Wednesday, May 19, 2021

The Most Colossal Planning Failure in Human History

We have built up civilization to a scale that can temporarily be supported by finite and polluting energy sources, and we have simply assumed that this scale of activity can continue to be supported by other energy sources that haven't yet been developed or substantially deployed.


Published on Wednesday, May 19, 2021 
by
The sun sets over container ships and oil platforms off the coast of Huntington Beach on Tuesday, January 12, 2021. (Photo by Leonard Ortiz/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)

The sun sets over container ships and oil platforms off the coast of Huntington Beach, CA

 on Tuesday, January 12, 2021. (Photo by Leonard Ortiz/MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images)

A couple of days ago I happened to pick up an old book gathering dust on one of my office shelves—Palmer Putnam's Energy in the Future, published in 1953. Here was a time capsule of energy concerns from nearly a lifetime ago—and it got me to thinking along the lines of Howard Baker's famous question during the Watergate hearings: "What did [w]e know, and when did [w]e know it?"  That is, what did we know back then about the climate and energy conundrum that threatens to undermine civilization today?

The fossil fuel age had begun over a century prior to 1953, and it was known by then that coal, oil, and natural gas represent millions of years' worth of stored ancient sunlight. At the start, these fuels had appeared capable of supplying useful energy to society in seemingly endless quantities. Since everything we do depends on energy, having much more of it meant we could do far more farming, mining, fishing, manufacturing, and transporting than was previously possible. The result was an economic miracle. Between 1820 and today, human population has grown eight-fold, while per-capita energy usage has also grown eight-fold. We went from horse-drawn carts to jetliners in just a few generations.

Good planning would entail the creation of a pilot project, in which a medium-sized industrial city is transitioned to get all its energy (for food, manufacturing, heating and cooling, and transportation) from renewables. Such a project would itself require subsidy and planning, but it would yield invaluable practical data.

But there were a couple of snags. One was that, though initially abundant, fossil fuels are nonrenewable and therefore subject to depletion. The second was that extracting and burning these fuels pollutes air and water, subtly but surely changing the chemistry of our planet's atmosphere and oceans. Neither issue seemed compelling to the majority of people who first benefitted from coal, oil, and gas.

So, back to Putnam's book. This thick tome wasn't a best seller, but it was considered authoritative, and it found a place on the desks of serious policy makers. Remarkably, it explored both of the core drawbacks of fossil fuels, though these were as yet on almost no one else's radar screen.

Putnam understood that the fossil fuel age would be relatively brief. With regard to coal, he wrote: ". . . costs of extraction continue to rise, while the average heat value in a ton of coal has begun to decline, at least in the United States." Similar symptoms of depletion would inevitably overtake the oil and gas industry, the author noted, even if the tar sands of Canada and shale oil (Putnam used these specific terms), as well as improvements in exploration and production technology, were all accounted for.

In a section at the very end of the book, titled, "The Combustion of Fossil Fuels, the Climate and Sea Level," Putnam wrote, "Perhaps such a derangement of the CO2 cycle would lead to an increased CO2 content of the atmosphere great enough to affect the climate and cause a further rise of sea level. We do not know this. We ought to know it." Now we know, and it turns out that a lot more than just a hike in sea level is in the offing. But we still haven't done much to change the worrisome trend of soaring greenhouse gas emissions.

While the writing and publication of Energy in the Future were paid for by the United States Atomic Energy Commission, Putnam was not a single-minded proponent of nuclear power as a substitute for fossil fuels. The subject did get substantial treatment in his book, but he spent as much ink on limits and downsides as he did on the potential of nuclear sources to meet energy needs. Putnam concluded that, "Based on present knowledge, it does not appear likely that the fission of uranium or thorium could ever support more than 10 to 20 per cent of the energy system of the United States patterned as at present. The figures for the world energy system would hardly be higher." Today, the US gets about 8 percent of its total energy from nuclear power, while the global figure is closer to 4 percent.

Putnam explored a range of alternative energy sources, including fuel wood, farm wastes, wind power, solar heat collectors, solar photovoltaics, tidal power, and heat pumps, but judged that these would not be sufficient to propel the continued economic growth of modern societies. Putnam, who died in 1984, was himself a pioneer in the development of wind power.

Energy in the Future was favorably reviewed in the prestigious journal Science, but it had negligible impact on public policy. And here we are, seven decades later, using fossil fuels globally at roughly three times the rate we were depleting and burning them in 1953. They still supply 85 percent of global energy.

Here's the essence of our planning failure: we have built up civilization to a scale that can temporarily be supported by finite and polluting energy sources, and we have simply assumed that this scale of activity can continue to be supported by other energy sources that haven't yet been developed or substantially deployed. Further, we have incorporated limitless growth into the requirements for civilization's success and maintenance—despite the overwhelming likelihood that growth can occur for only a historically brief interval.

Failing to plan is often the equivalent of planning to fail. Planning is a function of language and reason—of which we humans are certainly capable. We plan all sorts of things, from weddings to the construction of giant hydroelectric dams. Yet we are also subject to cognitive dysfunctions—denial and delusion—which seem to plague our thinking when it comes to issues of population and consumption, and their implications for the future. In effect, we have collectively bet our fate on the vague hope that "somebody will come up with something."

Our failure continues—now with regard to the transition to renewable energy sources, primarily solar photovoltaics and wind power. Putnam himself, after surveying the limits to fossil fuels and nuclear power, seemed to settle on solar as humanity's long-term hope; yet he acknowledged that the realization of this hope depended on the development of technologies to make solar electricity available "in more useful forms and at lower costs than now appear possible." His wording suggests that he was grasping at straws.

There have indeed been significant technical improvements in wind and solar PV technology, along with huge cost reductions. Nevertheless, limits still exist. Sunlight and wind are themselves renewable, but the machines we build to capture ambient energy and convert it to electricity are made from non-renewable minerals and metals. Making these collectors requires energy for raw materials extraction, processing, manufacturing, transport, and installation. And renewable energy sources require considerably more land area than is needed for fossil fuel infrastructure. Further, solar and wind power sources are inherently intermittent, since the sun doesn't always shine nor the wind always blow; so, energy storage, source redundancy, and a major electrical grid upgrade are needed. There are work-arounds for each of these issues, but the difficulty of deploying the needed work-arounds increases dramatically as the scale of renewable energy production increases.

Without planning, this is what will most likely happen: we'll fail to produce enough renewable energy to power society at the level at which we want it to operate. So, we'll continue to get most of our energy from fossil fuels—until we can't, due to depletion. Then, as the economy crashes and the planet heats, the full impacts of our planning failure will finally hit home.

It may already be too late to avert that scenario. But let's assume there is indeed enough time, and that we suddenly get serious about planning. What should we do?

We should start with conservative estimates of how much energy solar and wind can provide. No one has a definitive figure, but for industrial nations like the US, it would be wise to assume some fraction of the energy currently provided by fossil fuels: half, for example, would be a highly ambitious goal (one of the first projects of the planning process would be to come up with a more precise estimate). Then, planners would explore ways to reduce energy usage to that level, with a minimum of disruption to people's lives. Planners would also seek to determine approximately the scale of population that can be supported long-term by these sources without degradation of the environment (yes, Putnam discussed the relationship between population and energy back in 1953), and then create and implement policies to begin matching population to those levels in a way that reduces, rather than worsening, existing social inequities.

A comprehensive plan would detail the amount of investment required, and over what period of time, and would specify the sources of the money.

Finally, as I have suggested elsewhere, good planning would entail the creation of a pilot project, in which a medium-sized industrial city is transitioned to get all its energy (for food, manufacturing, heating and cooling, and transportation) from renewables. Such a project would itself require subsidy and planning, but it would yield invaluable practical data.

It's gob-smacking to think that such a planning process actually could have started as early as 70 years ago, and that, at this late date, it has still barely begun. Instead, today's policy makers mostly just extrapolate PV price trends, hope for further technological improvements, and assume that huge systems for supplying society's needs using renewable energy rather than fossil fuels will somehow self-assemble in an optimum way and at full scale—all in just a couple of decades.

Without planning, it just won't happen.

How the American jobs plan would deliver one of life’s basic necessities

Upgrading water infrastructure would make Americans healthier while delivering a major boost to the economy.

By Tom Conway
-May 19, 2021


This article was produced by the Independent Media Institute.

Simon and Barbara Hale dropped a small fortune on bottled water, battled rust-stained laundry and endured slimy showers before discovering the water from their well didn’t just taste, smell and feel awful but actually endangered their health.

The Vietnam veteran and his wife couldn’t afford the huge expense of connecting to the local water system, however, so about a dozen volunteers from United Steelworkers (USW) Local 12160 dug a trench, tapped the main and ran a service line into the couple’s home.

“It’s life-changing,” Barbara Hale said of the free work by the USW members, all of whom work at South Central Connecticut Regional Water Authority, noting she and her husband have clean, palatable water for the first time in years. “I just feel safe because we know there’s no question about what’s in it.”

President Joe Biden’s infrastructure program would deliver the same security to millions of other Americans thirsting for one of life’s basic necessities.

Among many other projects in his $2 trillion American Jobs Plan, Biden proposed about $110 billion in long-overdue upgrades to the nation’s patchwork of foundering water systems. The unprecedented investment will not only make life more convenient for consumers but will also protect their health and build stronger communities.

“It’s definitely time for somebody to take action,” said Local 12160 President Domenic DeDomenico, a water treatment operator at the authority who heard about the Hales’ plight and mustered the crew of Steelworkers who saved the couple thousands of dollars in connection costs.

DeDomenico and his authority coworkers proudly supply water to about 430,000 people via 1,700 miles of pipes in 15 municipalities in South Central Connecticut. They treat, test and monitor the supply around-the-clock, distributing, on average, more than 42 million gallons of “perfect” water every day.

Many Americans long for that high level of quality and dependability right now.

In the authority’s own service area, for example, are residents who still lack access to public mains as well as the financial resources to connect to them. “Can you do that for us?” some of the Hales’ wistful neighbors asked the volunteers.

Across the country, ramshackle and disintegrating infrastructure delivers mere dribs and drabs of the clean, safe water Americans need every day.

Some families drink foul-tasting, smelly well water, like the Hales did before a recent test revealed traces of oil and other contaminants that required an urgent switch to the public water system.

Others travel dozens of miles to collect potable water each day because they live in areas with low water tables or because sewage or other pollutants foul the same streams or pipes used to source drinking water supplies. Because of water quality and related problems in McDowell County, West Virginia, for example, one local food bank experiences greater demand for bottled water than any other item.

Some Americans live in low-density areas that no water authorities serve.

Yet residents in urban areas fare just as poorly. Lead and other contaminants taint the drinking water in many cities, where decades of neglect rendered aging systems vulnerable to breaks and security breaches.

The American Society of Civil Engineers recently gave the nation’s water systems a C- grade, noting the combined 2.2 million miles of pipes are so old that they average a leak every two minutes and waste about 6 billion gallons of treated water every day. Without adequate funding, water authorities struggle to maintain their existing lines, let alone extend service to new customers.

“We’re just replacing what they have because they’re losing so much water,” explained USW Local 14614 President Ron Brady, whose membership includes hundreds of construction workers in West Virginia.

Brady has seen communities’ water supplies vanish when landslides knocked out precariously positioned pipes. He’s witnessed water lines so old they’re made of wood and function like barrel-shaped sluices.

And he knows residents whose well water stains their bathtubs and clothes and who yearn for public water partly so they can get the more affordable insurance that comes from having fire hydrants nearby.

There’s no reason to tolerate any of this.

The Senate recently passed a bipartisan bill earmarking $35 billion for water system improvements. But that’s just a small fraction of what’s needed.

Congressional approval of Biden’s American Jobs Plan would provide the comprehensive funding necessary for top-to-bottom water infrastructure upgrades. That includes removing all lead-tainted pipes, replacing leaky mains, upgrading treatment plants and extending service to areas currently without it.

Upgrading water infrastructure would make Americans healthier while delivering a major boost to the economy.

Biden’s plan would provide family-sustaining jobs to construction workers, including Brady’s members, and ensure work for Americans who produce steel, aluminum, valves, pipes and other materials needed to construct and operate water systems. Modernization would prevent the water disruptions and quality problems that imperil billions in economic activity—at restaurants, hotels, factories and other businesses—every year.

And Biden’s plan would promote a more equitable distribution of America’s resources. Right now, the lack of access to safe water disproportionately affects the poor, the disabled and elderly Americans like Simon Hale, who broke both ankles in Vietnam, and his wife, who uses a wheelchair.

Using equipment provided by the water authority, DeDomenico and his coworkers needed only several hours to hook up the couple’s water and drastically improve their quality of life. The crew even reseeded the Hales’ lawn, removing all traces of construction work, before leaving.

“It was a pleasure, obviously,” DeDomenico said of meeting Simon Hale. “He served our country.”



Tom Conway
Tom Conway is international president of the United Steelworkers (USW).


Canto de los Flores · Santana - Borboletta ℗ 1974 Columbia Records, a division of Sony Music Entertainment Released on: 1974-10-01 Composer, Lyricist: T. Coster Percussion, Producer: Carlos Santana Drums, Producer: Michael Shrieve Composer, Lyricist: Santana Band Piano, Producer: Tom Coster Congas: Armando Peraza
Congas: Jose Areas Bass: David Brown Engineer: Glen Kolothin

Studio Album, released in 1974

Songs / Tracks Listing

1. Spring Manifestations (1:05)
2. Canto De Los Flores (3:39)
3. Life is Anew (4:22)
4. Give and Take (5:44)
5. One With the Sun (4:22)
6. Aspirations (5:10)
7. Practice What You Preach (4:31)
8. Mirage (4:43)
9. Here and Now (3:01)
10. Flor De Canela (2:09)
11. Promise of a Fisherman (8:18)
12. Borboletta (2:47)

Total time 49:51

Borboletta is the sixth studio album by the American Latin rock band Santana. It is one of their jazz-funk-fusion oriented albums, along with Caravanserai (1972), and Welcome (1973).
Track listing · ‎Side one · ‎Side two · ‎Personnel

the world was now buzzing around the energy that these superstars would lay down on vinyl with the classic “Borboletta.” Featuring a cross section of Santana ...
Dec. 20, 1978 — As Carlos Santana evolves musically and spiritually — for the time ... are on the latter album, while Borboletta includes Stanley Clarke and Airto ...








‘A heinous crime’: Israeli airstrikes damage Gaza’s only Coronavirus testing lab

“It was bad enough when Palestinians in Gaza weren’t able to get vaccinated, but now to reportedly lose their only coronavirus testing lab is... beyond words.”

By Jake Johnson
-May 18, 2021
SOURCE Common Dreams


Israeli airstrikes in the center of the occupied Gaza Strip on Monday caused severe damage to the territory’s lone coronavirus testing lab and the offices of the Palestinian Ministry of Health, an attack that was immediately condemned as a war crime.

Citing eyewitnesses to the bombing, Middle East Eye reported that Israeli war planes hit the six-story Ghazi al-Shwwa building with “at least three missiles, completely destroying the upper floors.”

MEE noted that the bombing damaged “dozens of adjacent buildings, including Gaza’s main coronavirus laboratory, an orphanage, a female high school, and the Palestinian Ministry of Health offices.”

“If the Ministry of Health is not safe, then there is no safe place in the Gaza Strip,” said Abu Hamed Abufoul, an eyewitness to the airstrikes. “This is a war crime and the world cannot remain silent.”


Speaking in front of the impacted buildings on Monday, Dr. Yousef Abu al-Rish—the undersecretary of Gaza’s health ministry—said the Israeli attack rendered the testing facility inoperable, badly wounded several health workers, and disrupted the territory’s ability to administer Covid-19 vaccines, compounding the difficulties caused by Israel’s blockade.

“Targeting the Ministry of Health building, al-Remal Clinic, and the medical staff is a heinous crime aimed at preventing the ministry from continuing its humanitarian work in saving the lives of the wounded and providing health care to citizens,” al-Rish said. “The international community must hold the occupation accountable for its heinous and ongoing crimes against medical personnel and health institutions.”

“Horrifying,” MSNBC‘s Mehdi Hasan tweeted in response to the bombing. “It was bad enough when Palestinians in Gaza weren’t able to get vaccinated, but now to reportedly lose their only coronavirus testing lab is… beyond words.”

The airstrikes came shortly after Israeli bombs killed two of Gaza’s senior doctors, including one of the officials leading the besieged territory’s response to the coronavirus pandemic.


As the Washington Post reported last week, Israel’s latest assault—which has thus far killed more than 200 people and injured at least 1,300 in the occupied coastal strip—began as coronavirus infections and deaths in Gaza had started to decline after reaching record highs in April.

“The violence has had an immediate effect: Medical facilities, triaging the flood of new injuries, have for the most part paused coronavirus testing and vaccinations,” the Post noted. “And a crop of hospitalized Covid-19 patients who were nearing recovery were released over the past two days to make room for the growing number of war wounded.”

On Sunday, a wave of Israeli airstrikes in Gaza City that killed 42 people also damaged a Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) clinic that treats trauma and burn wounds, prompting outrage from the organization’s staff.

Ely Sok, MSF’s head of mission for the occupied Palestinian territories, said in a statement Monday that “the horrendous attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure that we are witnessing in Gaza are inexcusable and intolerable.”

“The number of wounded and displaced people is mounting while additional humanitarian personnel and supplies still cannot enter Gaza,” said Sok. “The local health authority is reporting being 24 hours away from running out of blood bags, meaning they cannot transfuse patients with blood, a key intervention in caring for war-wounded.”

“Israel needs to stop these attacks in the heart of Gaza, as we have seen time and again that they kill civilians no matter how ‘targeted’ they are, as in such a densely populated place it is not possible to limit the effects of the bombing,” Sok continued. “Safe access for humanitarian staff and supplies also needs to be urgently arranged.”

During a Monday call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—who has pledged to keep up the bombardment of Gaza indefinitely—U.S. President Joe Biden expressed support for a cease-fire amid growing pressure from the international community. A day earlier, the U.S. single-handedly blocked the release of a United Nations Security Council statement demanding an immediate cease-fire.

“Finally!” U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) tweeted in response to Biden’s new position. “Our delay in supporting a cease-fire has caused the slaughter of children and destruction of lives. Now Biden has to push for an end to the occupation.”
Gaza physician: Israel is targeting doctors & health facilities to overwhelm our crumbling system

The attacks on medical staff and facilities are a “nightmare.”

By Amy Goodman

-May 19, 2021
SOURCE Democracy Now!



The death toll in Gaza has reached 213, including at least 61 children, as Israel continues to attack the besieged area by air, land and sea using U.S.-made warplanes and bombs. The death toll in Israel stands at 11 from rockets fired from Gaza. Israel is facing increasing criticism for targeting doctors in its attack, and its airstrikes have reportedly damaged at least 18 hospitals and clinics, according to the World Health Organization. The attacks on medical staff and facilities are a “nightmare,” says Dr. Rasha, a Palestinian internal medicine physician working in Gaza who asked not to use her full name for safety reasons. “I think this is targeted to increase the overwhelming of the already overwhelmed healthcare system,” she says.


Israel Is Wiping Out Entire Palestinian Families on Purpose

The numerous incidents of killing entire families in Israeli bombings in Gaza—Parents and children, babies, grandparents, siblings—attest that these were not mistakes. The bombings follow a decision from higher up, backed by the approval of military jurists.


 Published on Wednesday, May 19, 2021 
by
(EDITOR'S NOTE: Image depicts death) Relatives mourn next to the bodies who were killed in Israeli attack carried out to home of Palestinian Abu Khatab Family living in Al-Shati Camp in Gaza Strip, at the morgue of Shifa Hospital on May 15, 2021, in Gaza City, Gaza. 7 people, including 5 children, 2 women killed in Israeli attack on Gaza Strip. (Photo: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

(EDITOR'S NOTE: Image depicts death) Relatives mourn next to the bodies who were killed in Israeli attack carried out to home of Palestinian Abu Khatab Family living in Al-Shati Camp in Gaza Strip, at the morgue of Shifa Hospital on May 15, 2021, in Gaza City, Gaza. 7 people, including 5 children, 2 women killed in Israeli attack on Gaza Strip. (Photo: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

Fifteen Palestinian nuclear and extended families lost at least three, and in general more, of their members, in the Israeli shelling of the Gaza Strip during the week from May 10 through to Monday afternoon. Parents and children, babies, grandparents, siblings and nephews and nieces died together when Israel bombed their homes, which collapsed over them. Insofar as is known, no advance warning was given so that they could evacuate the targeted houses.

Wiping out entire families in Israeli bombings was one of the characteristics of the war in 2014.

On Saturday, a representative of the Palestinian Health Ministry brought listed the names of 12 families who were killed, each one at its home, each one in a single bombing. Since then, in one air raid before dawn on Sunday, which lasted 70 minutes and was directed at three houses on Al Wehda Street in the Rimal neighborhood of Gaza, three families numbering 38 people in total were killed. Some of the bodies were found on Sunday morning. Palestinian rescue forces only managed to find the rest of the bodies and pull them out from the rubble only on Sunday evening.

Wiping out entire families in Israeli bombings was one of the characteristics of the war in 2014. In the roughly 50 days of the war then, UN figures say that 142 Palestinian families were erased (742 people in total). The numerous incidents then and today attest that these were not mistakes: and that the bombing of a house while all its residents are in it follows a decision from higher up, backed by the examination and approval of military jurists.

An investigation by the human rights group B'Tselem that focused on some 70 of the families who were eradicated in 2014, provided three explanations for the numerous nuclear and extended families that were killed, all at once, in one Israeli bombing on the home of each such family. One explanation was that the Israeli army didn't provide advance warning to the homeowners or to their tenants; or that the warning didn't reach the correct address, at all or on time.

In any case, what stands out is the difference between the fate of the buildings that were bombed with their residents inside, and the "towers"—the high-rise buildings that were shelled as of the second day of this latest conflict, during the daytime or early evening.

Reportedly, the owners or the concierge in the towers got prior warning of an hour at most that they must evacuate, usually via phone call from the army or Shin Bet security service, then "warning missiles" fired by drones. These owners/concierges were supposed to warn the other residents in the short time remaining.

Not only highrises were involved. On Thursday evening Omar Shurabji's home west of Khan Yunis was shelled. A crater formed in the road and one room in the two־story building was destroyed. Two families, with seven people altogether, live in that building.

About 20 minutes before the explosion, the army called Khaled Shurabji and told him to tell his uncle Omar to leave the house, per a report by the Palestinian center for human rights. It is not known whether Omar was there, but the residents of the house all hastened to get out, so there were no casualties.

This very fact that the Israeli army and Shin Bet trouble to call and order the evacuation of the homes shows that the Israeli authorities have current phone numbers for people in each structure slated for destruction. They have the phone numbers for relatives of the people suspected or known to be activists for Hamas or Islamic Jihad.

The Palestinian population registry, including that of Gaza, is in the hands of the Israeli Interior Ministry. It includes details such as names, ages, relatives and addresses.

As the Oslo Accords require, the Palestinian interior ministry, through the civil affairs ministry, transfers current information regularly to the Israeli side, especially concerning births and newborns: The registry data must receive Israeli approval, because without that, Palestinians cannot receive an identity card when the time comes, or in the case of minors—they can't travel alone or with their parents through border crossings controlled by Israel.

It is clear, then, that the army knows the number and names of children, women and elderly who live in every residential building it bombs for any reason.

B'Tselem's second explanation for why whole families were erased in 2014 is that the army's definition of an attackable "military target" was very broad, and it included the homes of Hamas and Islamic Jihad people. These houses were described as operational infrastructure, or command and control infrastructure of the organization or terror infrastructure—even if all it had was a telephone, or just hosted a meeting.

The third explanation in the B'Tselem analysis from 2014 was that the army's interpretation of "collateral damage" is very flexible and broad. The army claimed and claims that it acts according to the principle of "proportionality" between harm to uninvolved civilians and achieving the legitimate military goal, in other words, that in every case the "collateral damage" caused to Palestinians is measured and considered.

But once the "importance" of a Hamas member is considered high and its residence is defined as a legitimate target for bombing—the "allowable" collateral damage, in other words the number of uninvolved people killed, including children and babies—is very broad.

In the intensive bombing of three residential buildings on Al Wehda Street in Gaza, before dawn on Sunday, the Abu al Ouf, Al- Qolaq and Ashkontana families were killed. In real time, when the number of dead from one family is so great—it is hard to find and encourage a survivor to tell about each family member, and their last days.

So one must make do with their names and ages, as listed in the daily reports of the human rights organizations that collect the information and even note, when they know, if any family member belonged to any military organization. So far, it is not know whether and who among the residents of the Al Wehda buildings was considered such an important target, that "permitted" the obliteration of entire families.

The members of the abu al Ouf family who were killed are: The father Ayman, an internal medicine doctor in Shifa Hospital, and his two children: Tawfiq, 17, and Tala, 13. Another two female relatives were also killed—Reem, 41, and Rawan, 19. These five bodies were found shortly after the bombing. The bodies of another eight members of the Abu al Ouf family were removed from the ruins only in the evening, and they are: Subhiya, 73, Amin, 90, Tawfiq, 80, and his wife Majdiya, 82, and their relative Raja (married to a man from the Afranji family) and her three children: Mira, 12, Yazen, 13, and Mir, 9.

During the air raid on those buildings, Abir Ashkontana was also killed, 30, and her three children: Yahya, 5, Dana, 9, and Zin, 2. In the evening, the bodies of two more girls were found: Rula, 6, and Lana, 10. The Palestinian center's report does not mention whether these two children are Abir's daughters.

In the two neighboring buildings 19 members of the Al-Qolaq family were killed: Fuaz, 63 and his four children; Abd al Hamid, 23, Riham, 33, Bahaa, 49 and Sameh, 28, and his wife Iyat, 19. Their baby Qusay, six months old, was also killed. Another female member of the extended family, Amal Al-Qolaq, 42, was also killed and three of her children were killed: Taher, 23, Ahmad, 16, and Hana'a—15. The brothers Mohammed Al-Qolaq, 42, and Izzat, 44, were also killed, and Izzat's children: Ziad, 8, and three-year-old Adam. The women Doa'a Al-Qolaq, 39, and Sa'adia Al-Qolaq, 83, were also killed. In the evening, the bodies of Hala Al-Qolaq, 13, and her sister Yara, 10, were rescued from under the rubble. Palestinian center's report does not mention who their parents were and whether they were also killed in the bombing.

Amira Hass

Amira Hass is the Haaretz correspondent for the Occupied Territories. Born in Jerusalem in 1956, Hass joined Haaretz in 1989, and has been in her current position since 1993. As the correspondent for the territories, she spent three years living in Gaza, which served of the basis for her widely acclaimed book, "Drinking the Sea at Gaza." She has lived in the West Bank city of Ramallah since 1997.

Palestinian Lives Matter: We Must Reject Crimes Against Humanity

We can’t say we support justice and human rights in this country while supporting violence and expulsion abroad.

Tracey L. Rogers
Published on Wednesday, May 19, 2021
by OtherWords

A demonstrator displays a placard reading: "Palestinian Lives Matter" during a pro-Palestinian protest in Berlin on May 19, 2021. Thousands of demonstrators marched waving Palestinian flags and shouting pro-Palestine slogans as Israel and the Palestinians were mired in their worst conflict in years. (Photo: JOHN MACDOUGALL/AFP via Getty Images)



I believe that all people share a common cause for basic freedoms.

Yet whenever I speak out about the conflict between Israel and Palestine, I'm cautioned to "be careful"— that I'll only be able to have a fruitful dialogue by recognizing grievances on "both sides."

Well, I recognize a few things.

I recognize that any loss of life, whether Israeli or Palestinian, is a loss to be grieved. I recognize that both Israelis and Palestinians have a right to self-determination, and that neither side should be subjected to violence.

Just as Black Lives Matter, so do Palestinian Lives Matter. We cannot campaign for racial healing and justice on stolen land in our own country while simultaneously backing a campaign to occupy and displace people abroad.

I also recognize that this latest conflict on the ground reveals a huge power imbalance that gives Israel the upper hand—thanks in no small part to the $3.8 billion that U.S. taxpayers spend on Israel's military every year. As of May 17, about a dozen Israelis had died, while the toll for Palestinians had reached over 200—including over 60 children.

Finally, as a Black American, I recognize that Palestinians are fighting for the same basic human rights as Black people, Indigenous people, and other people of color right here in this country.

When I traveled to the region five years ago, I was horrified by what I saw. Turnstile check points managed by Israeli Defense Forces that Palestinians had to travel through daily. Entire villages without running water and electricity living across from Israeli settlers with every amenity imaginable.

I watched Israeli soldiers raid a refugee camp in the middle of the night across the street from the hotel where I stayed in Ramallah. It made me nauseous—and I was further appalled to learn about the hundreds of Palestinian minors imprisoned and tried in Israeli military courts.

I left the place feeling like I had left the twilight zone. As Israel's right-wing government—which rules over millions of Arab Palestinians—moves to explicitly establish Israel as a Jewish-only state, the parallels between Jewish nationalism in Israel and white supremacy in the United States have grown ever clearer.

What's worse, Israel's efforts to create a Jewish-only state have been strongly and historically supported by the United States.


Like previous administrations, the Biden administration has followed the same script, vocally supporting Israel. The White House has exclusively supported Israel's "right to self-defense"—but not that of the Palestinians living under occupation.

This inequality often extends to media coverage as well. Israeli forces blew up the offices of Western journalists in Gaza yet still receive more sympathetic coverage in the U.S. press than the Palestinians those bombs fall on.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose government has been accused of crimes against humanity, just got 10 minutes of airtime on Face the Nation to defend his actions. Palestinians rarely get that kind of exposure.

But hopefully, things may be changing.

Two-dozen members of Congress sent a letter urging Israel to halt its evictions of Palestinians in East Jerusalem. Others are calling on the U.S. to attach human rights conditions to its aid to Israel.

Meanwhile people around the globe are marching, like we saw last summer after the murder of George Floyd, to #FreePalestine.

"If we are to make good on our promises to support equal human rights for all, it is our duty to end the apartheid system that for decades has subjected Palestinians to inhumane treatment and racism," said Rep. Rashida Tlaib, the first Palestinian American to serve in Congress.

Just as Black Lives Matter, so do Palestinian Lives Matter. We cannot campaign for racial healing and justice on stolen land in our own country while simultaneously backing a campaign to occupy and displace people abroad.

U.S. foreign policy on Israel-Palestine currently makes all of us complicit in crimes against humanity. That must change, now.


Tracey L. Rogers is an entrepreneur and activist living in the Washington, D.C. metropolitan area.
Unity at Last: The Palestinian People Have Risen

We must save Sheikh Jarrah, but we must also save Gaza; we must demand an end to the Israeli military occupation of Palestine and, with it, the system of racial discrimination and apartheid.


by Ramzy Baroud
Published on Tuesday, May 18, 2021
by Common Dreams

Palestinian citizens of Israel demonstrate in Haifa, Israel on 18 May, 2021, to mark a nationwide general strike called by the country's Arab leadership and to express solidarity for Palestinians in the Gaza Strip where, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, at least 212 people, including 61 children, have been killed by Israeli military strikes. (Photo: Mati Milstein/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

From the outset, some clarification regarding the language used to depict the ongoing violence in occupied Palestine, and also throughout Israel. This is not a 'conflict'. Neither is it a 'dispute' nor 'sectarian violence' nor even a war in the traditional sense.

It is not a conflict, because Israel is an occupying power and the Palestinian people are an occupied nation. It is not a dispute, because freedom, justice and human rights cannot be treated as if a mere political disagreement. The Palestinian people's inalienable rights are enshrined in international and humanitarian law and the illegality of Israeli violations of human rights in Palestine is recognized by the United Nations itself.

If it is a war, then it is a unilateral Israeli war, which is met with humble, but real and determined Palestinian resistance.

Actually, it is a Palestinian uprising, an Intifada unprecedented in the history of the Palestinian struggle, both in its nature and outreach.

"The Palestinian people have decided to move past all the political divisions and the factional squabbles. Instead, they are coining new terminologies, centered on resistance, liberation and international solidarity."For the first time in many years, we see the Palestinian people united, from Jerusalem Al Quds, to Gaza, to the West Bank and, even more critically, to the Palestinian communities, towns and villages inside historic Palestine—today's Israel.

This unity matters the most, is far more consequential than some agreement between Palestinian factions. It eclipses Fatah and Hamas and all the rest, because without a united people there can be no meaningful resistance, no vision for liberation, no struggle for justice to be won.

Right-wing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu could never have anticipated that a routine act of ethnic cleansing in East Jerusalem's neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah could lead to a Palestinian uprising, uniting all sectors of Palestinian society in an unprecedented show of unity.

The Palestinian people have decided to move past all the political divisions and the factional squabbles. Instead, they are coining new terminologies, centered on resistance, liberation and international solidarity. Consequently, they are challenging factionalism, along with any attempt at making Israeli occupation and apartheid normal. Equally important, a strong Palestinian voice is now piercing through the international silence, compelling the world to hear a single chant for freedom.

The leaders of this new movement are Palestinian youth who have been denied participation in any form of democratic representation, who are constantly marginalized and oppressed by their own leadership and by the relentless Israeli military occupation. They were born into a world of exile, destitution and apartheid, led to believe that they are inferior, of a lesser race. Their right to self-determination and every other right were postponed indefinitely. They grew up helplessly watching their homes being demolished, their land being robbed and their parents being humiliated.


Finally, they are rising.

Without prior coordination and with no political manifesto, this new Palestinian generation is now making its voice heard, sending an unmistakable, resounding message to Israel and its right-wing chauvinistic society, that the Palestinian people are not passive victims; that the ethnic cleansing of Sheikh Jarrah and the rest of occupied East Jerusalem, the protracted siege on Gaza, the ongoing military occupation, the construction of illegal Jewish settlements, the racism and the apartheid will no longer go unnoticed; though tired, poor, dispossessed, besieged and abandoned, Palestinians will continue to safeguard their own rights, their sacred places and the very sanctity of their own people.

Yes, the ongoing violence was instigated by Israeli provocations in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood in East Jerusalem. However, the story was never about the ethnic cleansing of Sheikh Jarrah alone. The beleaguered neighborhood is but a microcosm of the larger Palestinian struggle.

Netanyahu may have hoped to use Sheikh Jarrah as a way of mobilizing his right-wing constituency around him, intending to form an emergency government or increasing his chances of winning yet a fifth election. His rash behavior, initially compelled by entirely selfish reasons, has ignited a popular rebellion among Palestinians, exposing Israel for the violent, racist and apartheid state that it is and always has been.

Palestinian unity and popular resistance have proven successful in other ways, too. Never before have we seen this groundswell of support for Palestinian freedom, not only from millions of ordinary individuals across the globe, but also from celebrities—movie stars, footballers, mainstream intellectuals and political activists, even models and social media influencers. The hashtags #SaveSheikhJarrah and #FreePalestine, among numerous others, are now interlinked and have been trending on all social media platforms for weeks. Israel's constant attempts at presenting itself as a perpetual victim of some imaginary horde of Arabs and Muslims are no longer paying dividends. The world can finally see, read and hear of Palestine's tragic reality and the need to bring this tragedy to an immediate end.

None of this would be possible were it not for the fact that all Palestinians have legitimate reasons and are speaking in unison. In their spontaneous reaction and genuine, communal solidarity, all Palestinians are united, from Sheikh Jarrah, to all of Jerusalem, to Gaza, Nablus, Ramallah, Al-Bireh and even Palestinian towns inside Israel—Al-Lud, Umm Al-Fahm, Kufr Qana and elsewhere. In Palestine's new popular revolution, factions, geography and any political division are irrelevant. Religion is not a source of divisiveness but of spiritual and national unity.

The ongoing Israeli atrocities in Gaza are continuing, with a mounting death toll. This devastation will continue for as long as the world treats the devastating siege of the impoverished, tiny Strip as if irrelevant. People in Gaza were dying long before the Israeli airstrikes began blowing up their homes and neighborhoods. They were dying from the lack of medicine, polluted water, the lack of electricity and the dilapidated infrastructure.

We must save Sheikh Jarrah, but we must also save Gaza; we must demand an end to the Israeli military occupation of Palestine and, with it, the system of racial discrimination and apartheid. International human rights groups are now precise and decisive in their depiction of this racist regime, with Human Rights Watch—and Israel's own rights group, B'tselem, joining the call for the dismantlement of apartheid in all of Palestine.

Speak up. Speak out. The Palestinians have risen. It is time to rally behind them.



Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of the Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books including: "These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons" (2019), "My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story" (2010) and "The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle" (2006). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), Istanbul Zaim University (IZU). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net