Monday, February 19, 2024

 

Norway deal averts Palestinian financial collapse: govt

    Norway, which heads the international donor group for the Palestinians, said it has negotiated a temporary scheme between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) to avert a financial collapse for the territories.

Under a 1994 agreement, the PA receives taxes, so-called clearance revenues, that Israel collects on its behalf — but Israel has withheld some of these since Hamas’s attack on October 7, to prevent payments to the militant group.

The Palestinian Authority has refused to accept any transfers unless Israel changes its decision, an impasse that has lasted for several months.

The clearance revenues account for about 65 percent of the PA’s income.

“Together we have agreed on a temporary solution in which Norway will serve as an intermediary for holding the portions of the clearance revenues tax that Israel has withheld since October 7,” the Norwegian government said in a statement late Sunday.

“The Palestinian Authority is then willing to accept the other funds. The Palestinian Authority has welcomed this arrangement and appreciates the effort to find a temporary solution in this extraordinary situation,” the statement said.

The portion of the revenues that Israel will transfer to Norway will remain in a Norwegian account until the parties agree whether Norway may release the funds to the Palestinian Authority.

Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store hailed the agreement.

“With our assistance to this solution, the Palestinian Authority will be able to pay salaries, thus making it possible to continue to provide essential services to the Palestinian population, keep schools open, and ensure that health workers are paid,” Gahr Store said in the statement.

“This is critical to promoting stability in the region and for the Palestinian Authority to have legitimacy among its people,” he said.

Hamas’s October 7 assault killed about 1,160 people in Israel, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally of Israeli figures.

Militants also took about 250 hostages, 130 of whom remain in Gaza, including 30 presumed dead, according to Israel.

Israel’s retaliatory campaign in Gaza has killed at least 28,985 people, mostly women and children, according to the territory’s health ministry.

 

It’s not a glitch: how Meta systematically censors Palestinian voices

Content note: The following post contains references to violence and war.

Since Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, and Israeli forces began bombarding Gaza in response, Palestinian and pro-Palestinian voices have been censored and suppressed across Meta’s platforms. This latest wave of censorship, which coincides with “apocalyptic” violence in the Gaza Strip and stark warnings of genocide from the UN and the International Court of Justice (ICJ), adds to Meta’s long history of systematically censoring Palestine-related content. While the company has stated that it’s never their “intention to suppress a particular community or point of view,” our documentation points to the opposite conclusion. This pattern of censorship is no glitch. 

In this report, we show how Meta is systematically silencing the voices of both Palestinians and those advocating for Palestinians’ rights. We delve into the roots of this censorship, highlighting how the company must overhaul its rights-violating and discriminatory content moderation policies and take action to avoid complicity in alleged war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Patterns of censorship on Instagram and Facebook

Soon after Israel began bombarding Gaza last October, Palestinians and people sharing pro-Palestinian messages began to report that their content was being censored and suppressed on social media platforms, including on Facebook and Instagram. Platforms suspended or restricted the accounts of Palestinian journalists and activists both in and outside of Gaza, and arbitrarily deleted a considerable amount of content, including documentation of atrocities and human rights abuses. 

Examples of this online censorship show that it is rampant, systematic, and global. For instance, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has documented 1,049 cases of peaceful content expressing support for Palestine, originating from more than 60 countries around the world, being removed between October and November 2023. Meanwhile, the Palestinian Observatory for Digital Rights Violations (7or) has documented around 1,043 instances of censorship between October 7, 2023 and February 9, 2023, including on Facebook and Instagram. From content removals to opaque restrictions, the examples below illustrate the main patterns of censorship on Meta’s platforms documented since October 7, 2023. Some of the cases we mention were reported directly to us, while others were shared publicly by impacted individuals.

Why is Meta censoring Palestinian voices?

Meta’s censorship of Palestinian voices and Palestine-related content is far from new. In recent years, however, it has become increasingly pronounced, with a well-documented pattern of systematic censorship, algorithmic bias, and discriminatory content moderation emerging. During the 2021 Sheikh Jarrah protestssocial media content expressing support for Palestinian rights was deleted, removed, and shadowbanned, while users sharing such content were suspended or prevented from commenting or live-streaming, and pro-Palestinian hashtags were suppressed; problems Meta brushed off as a “technical issue.” 

As our latest documentation illustrates, Palestinian journalists and activists’ accounts are routinely suspended or restricted, with content removed arbitrarily. This systematic censorship is particularly rampant in times of crisis; a by-product of opaque and discriminatory content moderation rules, enforced in a way that disproportionately impacts historically oppressed and marginalized communities.

FLAWED AND DISCRIMINATORY CONTENT MODERATION POLICIES  

Meta’s censorship is catalyzed by its problematic DOI policy, most recently updated in December 2023. This policy prohibits the glorification, support, and representation of designated groups and individuals “in an effort to prevent and disrupt real-world harm.” Although this rightly intends to tackle online incitement to violence, the policy’s vague and overly broad interpretation of what constitutes “glorification” or “support” of such individuals and groups creates a sweeping net that ends up capturing legitimate content, which should be protected by the right to freedom of expression and opinion. 

By and large, Meta does not disclose who it designates as “terrorist,” nor will it share how and why it does so. The company does acknowledge that its designations include entities blocklisted by the U.S. government as foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs) or specially designated global terrorists (SDGTs), but the full list remains a secret. However, a leaked version published in 2021 by media outlet The Intercept revealed how the majority of groups and individuals Meta labels as “terrorist” come from the Arab and Muslim world. These include Palestinian political factions and their armed wings, such as Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).

human rights due diligence report commissioned by Meta into its content moderation actions during the 2021 conflict in Israel/Palestine confirms the damaging impact of such secretive and politicized designations. BSR, which conducted the investigation, found that Meta’s over-moderation of Palestine-related content was largely due to “Meta’s policies which incorporate certain legal obligations relating to designated foreign terrorist organizations.” The report noted that Palestinians were more likely to be seen as violating Meta’s DOI policy “because of the presence of Hamas as a governing entity in Gaza and political candidates affiliated with designated organizations.” This, in essence, can be understood to mean that Palestinians may be automatically censored or have their accounts shut down for posting content merely mentioning groups such as Hamas, even if the content in question is factual reporting or critical of Hamas. 

But it isn’t only the DOI policy that is biased. Under its hate speech policy, Meta removes content that is critical of “Zionists.” While the company claims it only removes content where the word “Zionist” is used as a proxy to attack Israeli or Jewish individuals and groups, this policy was widely criticized by human rights organizations and progressive Jewish and Muslim community groups in 2021. In February 2024, four months into the unfolding genocide in Gaza, Meta began new civil society consultations with a view to possibly expanding the scope of its policy enforcement. As Access Now has previously warned, any use of historically and politically complex terms such as “Zionism” should be considered with careful nuance and deliberation. Implementing a blanket policy that automatically flags any mention of “Zionism” opens the door to censorship and abuse. Already in 2017,  The Guardian published leaked Meta content moderators’ training materials, which  showed a slide deck on “Credible Violence: Abuse Standards” listing “Zionists” among global and local “vulnerable” groups. Such special treatment of a political ideology undermines people’s right to freedom of expression and stifles critical public debate online.

INCONSISTENT AND DISCRIMINATORY RULE ENFORCEMENT

Meta’s response to the current Israeli assault on Gaza has been explicitly punitive and discriminatory, compared with, for instance, how it responded to Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This follows a historical pattern of implementing content moderation rules that prioritize the protection of Israeli users at the expense of Palestinian or pro-Palestinian users’ rights, even if unintentionally, as BSR’s 2022 human rights due diligence report highlighted. The report notes, for instance, that Arabic content was over-moderated while Hebrew content was under-moderated, due to the fact that —despite Hebrew-language hate speech and incitement to violence being rampant across Meta’s platforms — the company did not develop a Hebrew language classifier to detect and remove such content. In September 2023, Meta said it had completed the creation of a Hebrew language classifier for hostile speech. However, it was reported that as of October 2023 this still wasn’t operational.

Despite evidence of an unfolding genocide in Gaza and rising violence against Palestinians around the world, Meta has largely ignored threats to Palestinians’ safety. Since October 7, Meta has failed to properly moderate the unprecedented explosion in hate speech, dehumanization, and genocidal rhetoric against Palestinians disseminated across its platforms, including by Israeli officials and verified Israeli state accounts with a wide reach. 

For example, in November 2023, a 7amleh investigation revealed that Meta had approved paid advertisements by a right-wing Israeli group calling for the assassination of a pro-Palestine activist in the U.S., as well as ads calling for a “holocaust for the Palestinians”’ and for “Gazan women and children and the elderly” to be wiped out. Israeli pages and targeted ads promoting the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have also multiplied since October, but again, this isn’t a new trend: in 2021, Jewish settlers used WhatsApp to organize violent attacks against Palestinian citizens of Israel.

The Wall Street Journal has reported on how, following the October 7 attack,  Meta manipulated its content filters to apply stricter standards to content generated in the Middle East and specifically Palestine. Specifically, it lowered the threshold for its algorithms to detect and hide comments violating Community Guidelines from 80% to 40% for content from the Middle East and to just 25% for content from Palestine.

Meta’s double standards are further illustrated by two cases recently adjudicated by the company’s Oversight Board, which show how Meta made exceptions to its DOI policy to allow content about Israeli hostages to be shared on its platforms. In the first instance, Meta initially removed content showing Israeli civilians being taken hostage, in alignment with the DOI policy, but later restored it under an exception to the policy, citing the need to spread awareness about the plight of the hostages and debunk disinformation around October 7 attacks. 

Civil society made repeated requests for Meta to also allow policy exceptions for content showing the harm done to Palestinians in Gaza, but these were consistently dismissed, with Meta continuing to aggressively censor Palestinian voices and silence their stories. 

ARBITRARY AND ERRONEOUS RULE ENFORCEMENT

As we’ve seen time and time again, Meta’s content moderation tools, particularly its automated decision-making, are poorly trained, not fit for purpose, and especially ill-suited for use in non-English languages. Leaked documents from 2020 show that Meta’s algorithms for detecting terrorist content erroneously deleted non-violent Arabic content 77% of the time. Given how much Meta relies on automated content moderation tools, this is an unacceptable error rate. As such, Meta’s recent modification to its DOI policy to allow for neutral or critical references to designated groups in the “context of social and political discourse” will be difficult to implement at scale. Distinguishing between neutral references and content praising designated groups requires a nuanced understanding of such content’s  political, regional, and historical context, which Meta’s algorithms do not have.

Meta’s lack of transparency around its tools, their accuracy, and error rates, coupled with a penalty strike system that punishes individuals who violate the DOI policy multiple times, is a disastrous recipe for censoring legitimate, non-violent speech on its platforms – and this pattern is only magnified when Meta over-relies on automated tools to moderate Instagram and Facebook content.

Human rights can’t be cherry-picked

Meta cannot pick and choose when it respects human rights and ensures the safety of its users – and when it doesn’t. As previously noted in our “Declaration of principles on content governance in times of crisis,” Meta and other social media platforms must develop rights-respecting crisis protocols to identify and mitigate the negative impact of their content moderation policies and practices on people’s fundamental rights and freedoms, especially in times of war. 

In the context of the unfolding genocide in Gaza, Meta must take extra care with how it moderates content to ensure that Palestinians and their supporters can safely and freely access and share information. 

In 2021, a coalition of civil society organizations called on Meta to stop systematically censoring Palestinian voices by overhauling its content moderation practices and policies. More than two years later, our demands remain unmet. It is high time that Meta addresses this issue once and for all.

Israeli settlers are guarding the West Bank. Palestinians say it's worsening violence

FEBRUARY 19, 2024
NPR
Geoff Brumfiel

A member of the Israeli security forces stands guard. An attack against troops was reported near the West Bank city of Hebron on Feb. 1. Many settlers have joined the military's regional defense units since the Oct. 7 attack on Israel by Hamas-backed militants.
Hazem Bader/AFP via Getty Images

HEBRON, West Bank — It's a chilly winter day in Hebron, and Issa Amro is late.

"He said he was at the checkpoint, so maybe he was held up," says Joel Carmel, an ex-Israeli soldier and peace activist, as he stands with a small group of journalists at the gate to Amro's house.

Amro is a prominent Palestinian in Hebron. For years, he has been trying to preach nonviolence in one of the West Bank's most dangerous cities — a place where Palestinian militants and far-right Israeli settlers frequently attack each other. He has also led peaceful protests against the Israeli military's restrictions against Palestinians in the city. He is well known by people on both sides of the conflict, which makes him a frequent target of harassment by Israeli forces.
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In Hebron, A City Hit Hard By Violence, A Palestinian Preaches Nonviolence

Amro eventually appears, moving slowly up a narrow path between olive trees. He's wearing a green one-piece snowsuit and sporting a thick beard. He apologizes to the waiting group.

Issa Amro stands outside his home in Hebron. Amro says that since Oct. 7, settlers in and out of uniform have been harassing Palestinian civilians.
Geoff Brumfiel

"I was at a checkpoint for 30 minutes," he explains. Today the soldier made him take everything off. "He told me, 'Take the shoes off.' I told him, 'But it's mud[dy].' He said, 'That's not my business,'" Amro recalls.

For decades, far-right Jewish settlers have laid claim to parts of Hebron's center, near the Tomb of the Patriarchs, a site holy to both Jews and Muslims. Over the years, settlers have committed many acts of violence against Palestinian residents, and Palestinian militants have sometimes opened fire on settlers.

And although the military's mission is to protect the settlers, it used to be seen as a moderating force. Amro says that Palestinians sometimes even asked for help: "In the past, we could call upon the army to protect us from the settlers," he says.

But as his harassment at the checkpoint shows, that relationship has changed. In 2022, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appointed a far-right politician from Hebron named Itamar Ben-Gvir as the national security minister. Military forces became more aggressive toward Palestinians, Amro says.

And then came the attacks of Oct. 7. Hamas militants burst out of the Gaza Strip and massacred some 1,200 people in Israel, according to Israeli authorities. The Israeli military mobilized, sending tens of thousands of troops into Gaza to destroy Hamas. Thousands more were sent along the nation's northern border with Lebanon and Syria to guard against attacks by Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militia group.

To maintain the military presence in the West Bank, the military mobilized thousands of reservists as part of newly formed "regional defense" battalions. It also strengthened what the government called "emergency response units" made up of heavily armed civilians. In many cases, according to activists and Palestinians, those ranks have been filled by the very far-right Jewish settlers who have been at the center of much of the violence.


A woman walks by on the Palestinian-designated side as seen from the Israeli settlement enclave side of the Old City of Hebron 
Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

Israeli peace activists and Palestinian locals both say that the result has been a huge uptick in violence and harassment by "settlers in a green army uniform," as Amro describes it. Often it's unclear whether the settlers are reservists, members of emergency units or freelancers operating on their own.

"What we're seeing is something that looks like joint militias of settlers and soldiers," says Dror Sadot, spokesperson for the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, which closely tracks settler violence in the West Bank. "No one knows who's who and who's giving the orders."

Settlers in uniform


The blurring of roles began in the hours after the Oct. 7 attack. The West Bank is not under the control of Hamas, the militant group that rules Gaza, and there was no mass attack in Hebron on that day. But when Amro tried to get home from work, he found his way blocked — not by soldiers, he says, but by heavily armed settlers with body armor.

Amro shared videos from that day with NPR, which was able to independently verify some details, such as the locations and rough times when they were shot. In one recording, two older men with long beards and assault rifles shout at him to leave. One wearing a white baseball cap pushes another Palestinian man and raises his gun. Amro says he knew them not as soldiers but as right-wing settlers. They seem to know him, shouting his name as he walks away.

A little later, he tried another way to his house and again ran into a mixed group of armed settlers and regular soldiers. This time, he was detained.

"I was kidnapped by the soldiers and the settlers," he recalls. "I was taken to the military base here, handcuffed with plastic cuffs to the point that it went into my skin. It was 10 hours of pain."


Israeli forces drive armored vehicles down a road during a raid in Hebron early on Jan. 21. The Israeli military says violence has surged in the West Bank since Oct. 7.
Mosab Shawer/AFP via Getty Images

He says he was beaten and abused during his time in custody until a senior army officer who recognized him told the others to let him go.

The Israeli military did not comment directly on Amro's account but told NPR it "has acted and continues to act to identify unusual cases that deviate from what is expected of [Israeli military] soldiers."

Since then, Amro says, things have only gotten worse. Amro says Palestinians in central Hebron have been forced to stay inside for days at a time, by settlers equipped with weapons, radios and uniforms. Those reports have been corroborated by B'Tselem, which documented the curfew.

The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem documented settlers and soldiers enforcing a curfew in parts of Hebron after Oct. 7.B'Tselem/ YouTube

"There is no distinction anymore between the soldiers and the violent settlers, either in their army uniform or in their civilian uniform," Amro says.

Below Amro's house, in the streets of central Hebron, the mixing of settlers and soldiers is on display. Nadav Weiman is deputy director of Breaking the Silence, the group that organized the day's visit and that is made up of ex-Israeli soldiers who oppose the occupation of the West Bank.

Weiman points to a group of young men in uniform wearing yarmulkes and payot, the long, curly locks of hair worn by some Orthodox Jewish men and boys.

"You see on their patch — it says, 'Ha Gamar Unit of Hebron,'" he says. That's a recently mobilized reserve unit here that Weiman says is drawing from the local settler population.

The young men look well equipped, with rifles, new helmets and body armor. But they're not the only ones here. An older settler walks down the road in green fatigues, equipped with an assault rifle, sidearm and small walkie-talkie. Unlike the reservists, he doesn't have body armor, a helmet or any identifying insignia on his uniform.

He scowls at the group as he passes, and Weiman recognizes him instantly: "He's a settler here from Hebron that I know for a lot of years."

It's unclear in what capacity the man is operating.

And farther into the Old City, someone in a personal vehicle begins honking and shouting at the group. He swings his car aggressively in front of the journalists, blocking their path. This man, too, is a settler, Weiman explains. He's not with the military but with the local emergency response unit.

"He's a settler from the first response team, he has an M16 with him, and he's a violent settler," he says.


A group of Jewish settlers stands near Israeli soldiers in Hebron on May 27, 2023.
Amer Shallodi/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

A need for security

The settlers say this new arrangement is necessary in the post-Oct. 7 world. One named Shai Coen, 23, comes to speak to the journalists. It's true, he says, that many have joined the reserve forces in the West Bank.

"I don't do army, but I have two brothers and my father are reserve now in the army," he says. "Everybody is now in the army."

Coen says that there's good reason to put settlers into these military roles: The risks of Palestinian violence are higher than ever, and the settlers need to be defended.

"Jewish people are living also here in this country," he says. "We have terror attack. A lot of terror attack."

In its statement to NPR, the Israeli military said that it had seen a "significant increase in terrorist attacks" in the West Bank, with over 700 attempted attacks since the start of the war. It said it conducts operations to apprehend suspects and sets up "dynamic checkpoints" as part of its security operations.

But it also appears that newly empowered settler groups are attacking and detaining innocent Palestinians. B'Tselem has documented several other detentions that have occurred after Oct. 7 in areas near Hebron, and its researchers have also seen evidence of stepped-up aggression.

Basel Adra is a Palestinian who works with B'Tselem and lives in Masafer Yatta, a group of Palestinian villages south of Hebron. Immediately after Oct. 7, he says, heavily armed settlers began showing up in his community. "They were going around with uniforms in white cars, not military jeeps," he says.

They've destroyed Palestinian property and harassed locals, often wearing green fatigues and masks to hide their identities. "They threaten people — if they don't leave the land, they're going to be killed," he says.

B'Tselem says that it has documented 16 communities in the West Bank where Palestinians have fled their homes following Oct. 7.

The Israeli military did not comment directly on the role of settlers in its security operations but said that in cases where its troops are seen misbehaving: "Those cases will be arbitrated, and significant command measures will be taken against the soldiers involved."


A Palestinian man walks past an Israeli checkpoint in Hebron on Dec. 24.
Mosab Shawer/AFP via Getty Images

Back at his home in the hills above central Hebron, Palestinian activist Amro says his settler neighbors have long wanted him and other Palestinians out of their homes. Since Oct. 7, they've relentlessly harassed civilians.

"It's a policy to make our lives harder and harder, to make us leave certain areas," he says.

Amro estimates 20% to 30% of Palestinian families living nearby have already left. Amro is staying put for now, but he's more frightened than ever.

Nobody has given him a vest or helmet to protect himself. Instead, he has bricked up his windows with cinder blocks.

"I think they may come and shoot me in my room, in my bedroom," he says.


NPR's Eve Guterman and Alon Avital contributed to this report from Tel Aviv, Israel.