Friday, December 30, 2022

After 40 years in Israeli prison, Kareem Younis will soon be free. This is how he survived.

To endure interrogation, Palestinian political prisoners embody steadfastness. To endure prison life, steadfastness become a battle over time.
PALESTINIAN POLITICAL PRISONER KAREEM YOUNIS (PHOTO: SOCIAL MEDIA)

Kareem Younis is the longest-serving Palestinian prisoner in Israel’s colonial incarceration regime. He is due to be released on January 6, 2023, 40 years after he was first arrested in January 1983. Younis had originally been sentenced to death by Israeli courts after his initial arrest, but his sentence was later reduced to lifelong imprisonment. After three decades into his incarceration, it was limited again to 40 years.


Israel refused to release Younis as part of its deal with the Palestinian Authority (PA) to free prisoners detained prior to the Oslo agreement, claiming that Younis and other Palestinian prisoners who held Israeli citizenship were an internal Israeli affair.

Throughout the 20 years of visiting my brother, Majd Ziada, in Israeli prisons, I had two encounters with Kareem Younis. The first was about 3 years ago.

We spoke briefly, and I remember his sharp, firm words. “We are optimistic,” he had said.

I didn’t understand at the time how he could find the strength to say this, confined as he was in a collective isolation cell at Hadarim prison. I remember not being able to respond, other than to pray for his release.

Resistance in steadfastness

The second encounter was about a year ago. I had managed to receive answers from him about questions I had sent him after our first meeting. I wanted to ask him about “sumud” (Arabic for “steadfastness”) in the context of life in prison.

Sumud has been an instrumental concept in the history of the Palestinian struggle for liberation. Under the rule of the Israeli “Military Government,” it meant remaining steadfast on your land in the face of ethnic cleansing. In Israeli prison interrogations, it meant finding the strength to endure the torture of the Israeli Shin Bet. But less is known about what it means to be steadfast in the daily life of prison existence.

For Younis, sumud inside prison emerges from the belief in a cause. It is nourished when the prisoner understands that he is not a criminal, but a political prisoner who is in constant battle with the occupier. For resistance fighters, the battle with the colonizer doesn’t end when you have been captured and sent to prison. In fact, that’s when a new fight begins. From then on, the prisoner challenges all methods of surveillance and control employed by the Israeli prison authorities, which are designed to defeat him and plant despair in his heart.

In Israeli prisons, the settler colonial system attempts to dominate prisoners through surveillance, torture, and control. The Israeli Prison Service (IPS) uses the principle of punishment and torture to erode the will of the detainees, either through physical punishment or psychological torture. All this is to break the prisoners from within.

The response of prisoners is to direct their personal and collective values to sustain stoicism, resilience, and resistance in the face of the prison system and its military machine. Younis described it as being “in a state of constant struggle with the prison administration.”

“We rejected all attempts to tame and subjugate us,” he told me. “And we succeeded in putting an end to all these attempts through our unity and collective solidarity.”

Prison life in stages


Political detainees endure a set of punitive measures after they are arrested. The first is the interrogation period, which may last anywhere from several hours to days — sometimes even months. During this period, they are subjected to a variety of torture methods, both physical and psychological.

After the investigation is concluded, the prisoners find themselves released into the general prison population. Within the confines of those cells and military-patrolled walls, prisoners establish their own society, completely cut off from their previous lives, and isolated from the society they used to inhabit.

The prisoner community embraces the new prisoners coming in from the interrogation cells, providing them with the support they need to endure their new lives in prison. They give them clothes, share their belongings with them — but more importantly, they support them in their battle with the Israeli prison system.

The way that Palestinian prisoners do that is to act collectively, seeking to transcend the pressures exerted on them through social solidarity.

Rule number one that the prison community sets is simple: you do not deal with the jailers or the prison administration individually. We only address them as a collective.

“We created frameworks that formalized our communication with the [prison administration],” Younis explained. “This prevented jailers from dealing with us on an individual basis.”

Now, prisoners elect their own representatives to interact with, negotiate with — and sometimes, do battle with — the prison system, all to achieve prisoner demands.

More importantly, they fashion an entire life in prison that is based on an antagonism with the prison authorities. Younis describes it almost as a way of life:

“In recent years, the means of surveillance and control in prisons have evolved, as cameras are spread everywhere and in every corner inside the prisons — to eavesdrop, observe, and study the behavior of the prisoners. They listen to our conversations, search for our weaknesses and contradictions. Under conditions like these, prisoners have learned how to act without being seen, how to talk without a whisper. And they were up to the challenge. They created for themselves a life full of struggle, one where they read, learned, and taught what they knew.”

Battling the mundane

Throughout the years spent in prison, prisoners are forced to live within a tight system that aims to strip the meaning and value from their lives. It does so by controlling their everyday routine, down to the most mundane details.

First thing in the morning, the prison guards do a security check and a headcount. Later, they determine what the prisoners can or cannot eat, the amount of food they are allowed to consume, who can visit them from their close family members, and who will be deprived of visitation.

In the face of these conditions, prisoners create an alternative system. They create a program parallel to the temporality of the prison system. They set a schedule for practicing sports, reading, and education, and they organize cultural and recreational events.

Ultimately, the essence of the struggle between prisoners and the prison system is centered around time — as the prison aims to empty the value of the time the prisoners spend, the prisoners therefore struggle to give purpose to those years. They end up creating their own temporal universe, one with rules and schedules organized in parallel around the system of control that is imposed on them.

Before my brother Majd was released from prison this year, he lived with Younis in the same prison. He described Younis’s routine: after the first headcount at 6:00 a.m., Younis begins his day by practicing sports. Then he carries out his daily ritual of reading the newspaper. Later, he walks in the prison yard, watches the Hebrew-language news, and then participates in the social and educational activities organized by the prisoners.

These ways of taking control of your time within the prison — of creating parallel time — encapsulates the meaning of everyday sumud. It is also expressed in the continuation of education after imprisonment, in spite of the prison administration’s constant attempts to impede prisoner education by confiscating books and implementing punitive measures that hinder their learning process. As for Kareem, he obtained his BA and MA degrees in prison. He taught BA student prisoners in Hadarim, delivered lectures on Zionist ideology, and was in charge of the prisoners’ education system while he was at al-Naqab prison.

Steadfastness in mourning

KAREEM YOUNIS WITH HIS MOTHER. (PHOTO: WAFA/TWITTER)

All these forms of sumud allow prisoners to reclaim control over their time and their future. But often prisoners must also engage in open confrontation with the prison authorities. My brother told me that, in 2017, Kareem joined the prisoners’ mass hunger strike demanding family visitation, and the prison administration attempted to persuade him into breaking the strike by alluding that he, as an Israeli citizen, was not deprived of visitation like the rest of them.

Of course, Kareem’s stance would not waver. He continued his hunger strike, which lasted for 43 days, even though prisoners of his age were not expected to participate in the strike. This is where sumud means enduring the pain that comes with struggle.

It also means enduring the consecutive traumas to which you have been exposed throughout your years of imprisonment. Younis lost his father in 2013 after 30 years into his sentence. He also lost his mother earlier this year, just a few months before he is due to finish his 40-year imprisonment. Younis could not see his father or mother before their passing, and he couldn’t participate in their funerals — even though Israeli prisoners have the right to participate in their family’s funerals. Perhaps it is in those times that stoicism and resilience are most needed.

Sidqi Almaqt, a former prisoner from the occupied Golan Heights, spent 32 years in Israeli prisons. He also lost his mother while he was in prison in 2019. When I met with Almaqt, he elaborated on what sumud means when you endure the pain of loss:

“Not for a moment did I feel that personal grief and pain contradict steadfastness. The cruelest feeling a person can experience is the loss of his mother, it is the pinnacle of pain. I faced this experience with all its cruelty and grief while I was in prison. I left my mother without saying goodbye, without kissing her, without participating in her funeral. But not for a moment did I feel that this pain weakened my steadfastness. If I feel personal grief, it does not mean that my steadfastness or confidence in the cause and its principles are eroded.”

Almaqt reminds us that steadfastness does not mean the absence of pain, or the dissipation of grief. It means that in spite of it all, you still have the will to hold onto your values.

But prisoners are not made to suffer alone in such times. The grief is felt collectively, and the prisoners support one another whenever one of them suffers a loss. They organize mourning ceremonies inside the prison, and offer their comrades condolences and support.

Kareem Younis will soon leave his comrades and his family in prison. Within a few days, he will be free, and will be welcomed by those that remain of his small family. His much larger family of comrades on the other side of the prison walls will embrace him before he leaves and bid him farewell — some of them forever.

And the prisoners will continue maintaining their steadfastness. They will continue to be still, all the while feeling pain, until the day they are free.

When that day comes, all of us will be free.
Top Treasury official sacked by Liz Truss gets UK public service award

Tom Scholar awarded by the UK government for his exemplary service just months after he lost his job
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Tom Scholar served as permanent secretary in the Treasury from 2016 until September 2022 | UK Government

BY SEBASTIAN WHALE
DECEMBER 30, 2022 

LONDON — Tom Scholar, a casualty of ex-Prime Minister Liz Truss’ efforts to do away with years of economic “orthodoxy” at the U.K. Treasury, has been given an award in the country’s new year’s honors list.

Scholar, who served as permanent secretary in the Treasury from 2016 until September 2022 when he was swiftly dumped by Truss’ Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng, has been given a so-called “Knights Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath,” an award given to members of the U.K. military or civil service for exemplary service.

Scholar’s sacking just two days after Truss became prime minister was seen as symbolic of her radical approach to economic policy and was criticized in some quarters for depriving the Treasury of institutional memory.

Former Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng’s subsequent so-called "mini-budget," during which he unveiled large tax cuts without explaining how they would be paid for, triggered turmoil in the markets. Truss resigned just 44 days after entering Downing Street.

Other notable names in the new year’s honors list include Labour MP Chris Bryant, a prominent campaigning backbencher and select committee chairman who has been a frequent critic of former Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Bryant has been given a knighthood for political and public service. COP26 President Alok Sharma has also been awarded a knighthood, as has former head of the U.K. civil service Mark Sedwill.

Also knighted for political and public service is Conservative MP Julian Lewis, who was kicked out of the party in July 2020 after successfully running for a top parliamentary scrutiny body, beating the government’s preferred candidate in the process. He was readmitted six months later.

John Benger, the most senior official in the House of Commons, becomes a Knights Commander of the Order of the Bath, while Conservative MPs Andrew Stephenson and Helen Grant also receive honors.

Two former aides to the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, Prince Harry and Meghan Markle, were also honored. Jason Knauf has been made a Lieutenant of the Royal Victorian Order (RVO), while Sara Latham, who also previously advised Presidents Clinton and Obama and Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign, was given a Lieutenant of the Victorian Order (LVO).

Analysts: As 2023 ASEAN chair, Indonesia must dial up pressure on Myanmar junta

Tria Dianti and Pizaro Gozali Idrus for BenarNews
2022.12.30


Analysts: As 2023 ASEAN chair, Indonesia must dial up pressure on Myanmar juntaCambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen (left) hands the gavel of the ASEAN chairmanship to Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo at the closing ceremony of the 40th and 41st Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ Summits in Phnom Penh, Nov. 13, 2022.
Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP

Much is expected from next year’s ASEAN chair Indonesia, especially in resolving the post-coup crisis in Myanmar, but analysts say that little will change unless Jakarta spearheads a hardline stance against the Burmese junta.

Navigating geopolitical rivalries between superpowers will pose another challenge, say analysts. Some predict that Indonesia will likely focus its 2023 chairmanship on regional connectivity, economic recovery, and preventing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from being used as a pawn in the U.S.-China tug-of-war.

Last month, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo said that the situation in Myanmar should not define the regional bloc. But how ASEAN deals with the issue will show whether it is an effective regional institution and problem solver, said Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad, an international relations lecturer at the University of Indonesia.

“ASEAN is still clinging to the five-point consensus. It needs to be more aggressive in pushing for conflict resolution, such as temporarily freezing Myanmar’s membership if the violence continues,” he told BenarNews.

The Myanmar junta “agreed to” a five-point consensus with ASEAN in April 2021, more than two months after the Burmese generals toppled an elected government. The aim was to restore peace and democracy to Myanmar.

However that country has since descended into a bloody civil conflict, with many analysts saying the violence only increased in the second half of 2022. Nearly 2,700 people have been killed and close to 17,000 have been arrested in Myanmar, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.

Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the coup leader, has reneged on almost every point of the consensus. Still, Myanmar remains a member of ASEAN and all the bloc has done is to exclude any representative from the Myanmar junta from its official meetings.

Indonesia, as the ASEAN chair, needs to be more assertive in dealing with the junta after nearly two years of zero progress, said Yose Rizal Damuri, executive director at the Jakarta-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

“All this time ASEAN has been restricted to the non-interference principle, therefore ASEAN must have a clearer proposal, whether that means putting more pressure on Myanmar … or, if necessary, expel Myanmar from ASEAN,” he told BenarNews.

He was referring to one of the bloc’s core operating principles: that member-states do not interfere in each other’s domestic affairs.

Analysts may be indulging in some wishful thinking when talking about ASEAN expelling Myanmar.

The 10-member bloc also famously operates by consensus. And critics have said that close ties between some of ASEAN’s more authoritarian member-states and Myanmar’s military have prevented stronger action.

Just this month, the Thai government hosted a meeting on the Myanmar crisis that included the Burmese junta’s foreign minister. Analysts saw this as a deliberate attempt to deepen a schism within ASEAN between its more authoritarian governments and its more democratic ones.

Those members opposed to the Burmese junta – Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore – were notably absent from the Bangkok meeting.

8b3fae61-5c31-46db-aebe-150301b8577b.jpeg
Indonesia President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is seen on a screen delivering his speech during the G-20 finance ministers and central bank governors meeting at the Jakarta Convention Center, Feb. 17, 2022. [Pool via Reuters]

As Southeast Asia’s largest nation and the world’s third-largest democracy, Indonesia can be a strong leader of ASEAN, according to Abdul Ghafur Hamid, a law professor at the International Islamic University Malaysia.

President Jokowi is taking the helm of the 10-member bloc after having served this past year as president of the Group of Twenty, which was divided over Russia’s invasion and war in Ukraine.

“[I]ndonesia was once under military rule and successfully transitioned to a democratic state,” he wrote in an opinion piece in the Jakarta Post on Thursday.

“Indonesia’s vast experience with this strategic transition will definitely help President Jokowi and the new Indonesian special envoy for Myanmar to be able to overcome the challenges ahead.”

Indonesia’s chairmanship could lead to Myanmar being persuaded to hold an election next year, like the junta promised, said Andi Widjajanto, the governor of the National Resilience Institute, a government agency.

In September, Min Aung Hlaing had indicated in an interview to Russian news agency RIA that the proposed August 2023 election may be delayed, Thai news site The Irrawaddy reported.

Of course, there is the question of the legitimacy of junta-held elections. Many believe they will be a sham, much like the reason given for justifying the coup – that the November 2020 polls were rigged.

Besides, “how many times do they have to hold elections to become a mature democracy?” Andi told BenarNews.

Jokowi and Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi are well aware of the challenges that Indonesia faces as ASEAN chair.

“We will hold the chairmanship in the midst of a global situation that is not getting any better. And at home, the situation in Myanmar has posed its own challenge for ASEAN,” Retno told reporters last month.

“For this reason, Indonesia wants to make ASEAN remain important and relevant – ASEAN matters,” Retno said.

78e587f7-f474-4d37-a035-99dfeb08972d.jpeg
Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi addresses the 77th Session of the United Nations General Assembly at U.N. Headquarters in New York, Sept. 26, 2022. [Eduardo Munoz/Reuters]

ASEAN ‘will not be a proxy (for) any powers’

Meanwhile, another “formidable challenge” to Indonesia’s chairmanship of ASEAN is that Southeast Asia has become a theater for the rivalry between the United States and China, said analyst Shofwan of the University of Indonesia.

“Managing and maintaining ASEAN centrality in the region will be critical to managing these tensions,” he said.

The tensions go beyond a competition between the superpowers for influence in Southeast Asia.

Five ASEAN countries – Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – have territorial claims or maritime boundaries in the South China Sea that overlap with China’s sweeping claims. While Indonesia does not regard itself as a party to the South China Sea dispute, Beijing claims historic rights to parts of that sea overlapping Indonesia's exclusive economic zone.

ASEAN and China have been negotiating a code for years but without success.

Indonesia’s chairmanship may try to focus on regional connectivity to avoid falling into the pit of great-power competition, Teesta Prakash and Gatra Priyandita, analysts at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), wrote on the think-tank’s website last week.

“Indonesia is aware that a unified ASEAN bloc, and indeed a cohesive Southeast Asia, would be the best deterrent against an assertive rising China, and that will be its single most important challenge – to bring cohesion to the region, economically as well as strategically,” they wrote.

“Its success will be measured by how it bridges the strategic and economic dissonance in 2023.”

They also wrote that Timor-Leste’s imminent inclusion as ASEAN’s eleventh member is “driven by the strategic vision that no country in Southeast Asia should fall under any one power’s influence.”

The tiny nation of 1.3 million people, formerly known as East Timor, voted to break away from Indonesian rule in 1999, 24 years after the Indonesian forces invaded and occupied the former Portuguese colony.

Timor Leste is expected to become ASEAN’s 11th member next year at a yet-unspecified date. Some analysts say that Timor-Leste’s alleged closeness to China is a cause of concern for Western allies in the Indo-Pacific, such as Australia.

“Given the potential for Timor-Leste to fall under China’s economic influence, its inclusion in ASEAN could ensure that it diversifies its economy and integrates with the region, lessening its dependence on China,” the ASPI article said.

Jokowi and his foreign minister have emphasized that ASEAN cannot be a pawn in what minister Retno, during a speech before the U.N. General Assembly in September, called a “new Cold War.”

Speaking after being handed the ceremonial ASEAN chairmanship gavel by Cambodia last month, Jokowi said: “ASEAN must become a peaceful region and anchor for global stability, consistently uphold international law and not be a proxy (for) any powers.”

Climate of fear engulfs Vietnam’s mainstream media

Author: Dien Luong, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

A fear-cloaked dynamic has increasingly percolated Vietnam’s information environment, in both cyberspace and the mainstream media.

Journalists attend a press conference of 13th national congress of the ruling Communist Party of Vietnam in Hanoi on 22 January 2021. (Photo: Kham/Reuters)

A decree guiding the controversial Cybersecurity Law, which took effect in October 2022, looks to further empower Vietnamese authorities to censor online content they disfavour and bolster the state’s digital surveillance capacity. This regulatory move is just one of the latest in a spate of laws and regulations that reflect Hanoi’s attempt to exert ever-tighter controls over the digital space.

The heyday of Vietnam’s critical journalism in the 2000s was short-lived. In 2008, an unprecedented state-sanctioned crackdown on the press led to the arrest of two Vietnamese investigative journalists and the dismissal of the editors-in-chief of Tuoi Tre and Thanh Nien — the two most influential newspapers.

The authorities never clearly articulated their rationale for the crackdown, but it was likely because mainstream media crossed a line in its coverage of corruption. As the authorities lack the wherewithal to punish every single transgressor, their strategy of choice has been to kill the chicken to scare the monkey — a tactic that seems to be working.

The 2008 crackdown has sparked fear in Vietnamese newsrooms, inducing news uniformity and self-censorship. The editorial line of mainstream media has revolved chiefly around amplifying official sources and state-sanctioned narratives. Coverage of governance malfeasance and corruption at the central level has been dictated by political consensus and elite framing of the Vietnamese party-state.

Vietnamese authorities have repeatedly urged the mainstream media to embrace digital technology. But the facade of innovation in Vietnam’s media landscape and the blossoming of news outlets run by private tech companies should not be interpreted as a bellwether for a more independent press.

All press agencies in Vietnam, including those run by private tech companies, must be placed under the remit of the party-state. Being subject to market pressures while also at the behest of Vietnamese propaganda officials, there are no signs that those tech companies will venture into editorial independence.

Vietnamese authorities have also appeared increasingly emboldened to dangle the threat of withdrawing the license of any news outlet that they consider to have strayed from the party line. Nowhere is this strategy more manifest than in state-led efforts to increase and centralise state control over the media by axing or merging hundreds of press organisations. Hanoi aims to slash around 180 press organisations across the country by 2025.

The authorities have justified this move as essential to the revamping of the bloated bureaucracy and overlapping ownership that have plagued the news industry. While the plan is legitimate to some extent, its critics have lamented that authorities are using it as a smokescreen to crack down on news outlets perceived to be straying from the party line.

Such strong controls epitomise how the Vietnamese party-state has sought to engineer a superficial openness to camouflage a tighter grip on public discourse in both the mainstream press and cyberspace. But the move to control the official narrative on all fronts is likely to come back to bite Vietnamese authorities.

The intensification of news uniformity could further nudge an already disenchanted public towards alternative sources of information, that, while welcome, are not uniformly reliable. Too much reliance on these sources, exacerbated by the lack of trust in official narratives, could leave the public primed to believe any criticism of the Vietnamese government, even if such criticism is not well substantiated.

To aggravate the problem, in an era of swelling social media, the Vietnamese public is all the more vulnerable to a deluge of fake news, disinformation and propaganda. That dynamic could fuel and perpetuate a vicious cycle — the more people are exposed to fake news, the more they lose trust in the mainstream media and its narratives. This would fly in the face of fanfare government rhetoric about stemming the onslaught of fake news and misinformation.

If the government means to walk the talk on curbing misinformation, it has to begin with empowering the mainstream media to produce more critical, objective and relatable journalism, instead of making it churn out uniform coverage.

A more critical and robust press will not necessarily translate into any intent to undermine the Communist Party’s leadership. Rather it plays a crucial role in improving effective policymaking — bolstering the country’s ability to tackle rampant corruption and boosting incentives to reform the economy — all of which would fortify the regime’s legitimacy.

While social media has become an incubator of fake news and misinformation, sanitising it altogether is likely to cost the Vietnamese government a useful online feedback loop.

If the authorities view popular discontent as a source of instability, shutting down all venues for the public to air their grievances may be a source of instability as well. As the political scientist Martin Dimitrov pointed out — any regime should be on edge when its people stop bringing forward their complaints, as it is evident of public disregard for that state’s legitimacy.

Dien Luong is visiting fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore.

This piece is an abridged version of two articles, originally published in Fulcrum and ISEAS Perspective.

Brazilians remember Pelé for the 'sense of identity' he gave them

December 30, 2022
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS




Antonio da Paz (left) and Renato Souza stand in front of the Albert Einstein Hospital holding memorabilia honoring Brazilian soccer star Pelé, in Sao Paulo on Friday.Marcelo Chello/AP

Bocaina de Minas, BRAZIL — Down a dirt road in the mountains of Minas Gerais, Pelé's home state, Jorge Tavares received the news of the star's death from a 4 a.m. newscast.

As a boy, Tavares and his cousins listened to Pelé's World Cup games on the radio. His dazzling performance inspired them to play a game they had never seen, at first using a ball of socks and string.

OBITUARIES
Pelé, who made soccer 'The Beautiful Game,' dies at 82

"He leaves a legacy, a person of color who was crowned king of soccer, and he also brought a lot of peace outside Brazil," Tavares, a 67-year-old school-van driver, said at the barbed-wire fence outside his home. "He represented Brazil to everyone abroad."

With Pelé's death, Brazilians have lost a piece of their hearts.

On Rio de Janeiro's Ipanema beach, the news broke when Paulo Vinicius was playing soccer with his 9-year-old nephew.

"Pelé represents the best of Brazil: its people, its working class," said Vinicius, 38, a physical-education instructor. "Pelé gives a sense of identity to the Brazilian people."



A girl walks among a floral arrangement for the late Brazilian soccer star Pelé at the City Hall in Santos, Brazil, on Friday.Matias Delacroix/AP

Roseli Augusto, 55, was at her little bar in the mountains of Minas Gerais when she heard the news.

"Pelé is an idol, the best player in the world," said Augusto. She recalls her father taking a bus to the coastal city of Santos to watch Pelé play. "Many kids, many players, were inspired by him. He is our biggest sports idol."

As a girl, Lucia Cunha listened to Pelé's World Cup exploits while huddled around a radio with her siblings. She read about him in newspapers used to wrap bread.



PARALLELS
For Brazil's Soccer Stars, Careers Often Begin On Makeshift Fields

"He was a symbol of soccer, a great player, a simple, humble person, a person of God, a good person, who did everything that he could," Cunha said.

In Santos, Nicolas Oliveira, 18, was outside the stadium along with about 200 other people. Oliveira said that even replays of Pelé's sensational playing make him swell with emotion.

"Pelé is a Black man from the interior of Minas Gerais state," Oliveira said. "I'm here because of what he did, for the soccer he played, for the soccer he improved and for the future players he helped mold and inspire."


FIFA WORLD CUP 2022
Brazil's soccer star Vinícius Júnior wants to give back to schools in his hometown

Everton Luz, a 41-year-old lawyer, was crying outside the hospital with a Santos club flag wrapped around him. He had come directly from work to pay tribute to the player whose performances had electrified his own dad, and prompted decades of stories.

Luz recounts those stories to his own two children, and shows them videos of the idol. He recalled seeing Pelé in person once, watching a game at a stadium.

"We managed to get close to his box, and he waved goodbye," Luz said. "He was an example of the Brazilian, of what we could become."

A man walks his dog past a mural of Brazilian soccer stars Pelé (left) and Garrincha in Rio de Janerio on Friday.Bruna Prado/AP

Christmas in Israel
Culture war over the Christian holiday

Christmas is becoming increasingly popular among secular Israelis. It spreads a festive atmosphere that promotes understanding between people of different faiths. Orthodox Jews, however, view the holiday as a threat. By Joseph Croitoru

Setting the tone is the major supermarket chain Tiv Taam (Good Taste), which reports that sales of Christmas goods have increased almost every year. Customers are particularly keen on purchasing Christmas trees, which in Israel are usually artificial products made of brightly coloured plastic.

The rising popularity of the Christian festival of lights is also evident from the growing number of Christmas markets in Israel. More and more markets have opened in recent years in Arab-Christian towns, especially in Galilee. Thanks to an upswing in the number of Jewish visitors, they are often overcrowded.

When Israelis were unable to travel abroad during the COVID-19 pandemic, the town of Nazareth even felt compelled to extend the Christmas season to fifty days to cater to the crowds.

The Christmas atmosphere helps promote a feeling of understanding in both Arab and mixed Jewish-Arab towns and cities. Efforts are now being made to combine the Jewish Hanukkah festival with Christmas under the new Hebrew portmanteau "Chanuchristmas" not only in mixed Jewish-Arab towns and cities, but also this year in Haifa, Jaffa and the city of Acre, a centre of the medieval Crusades.

Indeed Christmas markets and related events have long been marketed as "Chanuchristmas" events in quite a few predominantly Jewish cities and at universities.


"The rising popularity of the Christian festival of lights is also evident from
 the growing number of Christmas markets in Israel. More and more markets
 have opened in recent years in Arab-Christian towns, especially in Galilee," writes Joseph Croitoru

Criticism of "Chanuchristmas"

From religious quarters, however, the new secular "cult" of "Chanuchristmas" is coming under serious fire for blurring the "Jewish identity". Although the secular camp has become inured to such criticism, this year the mood of Christmas cheer among liberal Israelis has been dimmed by growing concerns about the incoming, strongly right-wing new Netanyahu government. Fears are that the country's cultural diversity will be threatened by policies aimed at limiting its culture and identity to what is Jewish.

An appeal by Anat Kamm, an editor at the liberal left-wing Israeli newspaper Haaretz, recently made waves. She called on Israelis to celebrate Christmas and demonstratively put up Christmas trees on their balconies and terraces as a symbol of protest and "civil uprising" against the country's renewed political shift to the right.

However, her appeal was not applauded everywhere, even in secular circles. Orly Noy, chair of the board of the prominent Israeli human rights organisation B'tselem, accused Kamm of indulging in "commercialised kitsch", saying she should display a Palestinian flag on her balcony rather than a Christmas tree. 

In the right-wing media, Kamm's appeal was cast as part of a development that is corroding the country's Jewish culture. Very recently, there was an outcry in the Hebrew-language Twitter community when a female member of the ultra-nationalist Israeli organisation Im Tirzu posted a complaint about a branch of the supermarket chain Tiv Taam.


Sweet treat at the centre of a culture row: very recently, a member of the
 ultra-nationalist Israeli organisation Im Tirzu caused an outcry on Twitter when she 
complained that a supermarket chain had a prominent display of Christmas good while
 "Sufganiyot" (filled doughnuts that are eaten during Hanukkah) were relegated to a corner

Christmas items or Hanukkah baked goods?

She had been angered by how the shop displayed a broad assortment of Christmas articles in its entrance area, while only a few sufganiyot (doughnuts with various fillings which are eaten during Hanukkah) were on offer in a small corner. Tiv Taam responded to the criticism with a campaign of full-page ads (in Haaretz, for example), wishing the public a "Happy Chanuchristmas". 

Another right-wing activist, this time from an NGO that agitates against "illegal immigration", expressed outrage that the Tel Aviv-Jaffa city administration was offering "Chanuchristmas city tours". "I just want to remind people," she wrote on Twitter, "that for generations Jews were persecuted, abused, murdered and massacred in the name of the man whose birth the Tel Aviv city fathers are now celebrating under the sycophantic label 'Chanuchristmas'."

But Tel Aviv-Jaffa, which has held an increasingly well-frequented Christmas market under the "Chanucristmas" label for the past five years, was not daunted by these reactions. The city administration parried the fierce attacks posted on its Facebook page, where it was accused of heretical and unpatriotic behaviour, with the statement: "Tel Aviv-Jaffa is home to Jews and Christians, and we celebrate the holidays of different religions with the conviction that all have their place – this is what pluralism looks like."

"Right-wing populist fear-mongering" over a Christmas tree

The dispute over the enthusiasm for Christmas among the secular population also reached the Knesset, Israel's parliament, this year. It all began with criticism voiced by Yinon Magal, a radio journalist who is popular in right-wing nationalist and religious circles, that a Christmas tree but no hanukkiah (Hanukkah candelabrum) had been set up in the entrance hall of the Faculty of Law at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.

Outgoing Deputy Foreign Minister Idan Roll of the liberal "There Is a Future" party felt compelled to respond to the criticism in a speech before the Knesset. He said that the outcry by right-wing populist fear-mongers over a Christmas tree was an expression of an exaggerated Diaspora mentality that had long been out of place in a consolidated Jewish democratic state like Israel. Those who are secure in their faith, he went on, cannot be scared or put on the defensive by a Christmas tree.

"On the contrary," the deputy minister appealed, "go out and have a look at the Christmas celebrations, which are beautiful and colourful. And it can only be a good thing to learn about and respect other religions." Roll posted his speech on Twitter, setting off a storm of mostly hateful comments. They raise fears that the dispute over Christmas could mushroom into a full-blown culture war under the incoming government. 

Joseph Croitoru

© Qantara.de 2022

Translated from the German by Jennifer Taylor

US gets 1 bid for oil and gas lease in Alaska’s Cook Inlet

By AUDREY McAVOY

The U.S. government on Friday said it received on bid for the right to drill offshore for oil and gas in Alaska’s Cook Inlet near habitat for bears, salmon, humpback whales and endangered beluga whales.

Hilcorp Alaska LLC submitted the sole bid — $63,983 for an area covering 2,304 hectares or 5,693 acres.

The company is a unit of Hilcorp, which is the largest privately held oil and gas exploration and production company in the United States.
It already has leases to drill for oil and gas in onshore areas of Cook Inlet, which stretches from Anchorage to the Gulf of Alaska.

The Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, which conducted the sale via livestream, was offering leases for 193 blocks totaling some 958,000 acres (388,000 hectares) but received just one bid for one block.

The U.S. Interior Department in May said it would not move forward with the Cook Inlet lease sale due to a “lack of industry interest.” But over the summer, Congress passed legislation that called for a Cook Inlet lease sale by year’s end and two Gulf of Mexico lease sales next year. The provisions were part of the Inflation Reduction Act, a sprawling package that also included major investments to fight climate change.
CIA PATSY
Venezuela: Guaido's 'interim government' faces dissolution

December 29, 2022

In 2019, opposition leader Juan Guaido was recognized by 50 countries as Venezuela's legitimate president. Now, with Nicolas Maduro still in power, he faces an end to his opposition-led government.

Opposition lawmakers in Venezuela are close to officially dissolving the "interim government" of opposition leader Juan Guaido, with a vote on the move now postponed until the new year.

Guaido, who rose to prominence in the aftermath of Venezuela's disputed 2018 presidential election, has faced waning support after failing to dislodge President Nicolas Maduro from power.

What is the latest?

Venezuela's parliament was set to hold a vote on Thursday on whether to end Guaido's "government," which has been running in parallel to Maduro's government.

The session, however, has now been postponed until January 3, with Guaido supporters pushing for further debate on the issue.

"I assume [as president of the 'interim government'] the deferral of the session in pursuit of the defense of the constitution and [to get] the necessary unity in favor of an agreement," Guaido wrote on Twitter.

Last week, lawmakers in the 104-member National Assembly held a vote on two proposals. The motion to end Guaido's government garnered 72 votes, as opposed to 23 votes in favor of extending his mandate for a year.

Opposition parties plan on holding primaries in 2023 to select a candidate to run against Maduro in the next presidential vote in 2024.
Why are they considering the move now?

Four opposition parties have proposed putting an official end to Guaido's "interim government."

They argue that the body has not been successful in dislodging Maduro from power, and that the opposition needs to reinvent itself and reposition.

Guaido's Popular Will Party opposes the move, saying it would allow Maduro to once again get access to Venezuelan resources that are currently blocked by international sanctions.

The "interim government" currently controls some of the country's assets abroad.
How did Guaido come to lead an 'interim government'?

In the aftermath of Venezuela's 2018 presidential vote, Maduro declared himself the winner, seeking to maintain his position of power.

The results of the election were disputed, with observers alleging widespread fraud.

Guaido, who was a little-known political figure at the time, declared himself Venezuela's president, as he was the highest-level political leader who had been democratically elected. He was the head of parliament at the time.

The opposition leader and his "interim government" received widespread backing from abroad, including recognition from the United States, the United Kingdom and the European Union.

But, over time, Maduro remained in power, and Guaido's international support waned.

The European Union downgraded Guaido's status last year to "privileged interlocutor" after he lost his position as head of parliament following Venezuela's legislative elections of December 2020, even though the EU does not recognize the vote.

Guaido has repeatedly called for free and fair elections and backs a progressive lifting of US sanctions as an incentive for Maduro to hold the vote.

Some of the crippling sanctions hail from before the 2018 presidential elections, but more were imposed in the aftermath, aiming to put pressure on Maduro. They have also, however, taken a serious toll on ordinary people.

US President Joe Biden's administration has taken steps of rapprochement with Maduro's government in recent months — partly also due to the energy crisis sparked by Russia's war on Ukraine.

rs/jcg (EFE, AFP)
Cats in the middle ages: what medieval manuscripts teach us about our ancestors’ pets
The Conversation
December 30, 2022


Cats had a bad reputation in the middle ages. Their presumed links with paganism and witchcraft meant they were often treated with suspicion. But despite their association with the supernatural, medieval manuscripts showcase surprisingly playful images of our furry friends.

From these (often very funny) portrayals, we can learn a lot about medieval attitudes towards cats – not least that they were a central fixture of daily medieval life.

In the middle ages, men and women were often identified by the animals they kept. Pet monkeys, for example, were considered exotic and a sign that the owner was wealthy, because they had been imported from distant lands. Pets became part of the personal identity of the nobility. Keeping an animal that was lavished with attention, affection and high-quality food in return for no functional purpose – other than companionship – signified high status.

It was not unusual for high-status men and women in the middle ages to have their portrait completed in the company of a pet, most commonly cats and dogs, to signify their elevated status.



Last Supper (1320), by Pietro Lorenzetti. Web Gallery of Art

It is commonplace to see images of cats in iconography of feasts and other domestic spaces, which appears to reflect their status as a pet in the medieval household.

In Pietro Lorenzetti’s Last Supper (above), a cat sits by the fire while a small dog licks a plate of leftovers on the ground. The cat and dog play no narrative role in the scene, but instead signal to the viewer that this is a domestic space.

Similarly, in the miniature of a Dutch Book of Hours (a common type of prayer book in the middle ages that marked the divisions of the day with specific prayers), a man and woman feature in a cosy household scene while a well looked-after cat gazes on from the bottom left-hand corner. Again, the cat is not the centre of the image nor the focus of the composition, but it is accepted in this medieval domestic space.




1500 Book of Hours known as the ‘London Rothschild Hours’ or the ‘Hours of Joanna I of Castile’. Illustrated by Gerard Horenbout. London British Library. Manuscript 35313, folio. 1 verso. C, Author provided

Just like today, medieval families gave their cats names. A 13th-century cat in Beaulieu Abbey, for example, was called “Mite” according to the green ink lettering that appears above a doodle of said cat in the margins of a medieval manuscript.
Royal treatment

Cats were well cared for in the medieval household. In the early 13th century, there is mention in the accounts for the manor at Cuxham (Oxfordshire) of cheese being bought for a cat, which suggests that they were not left to fend for themselves.


Bacchiacca (circa 1525), by the Italian painter Antonio d'Ubertino Verdi. Christie’s

In fact, the 14th-century queen of France, Isabeau of Bavaria, spent excessive amounts of money on accessories for her pets. In 1387, she commissioned a collar embroidered with pearls and fastened by a gold buckle for her pet squirrel. In 1406, bright green cloth was bought to make a special cover for her cat.

Cats were also common companions for scholars, and eulogies about cats were not uncommon in the 16th century. In one poem, a cat is described as a scholar’s light and dearest companion. Eulogies such as this suggest a strong emotional attachment to pet cats, and show how cats not only cheered up their masters but provided welcome distractions from the hard mental craft of reading and writing.

Cats in the cloisters

Cats are found in abundance as a status symbol in medieval religious spaces. There are lots of medieval manuscripts that feature, for example, illuminations (small images) of nuns with cats, and cats frequently appear as doodles in the margins of Books of Hours.



St Matthew and his cat, Bruges, c. 1500. [Rouen bibliotheque municipale. Manuscript 3028, Folio 63r], Author provided

But there is also much criticism about the keeping of cats in medieval sermon literature. The 14th-century English preacher John Bromyard considered them useless and overfed accessories of the rich that benefited while the poor went hungry.



Detail of a miniature of a nun spinning thread, as her pet cat plays with the spindle; from the Maastricht Hours, the Netherlands (Liège), 1st quarter of the 14th century, Stowe manuscript 17, folio 34r

Cats are also recorded as being associated with the devil. Their stealth and cunning when hunting for mice was admired – but this did not always translate into qualities desirable for companionship. These associations led to the killing of some cats, which had detrimental effects during the Black Death and other middle age plagues, when more cats may have reduced flea-infested rat populations.

Because of these associations, many thought that cats had no place in the sacred spaces of religious orders. There do not seem to have been any formal rules, however, stating that members of religious communities were not allowed to keep cats – and the constant criticism of the practice perhaps suggests that pet cats were common.



A cat cosplaying as a nun.State Library Victoria, 096 R66HF, folio 99r, Author provided

Even if they were not always considered as socially acceptable in religious communities, cats were still clearly well looked after. This is evident in the playful images we see of them in monasteries.

For the most part, cats were quite at home in the medieval household. And as their playful depiction in many medieval manuscripts and artwork makes clear, our medieval ancestors’ relationships with these animals were not too different from our own.

Madeleine S. Killacky, PhD Candidate, Medieval Literature, Bangor University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Abortion Access Tied to Suicide Rates Among Young Women

— Enforcing restrictions on reproductive care linked with nearly 6% rise in suicide rate

Restrictions on access to reproductive care were associated with suicide rates among women of reproductive age, researchers found.

In a longitudinal ecologic study using state-based data from 1974 to 2016, enforcement of Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP) laws was associated with higher suicide rates among reproductive-age women (β=0.17, 95% CI 0.03-0.32, P=0.02) but not among women of post-reproductive age, according to Ran Barzilay, MD, PhD, of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, and colleague

Nor was enforcement of TRAP laws associated with deaths due to motor vehicle crashes, they reported in JAMA Psychiatryopens in a new tab or window.

Additionally, enforcement of a TRAP law was associated with a 5.81% higher annual rate of suicide than in pre-enforcement years, the researchers found.

"Taken together, the results suggest that the association between restricting access to abortion and suicide rates is specific to the women who are most affected by this restriction, which are young women," Barzilay told MedPage Today.

Barzilay said their study "can inform, number one, clinicians working with young women to be aware that this is a macro-level suicide risk factor in this population. And number two, that it informs policymakers as they allocate resources for suicide prevention. And number three, that it informs the ethical, divisive debate regarding access to abortion."

In an accompanying editorialopens in a new tab or window, Tyler VanderWeele, PhD, of Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health in Boston, wrote that while analyses of this type are always subject to the possibility of changes in trends being attributable to some third factor, Barzilay and colleagues did "control for a number of reasonable candidates and conducted sensitivity analyses indicating that these associations were observed for reproductive-aged women but not for a control group of older women of post-reproductive age."

VanderWeele wrote the findings do suggest that a "not inconsiderable" number of women might be dying by suicide in part because of a lack of access to abortion services, and that "the increase is cause for clinical concern."

But while more research "might contribute more to our understanding," VanderWeele wrote, its role in the legal debates around abortion "seems less clear. Regardless of whether one is looking at potential adverse effects of access restrictions or of abortion, the abortion and mental health research literature will not resolve the more fundamental and disputed moral questions."

"Debates over abortion access are likely to remain contentious in this country and others," he wrote. "However, further steps can nevertheless be taken in finding common ground to promote women's mental health and healthcare."

For their "difference-in-differences" analysis, Barzilay and co-authors relied on data from the TRAP laws index to measure abortion access, and assessed suicide data from CDC's WONDERopens in a new tab or window database.

A total of 21 states enforced at least one TRAP law from 1974 to 2016. Annual rates of death by suicide ranged from 1.4 to 25.6 per 100,000 women of reproductive age (ages 20 to 34) and 2.7 to 33.2 per 100,000 women of post-reproductive age (ages 45 to 64), and annual motor vehicle crash death rates among reproductive-age women ranged from 2.4 to 42.9 per 100,000.

The study was limited by its ecologic design and reliance on observational and state-level data, and because it assessed restrictions on abortion rather than the actual abortion rate, the authors noted. Nor did it analyze outcomes by race/ethnicity. Thus, further research is needed to assess whether access is related to suicide risk among these women, they wrote.

Nonetheless, they said the findings "galvanize a growing interest in the macro-level determinants of mental health, and point to a potential modifiable risk factor that policy makers could address to mitigate suicide risk among reproductive-aged women."

Barzilay added that the study "gives us an idea of where to intervene, when to intervene, and in whom to intervene in that specific context."

"I think that for clinicians it's important to be aware of that, and I think that our work provides solid data to support the relationship between the restriction in access and the increase in suicide risk," he said. "Until recently, we may have thought this is the case, may have hypothesized this is the case, but I think that our analysis shows it empirically."

  • author['full_name']

    Michael DePeau-Wilson is a reporter on MedPage Today’s enterprise & investigative team. He covers psychiatry, long covid, and infectious diseases, among other relevant U.S. clinical news. Follow 

Disclosures

Barzilay is supported by a grant from the National Institute of Mental Health and by the Lifespan Brain Institute of Children's Hospital of Philadelphia and Penn Medicine, University of Pennsylvania; and reported financial relationships with Taliaz Health, Zynerba Pharmaceuticals, and Taliaz Health.

VanderWeele reported no conflict of interest disclosures.

Primary Source

JAMA Psychiatry

Source Reference: opens in a new tab or windowZandberg J, et al "Association between state-level access to reproductive care and suicide rates among women of reproductive age in the United States" JAMA Psych 2022; DOI: 10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2022.4394.

Secondary Source

JAMA Psychiatry

Source Reference: opens in a new tab or windowVanderWeele TJ "Abortion and mental health -- context and common ground" JAMA Psych 2022; DOI: 10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2022.3530.