Friday, August 19, 2022

A glimpse into future at World Robot Conference in China

By Alvaro Alfaro

Beijing, Aug 19 (EFE).- Robots that care for the elderly, conduct PCR tests, and deliver packages are some of the highlights of the 2022 World Robot Conference underway in Beijing.

The event, organized between Aug.18 to 21, brings together more than 130 companies that showcase the latest advances in robotics in China, where the sector had a turnover of 83 billion yuan ($12.23 billion) in 2021.

The participants display how robots can contribute to different sectors, including the restaurant industry, medicine, elderly care, agriculture, and manufacturing.

One of the main event attractions is the robots that carry out PCR tests.

After a series of coronavirus outbreaks in the country in spring, the inhabitants of large cities undergo several weekly PCR tests to gain entry into public places, including stores, parks, and even the conference.

The authorities of the Chinese megalopolises have fixed a target of setting up testing booths so every resident can find one within a 15-minute walk.

It has led to thousands of such booths on the country’s streets.

The robotic cabin developed by a laboratory affiliated with Tsinghua University promises to test a sample in 35 seconds with a 99.9 percent effectiveness.

With the push of a button, a mechanical arm comes out of the cabin and places a stick of cotton in the mouth of the person being tested.

Owing to their ability to work for many hours at a time, these robots could help ease the long queues outside testing booths in high populated areas.

Healthcare robotics occupies a prominent place in the event with robots that perform dental procedures, high-precision surgeries, and vaccinations.

Companies are also displaying their creations in the elderly care sector, which is expected to grow considerably in the future as the Chinese population ages.

The robot developed by Robint is equipped with a camera and is capable of moving around an elderly person’s house, keeping track of the medicines they have taken, and alerting if any have been skipped.

It also has a thermometer and a blood pressure monitor with data synchronized to monitor the patient’s health.

“In China, there are more than 260 million elderly people,” a company representative told EFE.

“If only a small percentage of them buy these products, we would already be talking about a huge market.”

By 2035, people over 60 are expected to constitute more than 30 percent of the Chinese population compared to the current 18 percent.

Two Chinese digital giants, the JD e-commerce platform and the Meituan food delivery firm, were also present at the event.

For years, these companies have been at the forefront of developing logistics robots to save millions of dollars in wages for their delivery personnel.




Stacey Abrams: Brian Kemp Is A Dangerous Extremist, He Is "Hubristic" And "Self-Interested"


Posted By Tyler Stone
August 19, 2022


On CNN Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams discussed the race against Brian Kemp:



ERIN BURNETT: I want to go OUTFRONT now to Stacey Abrams, Kemp's Democratic opponent in the Georgia governor race and the former minority leader of Georgia's House of Representatives.

So, Leader Abrams, Governor Kemp says the Fulton County D.A. is playing politics with this subpoena and is doing it to help your campaign.

What do you say to him?

STACEY ABRAMS (D), GEORGIA GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATE: I think once again, Brian Kemp to wants to take credit but doesn't want to take responsibility. He has coasted on this notion that he is an anti-Trump moderate, but we know that he has described himself as a Trump conservative, that he is seeking Donald Trump's endorsement for this race, that he welcomes it, and that this subpoena has been outstanding -- or this request for him to testify has been ongoing for months.

He has had time to do this. And if he doesn't have time to show up to testify, he must not have time to go and raise money or do anything else because if he is as concerned about the state of our democracy as he would hope for people to think he is, he would show up for this incredibly important subpoena and he would provide testimony in a timely manner.

BURNETT: So, his lawyers say that the Fulton County prosecutors had an agreement but they rescinded it. And that that agreement was to lay out in advance the topics Kemp would be asked about before the grand jury and that they then rescinded it and then they cancelled a voluntary interview and then they went ahead and subpoenaed him.

If that's really what happened, would you testify under those conditions if you were in his shoes?

ABRAMS: First, I do not actually believe the -- if you look at the emails that have been released about the back-and-forth and having dealt with the Kemp administration, I would actually put my faith more in the Fulton County D.A.'s office. I know that this has been a meticulous and very thoughtful investigation and that he is not the only Republican who's tried to skirt his responsibility to provide information.

Rudy Giuliani has tried it. Lindsey Graham has tried it. Brian Kemp is trying it.

But the reality is Brian Kemp wants to win this election under the pretext that he is not a Trump conservative and he is. And you can tell that from his hard right policies from banning abortion to opposing marriage equality, to the voter suppression laws that he signed after January 6th.

Brian Kemp up and down the board is a Trump conservative, but he is afraid that if he actually shows up to testify, the world will know it.

BURNETT: There is one thing here though in all of this, and that is that Governor Kemp refused to go along with Trump's lies about the Georgia election. Trump directly pressured him to do it and Kemp didn't do it, right? Right? He certified the election two separate times for Biden.

[19:30:00]

So, when push came to shove, he was in a position to do right and do wrong. Didn't he ultimately do the right thing? STACEY ABRAMS (D), GEORGIA GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATE: Let's be clear,

he refused to -- he agreed to certify the election and, yes, I am proud that he did not commit treason.

However, he also then pushed through one of the most aggressive voter suppressive laws that we've seen in recent years and it was entirely based on the big lie that there had been mismanagement and poor action in the election.

He used the Trump lie to justify a voter suppression law. And moreover, he said himself that he changed the laws in the state of Georgia regarding voting because he was frustrated by the results of 2020 and 2021.

Yes, Brian Kemp gets to cross the very low bar of not committing treason. But our bar for democracy should be higher. He should not only agree to certify the election as was his job but he should show up and tell the truth about what happened.

If he truly believes that Donald Trump did something wrong, then now is the time to say it. I'm not certain what he would be hiding from America, from Georgia, by waiting until after the election to tell the truth. If he could tell the truth before, he should be able to tell the truth now.

BURNETT: So let me ask you about the investigation itself. You've talked about it as being run meticulously and, obviously, you know it has come under some scrutiny. And that is because the district attorney, Fani Willis, has been rebuked once already from perceived political bias by a judge -- a judge who recently blocked her from investigating Republican State Senator Burt Jones.

Burt Jones was one of the alleged fake electors involved in the scheme to subvert Georgia's election. Jones is now the nominee for lieutenant governor, and Willis hosted a campaign fundraiser for the person who became his Democratic opponent.

You know, how much did that damage her credibility, to host a fundraiser -- a political fundraiser?

ABRAMS: I can't speak to why she chose to do that, but I can tell you that Brian Kemp has not only lauded Burt Jones, one of the fake electors, he has also appointed another fake elector, reappointed one, to a very important office -- appointed office in the state of Georgia. That he has suborned those who have used the big lie to justify their actions.

And so, while I understand the concerns that have been raised, we have to focus on who's actually responsible and who is in charge. Brian Kemp is a dangerous extremist who has tried to hide himself behind one good action, and he has distracted the rest of us or certainly distracted most of America from looking at his actual record.

He is trying to play both moderate and MAGA but he is just extreme. He wants credit standing up to Trump but he is refusing to testify to tell the truth. And I encourage people to go to the website, StaceyAbrams.com --

(CROSSTALK)

BURNETT: Do you believe though -- I understand your point. I understand your point. But, ultimately, look, there were plenty of people -- there were plenty of people running for office now, whether it'd be for governor, for secretaries of state who said they would not do what Brian Kemp did. They would not certify the election, and that they would have done what President Trump wanted, right?

What he did, and -- you know, it is no small thing in the world that we live in now, is it?

ABRAMS: It is an important thing to do your job. And I am not diminishing the fact that he did his job. But I would not lionize someone for not committing treason.

If we have lowered our standards so much that simply not doing wrong is the only metric, that is deeply problematic, especially when the person at -- in question, Brian Kemp, has a long and unfortunate history of voter suppression, of not only supporting Donald Trump, but seeking his endorsement and seeking his support even today.

He has not rebuked Trump. He has not rebuked his bad behavior. He's simply hoping that no one pays attention and that is not heroic. That is self-interested. That is hubristic and that is wrong for the future of Georgia.

BURNETT: All right. Leader Abrams, I appreciate your time. Thank you very much.

ABRAMS: Absolutely. Thank you.
These affordable apartments are designed to use almost no energy

By using ‘Passive House’ standards, the apartment building uses less energy and saves on operating costs—helping to make units affordable for the city’s most vulnerable residents.

At a new apartment building in the Canadian city of Hamilton, near Toronto, rent for a studio will cost as little as $85 a month.


The apartment building, which will begin construction this fall, is designed for the city’s most vulnerable residents, many of whom are currently homeless. For the city-owned housing provider that owns the building, one of the factors that will help keep operating costs low also has a climate benefit: The building is being constructed to “Passive House” standards, meaning it uses nearly no energy for heating and cooling.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]“We’re trying to run operations lean so that we can provide the most affordability, and the most units,” says Sean Botham, who leads development for CityHousing Hamilton, the affordable housing provider. Government funding, partly enabled by Canada’s goal to reach net zero emissions by 2050, is helping the city pay for more efficient buildings.



[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The Passive House standard allows for only a tiny amount of energy use—less than 15 kilowatts per hour per square meter for heating or cooling demand per year. “In layman’s terms, we typically say it’s about 90% better than a traditional build,” says Enda McDonagh, principal architect at Montgomery Sisam Architects, the firm that led the design of the new building. “So it is extremely efficient.” In a city with big temperature swings—Hamilton has freezing winters and hot, sticky summers—saving heating and cooling energy can also make a meaningful difference in costs.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]Earlier this year, CityHousing Hamilton completed a retrofit of an 18-story affordable-housing building, making it the largest in the world to meet the Passive House standard. The 146-unit building, originally constructed in 1967, reduced its energy demand for heating by 91%, and cut emissions by 94% by adding new insulation, triple-glazed windows, and new heat recovery and ventilation systems. When demand peaks, the energy needed to heat or cool an apartment is now roughly the equivalent of that used by three incandescent light bulbs.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The newest building, with 24 studio apartments, has a tight building envelope—meaning that air can’t easily leak out—with 13.5 inches of insulation within the wall. Triple-glazed windows are set deep inside the wall, helping shade the apartments during the summer while letting in sunlight and solar heat gain during the winter. Ultraefficient appliances run the small amount of heating and cooling that’s needed, and hot water is heated by an electric heat pump. The building doesn’t run on fossil fuels. On the roof, solar panels help offset some of the energy use.

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The ultraefficient design will be more comfortable for residents since the temperature stays steady and the ventilation brings in more fresh air than in a typical building. The architects also focused on making the studio apartments feel homey while meeting requirements for durability. “The materials that have been tested to meet that rigorous demand oftentimes have a very institutional feel to them,” McDonagh says. “They’ve had a lifetime of testing in hospitals and care homes. We’re saying, Okay, how can we find our source materials that deliver on that, but also deliver on the home-like quality?” The building will also include shared spaces like a lounge and community garden, and a kitchen where residents can attend cooking classes. (Each apartment also has its own small kitchen.)

[Image: Montgomery Sisam Architects]The apartments will sit in a tight space between two other buildings on a former parking lot. Most of the construction will happen in a nearby factory, which will help speed up the work on site. The factory work and site prep will begin this fall, with the finished apartments delivered and stacked up like Legos early next year. Meanwhile, CityHousing Hamilton is working on other new developments that will meet Passive House requirements. “Other housing providers are also going in this direction in the city,” Botham says.



ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Adele Peters is a staff writer at Fast Company who focuses on solutions to some of the world's largest problems, from climate change to homelessness. Previously, she worked with GOOD, BioLite, and the Sustainable Products and Solutions program at UC Berkeley


Former Sri Lankan president Rajapaksa applies for US citizenship
WAR CRIMINAL  WILL SURELY BE WELCOME

Arpan Rai
Fri, August 19, 2022 



Former Sri Lankan president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who left the crisis-marred country last month, has applied for citizenship with the US and is waiting to procure his Green Card, according to a media report.

The ousted president is looking to settle in the US with his wife and son, who are accompanying him on his run from Sri Lanka after widespread anti-government protests sought his resignation as the country plunged into its worst recession in decades.

According to the report, Mr Rajapaksa’s lawyers in Washington commenced the procedure of application for securing him a Green Card last month, sources aware of the matter said.

He is eligible to apply for citizenship as his wife Ioma Rajapaksa is a US citizen.


In the coming days, Mr Rajapaksa’s lawyers in Colombo will have to submit additional documents for the procedure, the Daily Mirror reported.

Mr Rajapaksa, who is living in a hotel in Thailand presently after fleeing on a military plane in July for Maldives and thereafter reaching Singapore, is expected to return to the country in the last week of August.

He is likely to cancel his initial plan of stay in Thailand at least till November, the report added.

The 73-year-old leader resigned after reaching Singapore in the backdrop of simmering public anger in Sri Lanka over his role in mismanagement of the country’s economy.

However, two days ago, he consulted his lawyers and decided to come back to Sri Lanka as he was facing problems in moving around in Thailand due to security concerns as initially expected, the report added.

Police officials in Thailand had advised Mr Rajapaksa to stay indoors during his stay in the country amid security concerns.

The Thai government has also asked Mr Rajapaksa to not engage in political activities while staying in the country.

The hotel where Mr Rajapaksa is staying has police officers from the Special Branch Bureau deployed in plainclothes to ensure the Sri Lankan leader’s safety, reported the Bangkok Post newspaper.

It is likely that the Sri Lankan cabinet will discuss providing the ousted leader a state house and security under the rules guiding arrangements for a former president, the report added.

His previous presidential house was stormed and occupied by protesting Sri Lankans in July.
BOOKS

Violence, Hierarchy, Expansion: What Lies Behind the US's Military Power?


David Vine’s 'The United States of War' is one of the most illuminating studies of how the US' empire of forts and bases developed and works.


A military band performs during the 236th annual Military, Civic, and Firemen's Parade as part of July 4 celebrations in Bristol, Rhode Island, US, July 5, 2021. Photo: Reuters/Quinn Glabicki

Inderjeet Parmar

The defence of the United States, unlike charity, does not begin at home.

Its foreign policy elites claim that US national security is threatened across the world and that renders everywhere an ‘American interest’. To secure that interest against permanent threats requires the largest military budget in history, around 800 military bases worldwide, global surveillance systems, navies that prowl every sea and armies that the navy lobs to fight endless wars on foreign lands.


Even more profoundly, this expansive notion of security threats requires and has birthed a paradigm-busting conception of borders that aligns with the globalised movement of goods and people; that the US either wants or rejects, regardless of geographical location. The US border is no longer just a line on a map between it and Canada or Mexico; it’s anywhere the US state decrees and signs agreements with overseas border guards. Those guards are now doing the jobs of US border police and officials thousands of miles from the US homeland – in Central and South America, the Philippines, Ireland, Turkey, among others.

This paradigmatic shift is accompanied by the ballooning of the budgets of the Department of Homeland Security and related forerunner bureaucracies, particularly since 9-11. The Homeland must be protected from the Barbarians who, for no apparent or explicable reason to do with the United States, ‘hate us’ and want to do ‘us’ harm. Actually, they hate ‘our’ values of freedom, progress and democracy. They understand only the language of force and threat of force, and must be treated accordingly.

It is a version of America’s role in the world unburdened by the weight of the evidenced ranged against it, yet remains the dominant ideology of US foreign policy elites – just open any newspaper, watch practically any mainstream news network, read any learned review of foreign affairs or think tank report, attend any class in international relations or foreign policy in a leading American university, or tune in to virtually any speech of leading Democrats and Republicans.

The White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) establishment – now in full technicolor with its visibly diverse and suitably compliant appointees – may be divided on many issues, but they display impressive near-monolithic unity on America’s need to fund and project lethal military power and violence on and under the seas, in the air, in space and cyberspace; and act as gatekeeper and guardian of the global movement of people and goods.

Welcome to the borders and bases strategies of the US empire, emblematic of 21st century technologies and global reach while echoing all the way back to the very dawn of the American republic. Bases and borders are a fascinating way to understand the nature of colonial and imperial power and the expansionist and hierarchical thought and strategies which lie at their heart. Pry open any aspect of a society, especially of a great imperial power, and discover even in that limited sphere practically every sinew, priority, value, theory and practice; that society’s leaders’ characteristics, ideas, prejudices, governing interests, ideologies and world views.

The United States is no exception to this rule. For a detailed exploration of the new border paradigm, Todd Miller’s Empire of Borders (2019) is excellent investigative journalism – insightful, well researched and accessible. A great complementary companion volume to the book under review here.

David Vine’s The United States of War proves to be one of the most illuminating studies of how the empire of forts and bases developed and works. Vine, an anthropologist at American University in Washington, DC, begins by asking a disarmingly simple but necessary question: why are so many towns and cities in the US called ‘Fort’ something?

Fort Lee, Fort Worth, Fort Collins, Fort whatever; hundreds of such place names across the country – why? From that point, Vine shows something that seems rather obvious once revealed but which too few have bothered researching in depth – that the US was born fighting, born colonialist, born expansionist and born enslaving, exterminating and excluding people of colour, as well as waging class war on the poor, regardless of race.


The United States of War, David Vine, University of California Press, 2020.

The role of forts – military bases – in the colonial expansion of the US to its current continental territory is usually ignored. Or rather, it’s hidden in plain sight. How else was Native American territory seized? The fort was on the frontline of the frontier. American colonial expansion followed the fort.


The original 13 colonies that won their freedom from British colonial rule in 1783 covered 430,000 square miles – nowhere near the current US continental territory – but nevertheless the size of Britain, France and Germany combined. Today, US territory stands at almost 4 million square miles. Most of that had been added before the US’ imperial career is conventionally understood to have begun (1898) – a serious error.

Clearly, US imperialism and colonialism did not start in 1898. 1898 was a continuation of a strategy that started over a century earlier. The first foreign bases built by Euro-Americans predate the 1776 Declaration of Independence. From 1785 and the building of Fort Harmar, in Ohio, US bases encroached on Native American territory, encouraged westward-bound colonial settlements, seized land, and displaced and exterminated the indigenous peoples.

This was a holocaust on a massive scale that led to a new racist ideology to justify it – the natives weren’t really human; they were savages. Hence, scorched earth tactics, terror, assassination – “America’s first way of war” (page 50) that condoned violence against non-combatants and total destruction of villages and fields. Not just a way of war but the forging of a distinct US identity, according to Vine, that shaped later war-making, especially against those deemed racially inferior.

And this latter point is fundamental: successive generations of soldiers and citizens “made the killing of Indian men, women, and children a defining element of their first military tradition.” Violence for gain and expansion led to racism to rationalise and intellectually and morally justify massive violence. “The idea of race and defined ‘white’ and ‘Indian’ races solidified only in the mid-18th century, long after the cycles of brutality… were well underway…” (page 50).


That first way of war became key to being a white American. Indian wars were constructed as race wars – modern military Orientalism was born in bloodshed. It created white identities as fundamental to a prior right to power, land and privilege; an identity drenched in blood.

Exclude, exterminate, enslave, expand and expropriate. That’s the US Empire in a nutshell. The main issue is the principle of selection. Who decides? Who holds the power to define, decide, allocate resources and give orders? Though Vine does not labour the point, it is abundantly clear where he places the power of decision and perpetuation of the violent power that US bases embody: a powerful network of elites that rules America in their own interests and who sell the story to the broad mass of people that it is for their own good, so don’t ask questions about budgets or building bases or going to war.

It is the very sentiment expressed in the iconic words of Colonel Nathan R. Jessop in A Few Good Men, and the kind of military-industrial complex President Dwight Eisenhower warned about in 1961 – despite presiding over its formative years and, as a former US general, personifying the increasingly powerful links between the tripartite power elite sociologist C. Wright Mills identified in 1956: the corporate rich of Wall Street; warlords of the Pentagon; and the political directorate in the executive branch in Washington, DC.

Space prohibits too much more detail from Vine’s fascinating research and analysis – including hundreds of personal visits to US domestic and foreign bases. But any review would be remiss if it did not say something about his presentation of so many wonderfully illuminating maps of US forts, bases and military attacks and conflicts over time, starting in the 1770s through to the present day.

Those pictures, maps and graphs alone speak volumes: 90 domestic forts and bases across the USA from 1785-1878; wars, combat actions across the world from 1849-1898 (including Japan, China, Korea, Angola, Egypt, Uruguay, Turkey, among others); US bases, installations and so on shown to have expanded to every continent between 1776-1903; the 16 US bases in Asia, Latin America and the Indian Ocean after 1898, whose construction led to the displacement of local inhabitants.

It is pertinent to cite the treatment – forced relocation – of the Chagos islanders to make way for a US military base in a strategic area of the Indian Ocean. This was in pursuit of the US’ Strategic Island concept, which involved occupying small island territories, frequently uninhabited, and converting them into military bases free from fear of local anti-base protests.

The island of Diego Garcia had the misfortune of being located right in the middle of the Indian Ocean, “within striking distance of.. southern Africa to the Persian Gulf to Southeast Asia” (page 219). It was also advantageous that the island was under British colonial control even if several hundred people had lived there since the 1770s, descendants of enslaved Africans and indentured Indian workers. For $14 million in 1966, Britain gave the US basing rights and agreed to remove the Chagossians. That base proved especially useful to US war plans after 9-11.

The closeness of the US and British elites’ ideas and attitudes is openly racist towards the Chagossians – who were referred to as ‘Tarzans’ and ‘Men Fridays’, misrepresented as a floating and not permanent population as cover at the United Nations.

According to a Colonial Office memo, the aim was to show the Chagossians as an impermanent population “because to recognise that there are any permanent inhabitants will imply that there is a population whose democratic rights will have to be safeguarded and which will therefore be deemed by the UN to come within its purlieu…. This device, although rather transparent, would at least give us a defensible position to take up at the UN.” So much for the rule of law and decolonisation.

Encouragingly, in the face of what seems an inexorable and unstoppable tide of US military bases, Vine supplies a map of the world dotted with major anti-base protests and instances of bases being closed or blocked by local resistance – in Europe, Asia, Australia and Latin America. Imperial power generates its own gravediggers, though the costs exact a deadly toll.

What’s it all for? Well, George Kennan – Princeton scholar, state department planner, fully paid-up member of the US establishment who coined and outlined the Cold War strategy of ‘containment’ through an anonymous article published in the elite’s house organ, Foreign Affairs, said it pretty clearly in 1948:

“We have about 50% of the world’s wealth but only 6.3% of its population. Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships that will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security… We need not deceive ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world-benefaction.” (pages 189-190).

It doesn’t get much clearer than that.



Inderjeet Parmar is professor of international politics at City, University of London, and a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences. His Twitter handle is @USEmpire.
Medieval monks were 'riddled' with worms, study finds

Hafsa Khalil - 

When we think of medieval friars, we may well picture Robin Hood’s jolly Friar Tuck, known for his rotund figure and love of food and drink.

But it turns out some of these monks were full of more than just cakes and ale.

According to a study released on Friday, Augustinian friars in medieval England were nearly twice as likely to suffer from intestinal parasites as other people, despite most monasteries being equipped with washing facilities – a rarity for ordinary citizens.

Researchers from the University of Cambridge’s Department of Archaeology excavated the remains of 19 friars from the grounds of a former Augustinian friary in Cambridge, England.


© Provided by CNNMedieval monks were 'riddled' with worms, study findsMedieval monks had better washing facilities than ordinary people. - Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group/Getty Images

By comparing soil samples taken from around the pelvises of the friars and 25 townspeople of low socioeconomic status from the same 12th-14th-century era, the researchers were able to compare the prevalence of parasites in people with vastly different lifestyles, according to the study, published in the International Journal of Paleopathology.

The analysis revealed that 11 of the friars (58%) were infected with worms, compared with just eight of the locals (32%).

The percentage of parasitic presence in locals was as expected, similar to that found in previous studies on European medieval burials, but the researchers said the infection rates from the former friary remains are high.

“The friars of medieval Cambridge appear to have been riddled with parasites,” Piers Mitchell, the study’s lead author, said in a press release.

It’s the first time anyone has tried to work out how common parasites were in people with different lifestyles from the same medieval town, he added.

Researcher Tianyi Wang, who did the microscopy to find the parasite eggs, said the most common species found was roundworm, followed by whipworm, both of which are spread by “poor sanitation.”

Although the friars had access to latrines and washing facilities – usually with running water, though this has yet to be confirmed at the Cambridge site – the researchers suggest the stark difference in the infection rate must be due to differences in dealing with human waste.

“One possibility is that the friars manured their vegetable gardens with human faeces, not unusual in the medieval period, and this may have led to repeated infection with the worms,” Mitchell explained.

Compared with the privy – pretty fancy by medieval standards – to which monks were accustomed, ordinary people had to make do with a cesspit, a simple hole in the ground.

Canada is criticized for not getting more endangered Afghans into the country

A year ago, tens of thousands of Afghans were airlifted to safety following the Taliban's takeover. Canada pledged to resettle 40,000 Afghans but many remain in limbo.

[Copyright 2022 NPR]

 ABORTION

South Carolina Targets Free Speech in Its Attempt to Limit Abortion Access

Billboards remind state residents that controversial speech enjoys First Amendment protection.

| 

One challenge prohibitionists face is that not everybody supports their prohibitions. Many people under their nominal authority want access to what's forbidden, no matter what the law says.

Aware that the procedure remains available elsewhere, South Carolina lawmakers seeking a near-complete ban on abortion propose to forbid speech about terminating pregnancies to prevent residents of the Palmetto State from learning of such services. The recently rebooted Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) is reminding `them that speech that politicians don't like is not only the best speech but is also protected by the First Amendment.

"Speech about abortion is free speech–The First Amendment," reads the advertisements placed across South Carolina in "a six-figure billboard campaign" by FIRE, which recently adopted a new name and expanded its scope beyond academia to embrace broad civil liberties advocacy.

The billboards are going up in Charleston, Columbia, Greenville, and Myrtle Beach as South Carolina lawmakers debate not just new restrictions on abortion in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, but also restrictions on informing women about how to terminate pregnancies beyond the law's reach. Ambitious and almost certainly unconstitutional proposed legislation would prohibit "providing information to a pregnant woman, or someone seeking information on behalf of a pregnant woman, by telephone, internet, or any other mode of communication regarding self-administered abortions or the means to obtain an abortion, knowing that the information will be used, or is reasonably likely to be used, for an abortion." Violation of the law would be a felony, punishable by up to 25 years in prison depending on the specific offense.

The proposed censorship of abortion information comes as state legislators consider tighter restrictions in the wake of DobbsLanguage now being debated would ban all abortions, except for those necessary to preserve the life and health of the mother. Even some anti-abortion lawmakers find that too restrictive and are holding out for the inclusion of exceptions for abortions in the case of rape or incest.

Whatever the final form, though, tighter restrictions on abortion are likely to send some women looking for abortion-inducing drugs, or for information on traveling out of state to end pregnancies. Preventing such end runs is the goal of the companion bill banning information "regarding self-administered abortions or the means to obtain an abortion." The language was clearly inspired by model legislation crafted by the National Right to Life Committee as "a robust enforcement mechanism" to ensure that state-level abortion bans are effective. That model has already been dismissed by legal experts as almost certainly unconstitutional.

"In Bigelow v. Virginia (1975), the Supreme Court struck down a state law that prohibited encouraging or prompting an abortion by the sale or circulation of any publication," First Amendment lawyer Robert Corn-Revere noted last month for Reason. "The Court held the First Amendment protects such speech. It observed that, just as Virginia lacked constitutional authority to prevent its residents from traveling to New York to obtain abortions, it could not, 'under the guise of exercising internal police powers, bar a citizen of another State from disseminating information about an activity that is legal in that State.'"

Even as they consider a ban on speech that might help women end their pregnancies, many South Carolina lawmakers seem to understand that the project is a non-starter, destined to perish in the courts after the inevitable challenge.

"[Sen. Richard] Cash's bill has received a lot of attention since he introduced it June 28, shortly after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned nearly 50 years of precedent on abortion rights and left the legality for state lawmakers to decide," reports the Post and Courier, which notes significant opposition even among pro-life lawmakers. "But it's not expected to get any traction.

So, if the censorship bill is not expected to pass, why is FIRE making a fuss? Well, legislators have a history of surprising people by enacting legislation that observers consider ridiculous, but which become law despite all predictions and common sense. Right now, youth shooting teams and publications are awaiting the outcome of lawsuits against the state of California over a broadly written law that bans "marketing" guns to minors but encompasses speech about policy and shooting sports.

"A gun magazine publisher, for instance—or a gun advocacy group that publishes a magazine—would likely be covered as a 'firearm industry member,' because it was formed to advocate for use or ownership of guns, might endorse specific products in product reviews, and might carry advertising for guns," UCLA law professor Eugene Volokh cautioned in testimony before the legislation passed.

Holding the line now is a good policy so that somebody doesn't have to risk a felony conviction in the future in order to wage an after-the-fact legal battle. Complacency is just a bad idea when liberty is at stake.

Plus, the debate over the censorship measure is an opportunity to remind Palmetto State residents that there are alternatives to obeying restrictive laws. Discussions of free speech about abortion can quickly turn into conversations about the content of that speech, pointing women towards out-of-state clinics and resources like Plan C, maintained by the National Women's Health Network, which offers advice for getting mail-order abortion pills. That is, an attempt to muzzle speech becomes a means of amplifying the targeted speech to reach a wider audience.

Fundamentally, though, whatever your opinion of abortion or other controversial issues, frustrating control freaks' efforts to muzzle the sharing of information should be something we can all get behind.

"These proposals are a chilling attempt to stifle free speech in South Carolina," points out FIRE Legal Director Will Creeley. "Whether you agree with abortion or not is irrelevant. You have the right to talk about it."

Interestingly, South Carolina lawmakers' efforts to tighten abortion restrictions may falter based on the state's own constitutional protections. On August 17, the South Carolina Supreme Court temporarily blocked enforcement of a 2021 law limiting abortions that went into effect with the Dobbs decision.

"At this preliminary stage, we are unable to determine with finality the constitutionality of the Act under our state's constitutional prohibition against unreasonable invasions of privacy," the court unanimously ruled.

Abortion may or may not stay legal in South Carolina, but the state's residents are destined to a vigorous and very informative conversation about the issue, and about speech itself.

DOME SWEET DOME
Buckminster Fuller’s Greatest Invention
His vision of a tech-optimized future inspired a generation. 
But his true talent was for burnishing his own image.

ILLUSTRATION BY CAT SIMS

Rebecca Onion

If you have any mental image of Buckminster Fuller, you might picture him as a white-haired, bespectacled old man, standing in front of a chalkboard, holding up a model of a geodesic dome: a visionary, explaining his invention. This is how he appears in the second-and-a-half–long clip that Apple used in its “Think Different” commercial in 1997. Fuller’s image flashes on the screen as part of a parade of some of the most famous figures of the twentieth century: Albert Einstein, Bob Dylan, Martin Luther King Jr, Muhammad Ali. “Here’s to the crazy ones,” the voice-over, by actor Richard Dreyfuss, intones. “The misfits. The rebels. The troublemakers. The round pegs in the square holes. The ones who see things differently.”

Fuller may have been the least famous person in that lineup, but to his fans, he was a towering influence. In a new biography, Inventor of the Future: The Visionary Life of Buckminster Fuller, Alec Nevala-Lee recalls becoming a teenage Fuller fan himself, steadily working through his writings after discovering him in Stewart Brand’s Whole Earth Catalog. Over his 60-year career, Fuller collected admirers, from the college students he taught to Silicon Valley entrepreneurs like Apple co-founder Steve Wozniak—who saw in Fuller’s ideas the blueprint for a new synthesis of technology and culture. (Wozniak called Fuller “the twentieth century’s Leonardo da Vinci.”) Leaders of universities and nations flew Fuller around the world to lecture on his vision of a tech-enabled future in which humans would “do more with less,” and the public followed along through features on Fuller’s work in middlebrow mass-audience magazines like Time and Life.


Inventor of the Future: The Visionary Life of Buckminster Fuller
by Alec Nevala-Lee
Dey Street Books, 672 pp., $35.00

Nevala-Lee is something of an expert in a very specific type: twentieth-century men, working on the fringes of stem careers, who channeled the technological optimism of the years between World War Iand the 1970s into careers as media icons. His last book was a group biography of three science-fiction authors (Robert Heinlein, L. Ron Hubbard, and Isaac Asimov) and the writer-editor John W. Campbell. These men, like Fuller, interpreted advances in specialized fields for the public, making forceful arguments about the future, which they said would be science-driven, tech-enabled, (mostly) better in every way. This worked, in part, because these guys had something: preternatural confidence, and personal charisma.

In order to specialize in writing about this type, you need both love and skepticism. It’s a labor of love to take on a subject whose personal archive—called the Dymaxion Chronofile, and amounting to 270 feet worth of paper, now held at Stanford—was intended to provide maximum possible documentation of a human life. You don’t do that kind of work for somebody you don’t respect. Yet Nevala-Lee’s meticulous and clearly written 400-plus–page biography presents an engineer whose inventions largely didn’t stick, a sometime prophet who fundamentally misunderstood politics and human nature, and a person who floated on the good graces of others around him—collaborators, students, his wife—who often seemed to be worse off for having known him.

Born to a fancy Massachusetts family, complete with an intellectual celebrity for an ancestor (the nineteenth-century author and feminist Margaret Fuller was his great-aunt), Buckminster Fuller was a familiar American type: a precocious boy, always tinkering, who didn’t get good grades. He was expensively and privately educated, but dropped out of Harvard (where four generations of his family had gone) as an undergrad, due to an inability to manage his coursework and balance his allowance with the demands of his social life. He was sent to work in a mill in Quebec, to turn his life around, and came out not recommitted to his education, but the opposite. As Nevala-Lee puts it: He was meant to come out appreciating Harvard, but “identified with the machinists instead.”

Nevala-Lee splits Fuller’s adult life into two eras: before and after 1948. In the 1920s, Fuller first thought of applying himself to the problem of housing, developing a prototype of his round, aluminum “Dymaxion house,” which was never produced on a large scale. (The name “Dymaxion”—a portmanteau combining “dynamic,” “maximum,” and “tension,” which Fuller would apply to many of his projects—was the invention of a marketing professional who worked with Fuller in the late 1920s.) In the 1930s, he got funding from a socialite friend (one of many such infusions of cash from his allies and acquaintances) to execute another of his ideas, the Dymaxion car, a streamlined silver bullet of a vehicle with a single rear wheel and some sobering safety issues. In late 1933, a Dymaxion car rolled over in an accident in Chicago, killing one passenger and severely injuring two others. Nevala-Lee documents several more accidents that took place in Dymaxion cars, including one carrying Fuller’s wife and daughter, who were not seriously hurt.

The car had great publicity value, despite these accidents, and marked the beginning of Fuller’s evolution into a brand: a futurist and innovator whose projects drew coverage in magazines and newspapers, and who could (most important to Fuller) attract funding from patrons who would allow him to do as he pleased with their money. While conducting “independent research” for the government in World War II,Fuller invented the Dymaxion map: a cartographical innovation that could preserve the continents’ relative sizes, even when presented in two dimensions. The map used a unique projection onto an icosahedron—a 20-faced polyhedron—which then unfolded to lie flat, looking more like a partially finished patchwork quilt than the familiar, distortive Mercator projection. The map became the subject of a story in Life magazine, which celebrated its novelty and included a version of the map printed on a pullout section on thick paper, which readers could cut and fold into a three-dimensional object.

But it was in 1948 and 1949 that Fuller perfected the idea of the geodesic dome, and his career as a talker and influencer—the most successful of his jobs—really began. The dome was a response to the U.S. wartime and postwar housing crisis, which began when men left the building trades for the service, and continued as they returned home, and the population, scattered for years, shifted and reconfigured itself across the country. Fuller saw the dome—so lightweight that its materials could be quickly flown by airplane to building sites; so simple that it could be put up quickly, with minimal labor needed; and so energy-efficient that it would save homeowners from high electricity bills, and the nation from wasting precious energy—as a possible magic bullet for this postwar housing crunch.

The design reflected Fuller’s idea that human life was tending toward “ephemeralization,” or the tech-enabled tendency to (as he often repeated) “do more with less.” The idea that human activity was moving from the physical to the abstract turned out to be prophetic, and is responsible for some of Fuller’s continuing popularity among those who credit him with extraordinary foresight. But the dome would become Fuller’s visual legacy. With its science-fictional roundness and fly’s-eye paneling, it looked nothing like a colonial, a Craftsman bungalow, or even the more modern ranch house, the silhouettes of which made up the landscape of the American neighborhood. While some of Fuller’s past inventions—the Dymaxion house and car—were cool-looking as well, they were much more difficult to reproduce and disseminate. The dome, on the other hand, presented a ready-made symbol of postwar American society.

They also became tools in the Cold War. As Fuller’s wife, Anne, wrote in a letter to his student and protégé Peter Floyd in 1957, geodesic domes were used by Marines in combat, farmers on the “first line of agricultural offense,” in auditoriums (what Anne called the “first line of cultural offense”), and even in playgrounds, where kids on the “infantile frontier” hung from “playdomes.” Not only could domes house a growing populace, Anne argued, they could develop young muscles, win hearts and minds, and extend the military’s ability to operate in far-flung places. This proud list of militaristic, nationalistic applications would startle the hippies who later came to see the dome as a symbol of off-the-grid self-sufficiency, and used the underground Dome Cookbook (published by Steve Baer in 1968) to construct round dwellings on their communes. But over the course of its twentieth-century career, the geodesic dome combined all of these meanings, becoming a marker of the “space age” equally at home at Disney World and in the hills of Santa Cruz.

The domes had clear potential, but the truth is, as Nevala-Lee understatedly shows through example, they had significant problems. Fuller built his own home in one in Carbondale, Illinois, where he had a professorship for a while. It was not a snap to put up, as he had promised. Although erecting the shell took only one day of work (during which Fuller continually lectured the workers and any curious onlookers), the rest of the construction stretched over “months, as electricians and plumbers struggled to make sense of a house that lacked conventional angles.” Anne tried to hang pictures from the walls, but they would be “just sort of dangling out from the curve,” and the dome leaked until Fuller gave up and covered it with shingles. After all, wrote architect, writer, and erstwhile dome advocate Lloyd Kahn in 1973, 90-degree walls had their advantages: “They don’t catch dust, rain doesn’t sit on them.… It’s easy to build in counters, shelves, arrange furniture, bathtubs, beds.” And Stewart Brand wrote in 1994, in a mea culpa for having promoted the idea of the dome in the Whole Earth Catalog: “The inside was basically one big room, impossible to subdivide, with too much space wasted up high … Worst of all, domes couldn’t grow or adapt.”

The domes’ failures could easily serve as a metaphor for Fuller’s story about his own life and work, which proves to be extremely leaky at the seams. Nevala-Lee finds omissions, errors, and overstatements at every turn: in Fuller’s account of what happened when he dropped out of Harvard; in his shifting explanations of how key discoveries were made; in the way he covered up the problems with the Dymaxion car; in his claim that his work had influenced Manhattan Project scientists; in his head-turning, Time-magazine-article–generating claim that he followed a schedule he called “Dymaxion sleep,” which involved taking a half-hour nap every six hours, resulting in two hours’ total rest in every 24. Fuller presented himself as a kind of visionary cyborg, an embodiment of tech-optimized living; the self-mythologizing, as the existence of the Chronofile archive shows, was part of the job.

A generalist who strenuously believed in generalism, Fuller tried to do so many things at once that he might have done none very well. Inventor of the Future is peppered with negative evaluations of Fuller’s work from more strictly disciplined professionals: the architect Philip Johnson, who said the Dymaxion house had “nothing at all to do with architecture”; the panel of cartographers who recommended Life be wary of publishing the Dymaxion map, which seemed “pasted together”; a collaborator on a project who said, “He may have been a machinist, but he was scary around the equipment”; the press director at Southern Illinois University who resisted publishing his books on the grounds that they weren’t written in English. “The author has sound knowledge of one thing and mere opinion on a thousand things,” wrote William Marias Malisoff, reviewing Nine Chains to the Moon in The New York Times Book Review in 1938.

These protests from professionals, Fuller would have said, merely proved his point. Generalism, Fuller thought, was the key to human advancement, and he saw himself as something of a singular savior for pursuing it. When Fuller wrote a letter to Albert Einstein in 1948, hoping to secure a meeting that never happened, it included the incredible sentence, “In all humility, I state that I seem to have articulated aright the ‘open-sesame’ to a comprehensive system of sublime commensurability”—a statement that confirms the opinions of both Malisoff and the poor director of that university press.

Fuller prided himself on his ability to talk; but, as those who hired him at universities warned one another, he was no teacher. Conversation with Fuller was a one-way street. When Calvin Tomkins profiled Fuller for The New Yorker in 1965, Fuller shared a story about his encounter with a Maori anthropologist in New Zealand. This anthropologist told Fuller that he was the Keeper of the Chants for his people, and that the chants were a more than 50-generation oral history of the Maori, and as such would never be recorded on tape for scholars to hear. Fuller told Tomkins that he lectured the man on the principles of celestial navigation, and claimed that he had been a Maori at some point, and had sailed into the sea and been unable to find his way back, and therefore “had a personal interest in seeing that the chants got recorded.” Tomkins writes: “We have Fuller’s assurance that the anthropologist is now engaged in recording all the chants, together with their English translations.”

Fuller, the anecdote suggests, could convince anybody to give him anything. This apparently irresistible gift of gab, even more than individual inventions like the dome, the map, or his idea for a World Game intended to figure out an answer to the problem of overpopulation, became the engine for his fame. “Fuller’s lectures,” Brand wrote in the first edition of the Whole Earth Catalog, explaining how Fuller’s work had inspired the Catalog, “have a raga quality of rich, nonlinear, endless improvisation full of convergent surprises.” Toward the end of his life, Fuller traveled and lectured incessantly, which was often his one reliable method of supporting his household. His reports of these lectures, which went on many hours, to apparently rapt audiences, can be hard to believe. Fuller claimed, for instance, that an incarcerated audience at San Quentin supposedly sat through a lecture over five hours long, risking missing head count and being put in solitary in order to hear him “talk for another minute.”

Nevala-Lee deploys this kind of story with a sublime gentleness, showing how Fuller bent reality to fit his own ideas. Fuller’s futurism, while containing some prescient forecasts about automation, climate change, and remote work and schooling, often failed to consider other people’s realities and desires. To create his prototypes and carry out local construction of some dome projects, he used dispersed networks of student laborers, which accorded with his ideas about ephemeralization but also allowed him to get people to work for free (he never thought much of unions). He believed protesters against the Vietnam War must be influenced by foreign agents pursuing a new kind of ephemeralized warfare. He “had nothing useful to say about institutionalized racism,” as Nevala-Lee puts it, and thought racism itself was being “swiftly eradicated.”

In explaining the inevitability of ephemeralization, he seemed to assume that all humans wanted to float as free as he did, living in light domes, flying around the world, and learning and working using computers. He often exclaimed that man was born with legs, not roots, for a reason. In the twentieth century, these ideas seemed futuristic and appealing; now, when we have begun to live in a world defined by them, we have much more mixed reviews of their desirability. Mobility and novelty, we see, are not always gifts, and stability, safety, and community have their benefits, especially in times of stress and struggle.

Yet despite his shortcomings as a thinker and a person, Inventor of the Future insists, many brilliant people—from the sculptor Isamu Noguchi, his longtime friend and collaborator; John Cage and Merce Cunningham, his colleagues at Black Mountain College; designer Edwin Schlossberg, his later-in-life protégé; Nevala-Lee himself—have loved Fuller, and found something in his ideas. This must mean something, but what?

In 1985, chemists Robert Curl, Harold Kroto, and Richard Smalley, by aiming a laser at a graphite target, saw carbon rearrange itself in large, stable clusters of atoms that they were then able to observe and describe for the first time. Thinking of the Fuller domes, the group made the interpretive leap (later borne out through testing) that this molecule might look like one: a closed cage structure, with icosahedral symmetry. This was a breakthrough in the field that landed them the Nobel Prize in 1996, and they called the molecule buckminsterfullerene.

But then, there’s the fact that George Mitchell, who pioneered hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, claimed that Fuller’s ideas inspired him to work on the problem of resource scarcity. When a person like Fuller channels the zeitgeist, especially one as new and fervid as the twentieth-century American affection for science, technology, and engineering, the effects can be unpredictable. Fracking makes energy; fracking also extends our bad habit of fossil fuel consumption. Apple gave us the iPhone; it also gave us the human rights–violating factories where the iPhone is produced. Ideas like Fuller’s—optimistic, far-reaching, ungrounded in politics and material reality—can do anything and everything, this book insists. And they do.

PHOTO REFERENCE: BETTMANN/GETTY (X2)
Rebecca Onion @rebeccaonion
Rebecca Onion is a senior editor at Slate and the author of Innocent Experiments: Childhood and the Culture of Popular Science in the United States.
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Magazine, September 2022, Culture, Critical Mass, Books & The Arts, Buckminster Fuller, Geodesic Dome, Technology, Dymaxion