available in English, as well as in German, as shown here

Nakazawa's memories of that time are impressively portrayed in the longer autobiographical book Barefoot Gen. He was only 1.4 kilometers (less than a mile) away from the epicenter when the bomb detonated on August 6, 1945. In his drawings, the book begins with a rising sun and the words: "Hiroshima began its day like any other, despite the fact that hell was soon to rain down on the city."

Miraculously, he survived along with his heavily pregnant mother, who gives birth a few hours after the explosion, like the mother portrayed in the book. After the birth, she holds her newborn in her hands and says: "When you grow up, you must never allow anything like this to happen again!"

Nakazawa lost most of his other family members in the Hiroshima blast. "I gave my main character the name Gen in the hope that he can be a root and source of strength for a new generation of humanity, a generation that can walk barefoot on the scorched earth of Hiroshima, feel the earth under their bare feet and have the power to say 'No' to nuclear weapons. I try to live with Gen's strength. That is my ideal and I will continue to pursue it in my work," Nakazawa wrote in 1987. Keiji Nakazawa died of cancer in 2012.

Keiji Nakazawa's "Barefoot Gen" is available in English. Didier Alcante, Laurent-Frédérich Bollée and Denis Rodier's "La Bombe" was published in French in March 2020, and in German in June 2020.

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Japan marks 75th anniversary of the end of Battle of Okinawa

More than 200,000 people died in the battle for Okinawa. The US has maintained a heavy military presence on the island since WWII, with the base highly unpopular with the locals and yet of crucial importance to Tokyo.


Polish classical composer Krzysztof Penderecki dies, aged 86
A titan of classical music, Penderecki was considered Poland's greatest contemporary composer. He is best known for his tribute to the victims of the Hiroshima atomic bomb, as well as for film scores like "The Shining."


Date 06.08.2020
Author Rayna Breuer (sh)
Related Subjects World War II
Keywords Hiroshima, World War II, Atomic bomb, US, USA, graphic novel, Manga
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After Atomic Bombings, These Photographers Worked Under Mushroom Clouds

A new book of photos documents the human impact of the bombings that ended World War II — and challenges a common American perception of the destruction in Japan.



A view of Hiroshima in September 1945, weeks after an atomic bomb destroyed the city.Credit...Yoshito Matsushige/Chugoku Shimbun/Kyodo


By Mike Ives Aug. 6, 2020 NYTIMES

In August 1945, a Japanese newspaper sent a photographer from Tokyo to two cities that the United States military had just leveled with atomic bombs.

The photographer, Eiichi Matsumoto, had covered the firebombings of other Japanese cities. But the scale of the calamity that he encountered in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, he later recalled, was on another level.

At a Red Cross hospital near Hiroshima’s ground zero, he met victims dotted with red spots, a sign of radiation sickness. And on the desolate, rubble-strewn streets of Nagasaki, he watched families cremating loved ones in open-air fires.

“I beg you to allow me to take pictures of your utmost sufferings,” Mr. Matsumoto, who was 30 at the time, said he told survivors. “I am determined to let people in this world know without speaking a word what kind of apocalyptic tragedies you have gone through.”


Mr. Matsumoto, a photojournalist for the Asahi Shimbun newspaper who died in 2004, is among dozens of photographers who bore witness after the bombings, which forced Japan’s surrender and ended World War II.

Some of their images, banned until the American occupation ended in 1952, were eventually exhibited in museums and other venues across Japan. They also became fodder for antinuclear activists waging nonproliferation campaigns.


BELOW ARE SOME OF THE PHOTOS 
THE WHOLE PHOTO ESSAY CAN BE READ HERE