Sunday, May 18, 2025

The Highwayman Accosts Us; Prepare Yourself to Meet Him



May 16, 2025
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“The reason why the highwayman masters the traveler is not his pistol, but his personality.  If the party attacked really had the superiority in character and love, he could really conquer without arms.  But he must be so charged and surcharged with love that he is as good a highwayman as the highwayman.  You shall not match the pirate with a goody, but with a pirate (i.e., in natural force), and more determined and absolute by dint of his heart than by help of his arms.”

–Ralph W. Emerson, Journals, 1850

“[Of an American feminist academic, a character in the novel] Her followers loved her for her bitterness, and even if she wanted to let joy in, she couldn’t because she would lose the applause.  And anyway it would have to be joy as resistance.  Or joy as a subversive anti-patriarchy project.  Never just joy.  As joy.”

–Chimimanda Ngosie Adichie, Dream Count

“It wasn’t even that they (“American liberals”) felt offended; it was that offended was the only thing they felt.

–Ibid.

As the Trumpian peril mounts it is beginning to be clearer to me just what is the purpose this small band of friends who make up a tiny non-profit space for arts in Utica – offshoot of the Cafe that no longer exists –  serve here in this community.  Throughout the 17 years of The Other Side’s existence, during the everlasting “purple haze” of blue v red neoliberal politics, I’ve struggled to name what we are in words that would distinguish us from similar organizations while avoding getting us labeled as commies.   But what I truly wanted was to identify the non-profit in a way that suggested its transgressive nature, art as disobedience to the chains binding imagination in the neoliberal totality,  as anarchist,  anarchism being the “pirate” that is match – by dint of heart, not might – for the pirate that is neoliberalism.

The impediment to such an about face, to being “as good a highwayman as the highwayman,”  is imaginations so reduced in liberal reality that most people, most of the time, can’t escape the simplifications of polarized thinking and distinctions that keep us acting from fear instead of from “character and love:”  i.e., better avoid sounding too radical or we’ll lose our support.   “Real” or “imaginary,” bad or good, loser or winner, poor or not-poor, red or blue,  etc. – all of these oppositions, including those of religion,  keep imagination immobilized.

The very real threat of Trump’s “vision” for America,  presents us at last with the recognizable armed highwayman who has stopped us in our tracks.   As anti-Trump rallies proliferate, I see emerging a different identity for idealisticorganizations in forgotten places such as Utica.  No question that Trumpian fascism must be opposed.  But is it not now time to be the difference, instead of obediently playing our part on the “Blue side,” that is not different enough to assert itself against rising fascism?  That is, fascism means lynchings, Ku Klux Klan rallies, deportations  and concentration camps, terrible deeds no liberal could ever conjure up.  But what does the liberal conjure beyond No to the actions of the wealthy and powerful right-wingers – what, that is,  of equal decisiveness – even ruthlessness –  in the service of a definite goal?  Were not the wealthy and powerful liberals highwaymen – if you look at all the consequences of free markets, of ceaseless wars and bombings, of inaction on climate change – which we’ve grown accustomed to considering tolerable?  Different for those who want to see a difference, but alike in abandoning the common good as the good that must be served first.

Belief, on both sides, is defensive; neither is “charged and sur-charged with love.” The interior “wall” erected egoistically against knowing the darkness in the soul keeps both sides acting from aggrievement and offendedness.  In the liberal case, the wall keeps us this side of full idealism, ever short of full Big Dream-energized will such that every action is taken in and strengthened by conscious relation to it, as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. engaged “soul force” in the struggles of black and poor people for social justice.

Back in the 1850’s Emerson urged Americans to be “self reliant,” by which he meant to  look not outside ourselves for legitimation, but to “believe your own thought, believe that what is true for you in your private heart is true for all men.”  Despite his being read by nearly every school kid, very few in the more than a century-and-a-half since have followed his prophetic guidance.  Rather we adapt, few among us achieving trust in what he told us to trust (“thyself”). We participate in the diminishment of our very souls, passing on the diminishment generationally. We shrink souls to fit the American success model, normalizing neuroses, depression, addictions, etc.  Because of the soul’s very wildness it must be kept domesticated, or  colonized.  Politically, this makes us fit to be Party faithful, but not conscience faithful. And now we are shocked that there is nothing to stop the highwayman, the courts cannot stop an illegal deportation, fascism is unopposed.  We’re shocked that billionaires are openly running the government, as if moneyed interests had not been the major driving force in America’s development since its earliest times.

How this devotion to profits over goodness manages to remain a secret has to do with the other secret, racism, with which it is interwoven from pre-revolutionary days.  A recent Counterpunch piece, “We Continue to Haunt Hamilton,” by the poet and novelist Ishmael Reed, about the play he wrote and  produced off-off Broadway in answer to the hit Broadway musical, Hamilton!  reminds us of the darker truth.  Founding Father Alexander Hamilton’s story has more damning content than was brought out in Lin-Manuel Miranda’s play.  Hamilton was pro-abolition on record, but in actual practice, he was a slaveowner and seller of human beings. In response to the evidence that came out supporting Reed’s more complicated picture, Miranda excused himself for having left out such qualifying details, (which of course, if included, would have meant, no hit musical!)

Another voice, more modern than Emerson, that urged more strenuous, inclusive consciousness, not only to alleviate personal mental suffering, but to come to grips with social evil, was that of archetypal psychologist C. G. Jung. Nazi evil, he pointed out, was consequence of the unexamined shadow existing in the human Unconscious, both personal and collective.   And, more accessible than Jung’s work, and perhaps even more persuasive in urging confrontation with personal and collective shadow,  are the writings of former slaves, and colonized peoples, voices speaking from the social shadows such as the epigraphs above that were sent to me by a friend. (I have not read any books by this Nigerian author.  Googling her, I discovered she is globally famous; colleges appear to be scrambling to give her her next honorary degree.  Such perceptive voices ought to be heard, but at the same time, you will not make right your  business with “thine own” soul by hearing truth from these others.)

One way to counter neofascism is to see that our white middle class children are given the social advantage of attending multicultural urban schools! But deeper change is needed if our hearts, blinded after centuries of soul subordination, are to regain their sight.  We fault our congresspeople for being spineless, but our spines are squishy from the absence of a moral ultimacy demanding “character and love.”  Without obedience to the more inclusive reality, our “disobedience” can be little more than sibling squabbling.  I believe strongly that if liberalism is to move out from unworthy and ineffective tactics such as “cancel culture” and social bullying,  with “offendedness” the lead emotion, it can do so only if individuals will move to the soul ground pointed to by Emerson.

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At the  most recent board meeting of The Other Side, the issue was raised, as it has been more than once, of providing insurance for artists exhibiting in our gallery. Apparently some artists have declined to exhibit with us because of this “insecurity.”   Mind you,  due to its being multi-use, and without paid staff, our gallery cannot be guaranteed “safe” or “secure,” but in over 17 years has never suffered a theft or act of vandalism.  Suddenly, listening to this conversation getting replayed, I found myself saying “Art is not safe!” spontaneously.  It felt so good speaking the words, that I repeated them. Where did they come from? Since ordinarily I am not spontaneous with spoken words,  I conclude they came from my soul.  Although nobody spoke to my point, it seemed to answer something for them, too.   People nodded, and we went on to the next item on the agenda.

Undoubtedly there are people who speak their soul’s truth more readily than I. Some kind of crooked passageway exists between my heart and my spoken voice. For people like me, it can be life-changing to realize a relationship can be made to the knowledge in one’s soul,  built sediment-like over the inconceivable expanse of human history, unobtainable by ordinary consciousness.  I’ve found we can learn the soul’s needs. They must have creative expression of some kind.  But moreover,  they want to feel joy, overflowing gratitude, and they persist in this purpose despite all one’s hedging and dodging.  The joy is in the escape (transcendence) from habitual dualism, from the trap of offendedness and aggrievement that keeps us in red v blue purple haze, in perpetual standoff with “the enemy.” Not safety, precisely, but joy is relief from defensiveness and need for security.

Safety – security –  is not something the world – or even God – can offer, but humans need something that can take it’s place; transcendence is available to every person by means of art.  Art is not the only means to make contact with the soul – there are hallucinogens, there is psychotherapy. Having been discounted for so many millennia, outside of indigenous cultures and a scattering of poets, prophets, mystics and artists across the ages, the soul now manifests as “mental illness.” For many people self-reliance will call for assistance from the modern soul doctor – the psychotherapist.  Ultimately, however, the contact must be personal; can only come from the individual’s assent to take what the soul tells her as her truth, and trusting in her own subjectivity,  find her purpose and her destiny.

Woe to me if I make this sound like for me, it’s a “done deal.”  I write, always, to be the voice I need to hear to keep myself in “self-trust.” But as a matter of fact, so did Emerson, without ever explicitly acknowledging it was the art of writing itself that was the medium for self-reliance.  

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As a writer, in order to talk about the red-blue purple haze that smothers liberals’ capacity to confront the highwayman, I rely heavily on the two terms: liberals or liberalism,  and whiteness. I do this in the interest of bringing people “not to me, but to themselves.” (Emerson)   Most white liberals I know take these aspects of identity for granted.  That is ourcontribution to the haze.  Not that we can’t see the limitations of liberal politics (voting the lesser evil, etc.) and not that we do not grasp the genocidal, colonialist, brutal part of our history, and desire to rid our nation of white supremacy, but we do not see how secular liberalism works, how it imposes sanctions upon the heart’s imagination.  Thus, with hearts so blinded, we’re no match for the highwayman when he stops us with his superior arms.

The third term I use,  a little archaic and abstract for most people, but as a way of talking about liberal distrust of imagination, is soullessness. For me, it’s no abstraction!  Invisible yes, abstract, no!  American soullessness is not just about the society built upon consumerism, though it is that.  It’s not even only about lack of depth of feeling, the way it is talked about in normal discourse.  America’s soullessness is based in hostility to and fear of the real-existing soul, for it terrifies us.  In a couple of journal entries about night dreams, Emerson reveals his knowledge of this terror.  He wrote: “Our life is so safe and regular (this was the 19th century in white Concord!) that we hardly know the emotion of terror… And yet dreams acquaint us with what the day omits. [Making ready for your night’s sleep], lie on your back, and you may, in the course of an hour or two, have this neglected part of your education…supplied.  (He tells his dream, which terrified him)  “After I woke and recalled the impressions, my brain tingled with repeated vibrations of terror; and yet was the sensation pleasurable…a sort of rehearsal for Tragedy.”

In another journal entry he wrote: …there is [prophecy] in dreams….the soul in dreams has a subtle synthetic power which it will not exert under the sharp eyes of day. It does not like to be watched or looked upon…If in dreams you see…luxurious pictures, an inevitable tie drags in the sequel of cruelty and malignity.  If you swallow the devil’s bait, you will have a horizon full of dragons shortly.” Emerson understood dreams’ compensatory function, the means the soul has to make terror a “rehearsal for Tragedy.” Or, as I might say, to show us the original terror, the traumatic soul wound that, once acknowledged and “absolved,” (okay, I see you!) leaves one free to match the pirate with a pirate.

However it is known or seen/not seen in our community, The Other Side is a safe space for souls, as was the Cafe before it.  In that sense,  as much “church” as art gallery, but church as I like to think Emerson would have envisioned it.  More than a “space for the arts,” it is an enclosure protected by belief I hold to as Emerson instructs – “with fear and hope beneath it. ” It honors idealism in all its indefensible foolishness, creativity because it is divine, and above all, it holds that I’m meant to do that which I do in “self-trust.”  And answering the question I began with,  in secular liberal reality could one possibly be more transgressive, anarchist in the full sense, as good  highwaymen as the highwayman,  than to be a “church?

Kim C. Domenico, reside in Utica, New York, co-owner of Cafe Domenico (a coffee shop and community space),  and administrator of the small nonprofit independent art space, The Other Side.  Seminary trained and ordained,  but independently religious. She can be reached at: kodomenico@verizon.net.

California State University Students Resisting Genocide in Gaza



 May 16, 2025

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Institutions, private and public, wield immense power over the lives of people in and out of the U.S. Thus, people’s organized actions to change institutions are by definition David and Goliath-like power struggles. For America, that holds true in the main because the political donor class uses its deep pockets to influence the three branches of  government. Voters lack such influence.

In terms of U.S. foreign policy, the political donor dollars from the military-industrial complex (e.g., BAE Systems, Boeing, General Dynamics, Northrop Grumman and Raytheon), which rose from the wreckage of World War 2, dominate American institutions. They range from private corporations to public education and corporate-funded nonprofit groups. In the current political economy of billionaires buying influence to amass more market share and profits, the U.S. government under Democratic and Republican presidents Biden, an Israel loyalist, and Trump, a political transactionalist, with congressional complicity, has been arming, funding and backing Israel’s 17-months long destruction and starvation of the Palestinian civilian population in Gaza since the surprise Hamas attacks of October 7, 2023. It is false to describe Israel’s military operations in Gaza as a war, given the absence of a Palestinian air force, army and navy. Instead, the world is witnessing Israel’s mass killing of civilian Palestinians. The victims in Gaza include kids, the elderly, health care workers, journalists and women.

Resistance to Israel’s genocide in Gaza is growing stateside. Take the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR). It joined the Taxpayers Against Genocide (TAG) and the National Lawyers Guild International Committee at a press conference at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C., on May 14, announcing the filing of their historic legal complaint with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) against the U.S. government for complicity in genocide in Gaza.

Palestinian-American plaintiffs who have lost loved ones to the U.S.-funded genocide notarized affadavits in the complaint. Monadel Herzallah, who has lost 43 family members, is one of the plaintiffs. According to him, “We as Palestinians in the U.S. have sought accountability in federal court, but we also made a pledge to seek justice in any other possible venue available.” Susan Abulhawa is a Palestinian human rights activist, best-selling author and a petitioner in this complaint. According to her, “I want to do everything in my power to put a stop to the unfathomable horrors that I witnessed in Gaza.”

Meanwhile, Students for Justice in Palestine has been active in nonviolent civil disobedience against this U.S.-Israel onslaught in Gaza. SJP is active on campuses of colleges and universities that have been and continue to be sites of the struggle to end the Israeli genocide in Gaza. Consider the California State University system, with 480,000 students on 23 campuses across the Golden State.

Recently, five students at Sacramento State University launched a hunger strike in a bid to end the CSU’s investments in Israel’s assaults on the Gazan population. I asked the CSU Office of Public Affairs to comment on the demands of student hunger strikers at Sacramento State University and other schools in the 23-campus system to divest financially from companies involved with Israel’s military operations in Gaza. (The CSU does not invest in companies’ direct stocks or equities but does invest in bonds, mutual funds and other financial instruments.) CSU spokesperson Amy Bentley-Smith replied, releasing the following statement.

“We respect the diverse beliefs and personal convictions of our students, including those who have chosen to participate in a hunger strike. At the same time, we strongly urge our students to consider forms of expression that do not jeopardize their health and well being. The safety and well-being of our students are of the utmost importance and remain the priority even, and especially, in times of unrest.

“While the CSU and its 23 universities honor the right to protest and the diverse convictions expressed across our campuses, the CSU will not be altering its investment policies. We will continue to uphold the values of free inquiry, peaceful protest, and academic freedom—while keeping student health, safety, and our mission at the forefront of all we do.”

Amal Dawud is the president of an SJP affiliate at Sacramento State University, which coordinated a May 5-10 students’ hunger strike at the school in California’s capital city. She and I conducted the following interview via email and text.

Seth Sandronsky: Can you share who your political backers are in and out of the Democratic and Republican parties?

Amal Dawud: We do not have political backers, nor do we associate with any parties. Our network and support system is composed of students and various SJPs chapters across the state (the most populous in the U.S.).

SS: Can you share names of the grassroots roots groups supporting you in and out of Sacramento State University?

AD: Some groups supporting us have been Sacramento’s Healthcare Workers for Palestine, our FJP (Faculty for Justice in Palestine), and various members from SQE (Students for Quality Education, which works with the 29,000-member California Faculty Association, a self-described “anti-racism, social justice union”).

SS: Please describe the responses of Sacramento State University and Cal State University administrators to the hunger strikers’ stance for an end to Israel’s U.S.-backed maiming, murdering and starving the Palestinian people of Gaza.

AD: Our administration was very receptive and supportive of our strike at Sacramento State University. They met with us and negotiated demands, and we ended our strike. However, following the agreement, we were told that they would not be able to publicly support our demands per the CSU Chancellor’s request. The chancellor published this statement and has declared that the CSU will not alter its investment policies. What the CSU did not include in the statement is ongoing internal communications approving, but mostly denying the CSU presidents’ negotiations and statements that are coming out of their hunger-striking students.

SS: Please describe the process preceding the Sacramento State University hunger strike.

AD: We heard the news that Gaza had officially run out of food, and that their humanitarian aid was depleted. And the students organized a solidarity effort of a hunger strike in order to bring back media attention to Gaza. We also knew that the students had pushed this movement forward many times, and that it was our responsibility to stand in solidarity with Gaza and urge our university administrations to take a stand and divest from war profiteering companies. Hunger strikes have historic value to social justice movements, not only in the U.S. but in Palestine as well. And hunger strikes, considering the political context in the U.S. at the moment, and the targeting of pro-Palestine student activists, seemed to be one of the only forms of legal protest left for us to engage in.

SS: What are next steps after hunger striking to end Israel’s destruction and starvation of the indigenous population in Gaza?

AD: The next steps of the strike are to maintain pressure on our administrators, on the CSU, the governor (Democrat Gavin Newsom), as well as the U.S. To divest these institutions completely from companies contributing to the genocide in Gaza. We plan to support the remaining hunger strikers in any capacity. And remind people every day that while we can choose to eat, Gaza cannot. And that is just as much the United States’ fault as it is Israel’s.

We need to urge international action to intervene on behalf of Gaza. The damage done to them is already irreversible, and the next plans of the genocide are complete displacement and extermination.

Seth Sandronsky is a Sacramento journalist and member of the freelancers unit of the Pacific Media Workers Guild. Email sethsandronsky@gmail.com

From War Memes to the Real Horror of War



 May 16, 2025
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Image by Edgar Serrano.

As tensions rise once again between nuclear-armed neighbors India and Pakistan, one of the most alarming aspects of this escalation is not just the provocative rhetoric from political actors, but the media’s role in fanning the flames. Rather than urging caution, promoting dialogue, or presenting verified information, much of the news media has become a tool for inflaming passions, distorting facts, and silencing calls for peace. On the other hand, keyboard warriors on both sides seem more invested in escalating conflict than averting it through viral posts mocking each other’s military capabilities. Many users, perhaps unaware of the true consequences of war, are excited for confrontation as though it were a sports rivalry. But the need is to understand that war is not a meme-worthy moment, it is a brutal, bloody, and irreversible tragedy.

I have been closely monitoring media coverage in both countries. In India, large sections of the mainstream media have adopted a warlike tone, dramatic music, screaming anchors, hashtags like #IndiaStrikesBack, and a flood of unverified content that is rapidly consumed and shared by millions. Pakistan’s media, though comparatively more restrained in tone, is not without belligerent nationalism with some analysts endorsing aggressive retaliatory actions as tit for tat. On social media platforms, retaliatory rhetoric, and memes mocking each other country take center stage in both countries. Instead of helping people understand the economic, humanitarian, and geopolitical risks of another conflict, the media packages war as entertainment—complete with graphics, slogans, and fake “scoops.”

Misinformation and rumors surrounding war, attacks, and destruction spread like wildfire across social media and mainstream news, often going viral within minutes. Graphic videos, exaggerated death tolls, and fabricated military victories dominate timelines and broadcasts, feeding fear and nationalist fervor. However, it is striking that no such urgency or virality surrounds news of peace initiatives. There are no viral rumors about a ceasefire agreement being reached, India restoring the Sindh Water Treaty, or bilateral talks resuming behind closed doors. This stark imbalance reveals a disturbing truth: in the public imagination—shaped by media and political narratives—conflict is more sensational, more shareable, and more politically profitable than peace. As a result, the hope for reconciliation is drowned out by the noise of war.

War cannot be deemed a matter of national pride; rather, it is a national shame considering its devastating consequences. Recent wars across the globe remind us of the grim fate awaiting humanity if peace is not sustained. Hundreds of thousands dead, millions displaced, entire cities in ruins, and a devastated socioeconomic environment for years to come is a legacy now painted by the Russia-Ukraine war, which has entered its third year. It has seen families pulled apart, economies destroyed, and the security of the region destabilized for probably generations to come. The psychological toll on soldiers, civilians, and especially children is incalculable, with trauma embedding itself deeply into the social fabric.

Likewise, the ongoing war in Gaza has uncovered the harsh reality of modern warfare. With Israel’s merciless bombardment in response to Hamas’s attacks, civilian populations including women and children have borne the brunt of the violence. International humanitarian laws have become useless as hospitals, schools, and residential areas are being targeted indicating that the suffering in Gaza is not just a political crisis but a humanitarian catastrophe. These are not distant tragedies; they are real-time warnings of what war truly looks like.

Despite this, in South Asia, many seem to glamorize the idea of an India-Pakistan war, oblivious to the incalculable costs such a conflict would entail. India and Pakistan are no strangers to conflict, having fought three major wars and engaged in several military standoffs since their independence in 1947. Yet what sets the current scenario apart is not just the nuclear capability of both nations but also the hyper-nationalistic fervor fueled by social media and political posturing. A war between India and Pakistan could spiral into a full-scale confrontation with disastrous implications for both sides. Firstly, the human cost could be astounding with hospitals overwhelmed and basic services disrupted. Infrastructure, already fragile in parts of both countries, could be devastated—roads, power grids, water supplies, and communication lines could collapse under the strain of war. Secondly, both economies would suffer catastrophic setbacks. India, with its ambitions of becoming a global economic power, would face disrupted trade, tumbling investor confidence, and economic sanctions depending on the conduct of war. Pakistan, already grappling with economic instability, could see its fragile economy collapse. Unemployment, inflation, and poverty would surge, pushing millions into deeper distress. Perhaps most dangerously, the destabilization of both countries could create fertile ground for extremist groups and terrorist organizations to thrive. In the chaos of war, these groups could exploit weakened governance and societal unrest to expand their influence and carry out attacks—not just in South Asia but globally.

It is easy to fall into the trap of viewing the “other side” as the enemy, especially when nationalist narratives dominate headlines and viral posts fan the flames of hatred. But history, reason, and morality all urge us to choose diplomacy over destruction. The people of India and Pakistan share deep cultural, linguistic, and historical ties. Most citizens on both sides want peace, prosperity, and dignity—not war, hunger, and suffering. Leaders and media outlets must act responsibly to de-escalate tensions and prevent conflict. This includes verifying facts before dissemination, avoiding inflammatory rhetoric, and prioritizing diplomatic engagement. The international community, too, must play a constructive role in encouraging dialogue and holding accountable those who promote aggression.

As India and Pakistan are dangerously close to full-scale war, it’s imperative for both governments—and their citizens—to pause and reflect. War is not about heroism or revenge, it is about death, displacement, and destruction. The horrors of war are not confined to battlefields; they appear in every corner of society, leaving no one untouched. Memes mocking war might get a few laughs and shares, but they betray a deep ignorance of the real suffering that war brings. It’s time to stop treating war as entertainment and fueling the fire with misinformation and hate. It is high time to build trust, empathy, and diplomacy. Peace is not just an option—it is the only sane path forward. The world, already burdened by multiple crises, cannot afford another war, especially not one between two nuclear neighbors.

Dr. Nazia Nazar is a freelance columnist based in Finland. She can be reached at nazianazar783@gmail.com.