Sunday, January 26, 2025

Sheinbaum’s Message of Change for Mexico − Wake-up Call in US


 January 24, 2025
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El Presidente, Dr. Claudia Sheinbaum, Youtube screenshot.

On January 12, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum, speaking to 350,000 people gathered in Mexico City’s Zócalo plaza, outlined her government’s accomplishments and prospects. Elected with a 60% plurality on June 2, 2024 as the Morena Party candidate, Mexico’s first woman president took office on October 1. Her approval rating is 80%

That party, founded by President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), her predecessor in office, enjoys overwhelming majorities in both houses of Mexico’s Congress.

This report attempts to document the democratic and socially-responsible aspirations of her presidency and party. We note structural difficulties posing obstacles. Many U.S. progressives, it seems, are not fully informed of strengthened currents of democracy and economic justice in Mexico. Awareness may inform future solidarity efforts, especially if stirrings there come to fruition and U.S. political leaders take offense.

President Sheinbaum introduced her remarks with: “This is the Fourth Transformation of Mexico’s Public Life.” That characterization is attached to AMLO’s presidential term (2018-2024); she describes her own presidency as the “second stage” (segundo piso) of the Fourth Transformation. Earlier “transformations” were: independence from Spain (1821), reforms (1855-1863) culminating in Benito Juárez’s presidency, and Mexico’s Revolution (1910-1917).

Sheinbaum spoke of women: [T]o those who think that women have no initiative of their own, that … women do not govern because we do not have capacity or intelligence, we say that, ‘Just as we run a home, just as we are mothers and grandmothers, we also have the strength, the fortitude, the mettle and the ability to be firefighters, engineers, astronauts, doctors, lawyers and Supreme Commanders of the Armed Forces.’”

She reported on healthcare: 12,381 new outpatient clinics have been created and healthcare workers soon will be regularly visiting handclapped or elderly citizens in their homes. New “well-being pharmacies” (farmacias del bienestar) will be located next to “well-being banks.” The one dispenses free medications and supplies; the other disperses money provided by social agencies.

Scheinbaum claimed savings worth “23 billion pesos,” or 1.1 billion U.S. dollars, achieved through “digital platforms and transparent methods” plus the requirement that suppliers offer low-price bids to be able to sell drugs and medications to the government.

She reported that, “We continue to acquire new medical equipment, hire more specialists and broaden our care network,” in support of healthcare provided by Mexico’s three big social security institutes. The one AMLO established, the Institute of Social Security for Well-Being, “will be assuming the care of 53.3 million people without social security.” With its creation, 707 hospitals and 13,966 health centers “were transferred into an organizationally decentralized network of care.”

She spoke of education: 410,000 higher education students and 4,214, 000 preparatory students will receive scholarships. The families of 4,100,000 primary school students will receive financial assistance. A “new model of preparatory schools” is in the works, with 20 new ones and the expansion of 65 others.

The Rosario Castellanos National University, a multi-campus, decentralized university system established by Sheinbaum when she headed Mexico City’s government, will be adding six new campuses to accommodate 25,000 students. Units have appeared throughout Mexico; “places have been established for 330,000 new university students to receive free education.”

Sheinbaum, commenting on working conditions, cited “a record number of formally employed workers” in 2024, “the highest average salary level in history,” “inflation under control,” and a 125% minimum wage increase since 2018

Other reforms are on the way:

Sheinbaum announced that women’s retirement age will be reduced from 65 years of age to age 60. She explained that: “they ask me, why only women … [and] we ask, who mainly takes care of children? Who takes care of the home? … Well, since now there is a woman president … we are going to recognize the work of Mexican women.”

Sheinbaum told of plans for “at least one million new housing units for people whose salaries are less than three minimum salaries,” with 125,000 of them being built in 2025.

She reported on her government’s approval of constitutional reforms and amendments proposed by the AMLO government. These include: democratic election of judges; recognition of public ownership of the Pemex oil company and Mexico’s Federal Electricity Commission; recognition of full rights for indigenous and African-descended peoples, with funding for social infra-structure; and protection of women’s constitutional rights “of equality, lives free of violence, and equal salaries for equal work.”

She promised that “Mexico will be a scientific power.” She mentioned resources being developed for scientific and technological advances. Mexico, she indicated, will be making electric vehicles, creating new software and applications for artificial intelligence, finding ways to extract and process lithium, and designing semi-conductors.

She discussed farming and food sovereignty, declaring that 96,000 small farmers now have access to price guarantees, that free fertilizers are available to two million of them, and that almost half a million belong to the government’s “Sowing Life” project, an initiative of social reconstruction addressing rural poverty and environmental degradation. Her government will introduce a constitutional measure prohibiting the planting of transgenic corn in Mexico.

She stated that, “access to water is a priority for our government:” “We have signed the “National Agreement on the Human Right to Water and Sustainability.” As a result, three billion cubic meters of water will become “national waters” and more than 200,000 agricultural producers will have a claim on 50% of the water consumed.

She detailed plans for massive build-up of transportation networks including railroads−with emphasis on passenger services−and highway development. She promised expansion of electricity-generation capacities. The state-owned Federal Electricity Commission will soon account for 54% of the amount generated.

The new president dealt with the problems of corruption, violent crime, and financial instability. She insisted that, “[R]esources for the well-being and development of the country will expand, thanks to republican austerity and eradication of corruption.

She is counting on improved security to materialize out of government social programs aimed at removing conditions leading to lives of crime. She promised that the National Guard will be strengthened and intelligence and investigation capabilities improved. Sheinbaum noted that, “with this strategy, malicious homicides diminished 16%, malicious wounds caused by firearms dropped 20%, and robberies with violence fell 5% between September and December 2024.”

She was optimistic about finances, reporting that Mexico’s international currency reserves of $229 billion dollars “are at a record high, that her economy is the world’s 12th largest, and that tax payments in 2024 were up 4.5% over the previous year.”

The President discussed relations with the United States. The Mexican people, she said, “are honest, hardworking and courageous … There is the example of our sisters and brothers in the United States who this year sent close to 65 billion dollars to their families. They contribute to Mexico’s economy, but … [they also] contribute more to the U.S. economy, because what they send to Mexico is only 20 percent of what they leave there in consumption, savings and taxes.”

Citing “relations of respect” between AMLO and President Trump, she mentioned cooperation as the free trade Agreement Between the United States of America, Mexico, and Canada (USMCA) was created. It allows for “substitution of imports and creation of jobs in the three countries” and represents “the only option” in dealing with economic competition from Asian countries.

Moreover, “We are the principal commercial partner of the United States.” Mutual economic dependence shows as Mexico sends 80% of its exports to the United States while the latter delivers 16% of its own exports to Mexico.

All is not golden, however. Michoacan journalist and academician Eduardo Nava Hernández sees a “complex scenario derived from structural problems (poverty, inequality, lagging production, corruption, financial and technological dependency).” He points to “public debt … that is 49% of the GDP and a fiscal deficit … that is the highest in almost 40 years …[These] pose a great obstacle to making public spending an effective lever of the accumulation process.”

Humberto Castro, writing for Labor Informer (Informador Obrero), reports that Mexico’s public debt increased from 10.55 billion pesos in 2018 to 17.04 billion pesos at the end of AMLO’s presidency. The “economic system [was then] in crisis … [and] criminal groups were empowered and growing.” Paying off on fiscal deficit means funds are lacking “to cover expenses for the year 2025.” And, “the profits of the multi-millionaires are not touched; there’s no fiscal reform that affects their enormous fortunes.”

Nevertheless, despite reminders of harsh realities, the decisive fact is that, indeed, new winds of change and rescue are blowing in Mexico now.

Addressing the huge crowd on January 12, President Sheinbaum promised, “We will not return to the neoliberal model; we will not return to the regime of corruption and privileges, we will not let the decadence of the past return, where we governed for a few. We will continue with … the maxim ‘For the good of all, [but] first the poor.’”

W.T. Whitney Jr. is a retired pediatrician and political journalist living in Maine.














AMERIKA

The Politics of Violence and the Violence of the Political



 January 24, 2025
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Image by Dyana Wing So.

Some sharp white dude with a nifty haircut once observed that those who make peaceful change impossible make violent change inevitable. Then some other white dude with a nifty haircut blew his brains all over Dealey Plaza with a cheap, Italian, mail-order rifle. In case you haven’t guessed, the first quotable white dude was President John F. Kennedy, his far less quotable killer was an angry little man named Lee Harvey Oswald and regardless of what your pet theory on their last tango in Dallas may be, it’s pretty hard to deny that it had something to do with the ultraviolence that defined Kennedy’s first and only term in office.

No matter how badly Oliver Stone may want JFK to be Mark Twain with a bigger dick that doesn’t change the uncomfortable truth that between poetic soliloquys and boozy sexual escapades, the king of Camelot was little more than a garden variety terrorist, having elected officials whacked and firebombing rice paddies to the last day of his presidency.

This was the man who followed up the fantastic and nearly apocalyptic failures of the Bay of Pigs Invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis with Operation Mongoose, an extensive campaign of terrorist attacks on Cuba’s civilian infrastructure by CIA trained fascist bandidos. oil refineries were bombed, railroads were sabotaged, and innocent people were slaughtered in cold blood.

So, even if you want to believe that there were Cuban exiles on the Grassy Knoll to deflower a generation of milquetoast liberal dreamers, who do you think loaded them up on ludes and Carcanos? Malcolm X called it best when he nonchalantly described Kennedy’s demise as chickens coming home to roost. Then he got shot too.

Sixty some years later and America still hasn’t learned a goddamn thing about the karmic political violence that decapitated Camelot. In fact, political violence is higher now than it’s been since the Days of Rage that followed the JFK assassination, and the tide just keeps swelling higher and higher.

We barely survived a frantically chaotic presidential election season which saw not one, but two serious attempts made on the front runner’s life when he wasn’t busy organizing lynch mobs to stock mythic Haitian cat eaters only to see the new year kicked off by not one, but two terrorist acts, both committed by men trained to kill like Oswald by the United States Government.

At 3:15 AM on January 1rst, Shamsud-Din Jabbar, a 13-year veteran of the US Army welcomed in the New Year by crashing a pickup truck with an ISIS decal into the packed crowds of New Orlean’s French Quarter, killing 14 and injuring 35 before he could be shot dead by police. Just six hours later, an active-duty Green Beret named Matthew Livelsberger parked a Tesla Cybertruck loaded with fireworks at the front entrance of Trump International Hotel in Las Vegas and shot himself while detonating his rented vehicle, injuring 7 in the process.

The media on both sides of the aisle seems to be utterly perplexed by this carnage even while they replay the footage in slow-motion to “Oh Yeah” by Yello. The gnashing heads of Snuff TV are quick as silver to blame it on the far-right, the far-left, and their rivals on social media but they’ve all conveniently forgotten the words of John F. Kennedy and Malcolm X.

When powerful people make peaceful change impossible while spreading violent change across the world it is only a matter of time before those chickens come home to roost.

All of the violent acts listed above were inspired by a vast array of motives. The only conspiracy connecting them all is that they were all launched against perceived representatives of the most violent empire on the planet. For a nation actively stoking the flames of a full-blown holocaust in Gaza and a possible apocalypse in Ukraine to expect anything less than violence is really nothing short of absurd.

This is the same kind of almost mystical, dewy-eyed, double-standard that the Westphalian nation state tried to apply to the kings and emperors of Old Europe with the specter of monarchism and it worked for a while. Killers were kings and kings were gods until gods started getting killed by their own irate subjects. Empress Elisabeth in 1898, King Umberto in 1900, King Carlos I and Crown Prince Luis Filipe in 1908. It was all oh so very shocking but not nearly as shocking as the October Uprising that shattered Czarist Russia into a thousand shards in 1917.

Violent change made inevitable.

What exactly is terrorism? What constitutes “political” violence? We’re told that it is an act of violence perpetrated with an explicitly political motive. Well, then what about the tax resistor being thrown in prison for refusing to feed the war machine his pocket change? What about the Black man shot dead in cold blood for failing to genuflect to the kings in blue?

549 Americans were killed in the United States between 9/11 and 2019 during designated terrorist attacks, all during an era in which we were commanded by outrage over political violence to fight a violent War in Terror. Those deaths were the tragic fallout of the state that this forever war grew. So, were the 1,164 civilians murdered during fatal police shootings in 2023 alone but where is their outrage? Where is their war on terror?

This level of downright dizzying injustice cannot be silenced and stifled by the legacy media anymore. Even while the Supreme Court shrugs at banning TikTok and pigfucking oligarchs like Elon Musk buy off Twitter, there are simply too many camera phones for them to govern. We have all become digital witnesses to police stranglings and hospital bombings, and the more the elites attempt to pretend that it’s all just not happening or it simply doesn’t matter, the less legitimacy they can afford to clothe their naked greed and hubris with.

In a “free world” like this, with a global corporate state apparatus that is this omnipresent and inescapable, the rage becomes like fumes and every act of violence becomes political. Smash and grabs become acts of revenge against the mass gentrification of box stores. Workplace shootings become one-man uprisings against cubicle despotism. And every spark threatens to ignite a Bolshevik size prairie fire amidst the busted ovens of a failed technostate.

We can’t pretend that any of this is shocking anymore without being complicit and I refuse to join the gasping class in their breathless chorus of virtue signaling awe, but I won’t advocate carnage either even if I do understand it. Not only is it gruesome and dehumanizing even for the perpetrator who has reduced themself to fighting like a state, but it isn’t particularly affective either.

Firing three bullets into a CEO feels fantastic but so what? Then what? What changes when we simply remove a single cog from the machine? And what did the Bolsheviks really achieve with their bloodbath beyond merely replacing one massive death machine with another?

The state itself is the source of the mass violence of the political and it cannot be replaced; it must be disengaged. A real war on terror would be a grassroots movement of citizens who refuse to pay taxes, refuse to buy their goods from corporate thieves, refuse to invest in banks or elections.

A growing collection of autonomous communities who only trade, share, and barter between others who refuse to validate any institution which benefits from the systematic monopolization of the use of force. A counterculture of counter governments rendering the violent authority of the state irrelevant once and for all.

And when the state comes to defend terrorism against the peaceful, and it will come, then and only then do we fire back while the whole world is watching.

Nicky Reid is an agoraphobic anarcho-genderqueer gonzo blogger from Central Pennsylvania and assistant editor for Attack the System. You can find her online at Exile in Happy Valley.




CANADA/KANATA

Water, Land, and Freedom

anarchistnews.org
Jan 19, 2025



From It's Going Down by Franklin Lopez

Original title: "Water, Land, and Freedom: My Journey Through a Decade of Pipeline Resistance on the Yintah and Beyond "

Franklin Lopez looks back on grassroots movement media and the creation of the documentary film, Yintah.

In the summer of 2011, I was exhausted—physically, mentally, creatively. I’d just finished hauling my feature film, END:CIV, across North America, and when I got back to Vancouver, I didn’t even have a place to sleep. So, I did what many DIY filmmakers do: I moved into my van.

That’s when I got an invitation that would change everything: the Unist’ot’en Clan asked me to bring my film to their territory. I piled a crew of anarchist friends into my old camper van, and we headed north to the Wet’suwet’en yintah (land). At the time, I had no clue I was stepping onto ground zero for a legendary fight against pipelines.

Turns out, the Wet’suwet’en were gearing up to resist thirteen proposed oil and gas pipelines crossing their unceded lands—projects like the Pacific Trails fracked-gas pipeline and Enbridge’s Northern Gateway tar sands line. “The Wet’suwet’en” in those days basically meant three people: Freda Huson, Toghestiy (now known as Chief Dini Ze Smogelgem), and Mel Bazil, all determined to protect the Wedzin Kwa River from potential pipeline ruptures. Once I tasted that ice-cold water straight from the river, I understood exactly why they were putting everything on the line.

We started off screening END:CIV in Witset (then Moricetown) and Smithers, the nearby settler town. At the time, a major focus of my film work was decolonization and climate change—so the timing couldn’t have been better. Like many informed people, I believed that if we didn’t halt oil and gas production, our planet would face catastrophic climate chaos. Coming from a family of Boricua anti-colonial fighters, I also found it easy to connect with my new friends on the territory. Then my crew and I headed deeper into the bush to attend an action camp at Unist’ot’en Camp. Back then, it was just one cabin built squarely on the proposed Pacific Trails pipeline route—a bold statement that no pipeline would pass without resistance. Little did we know the strategy sessions in that tiny cabin would spark a movement that would eventually shake Canada to its core.
Documenting Resistance: Oil Gateway and the Early Days

During that first visit, I started filming. I talked with Freda, Toghestiy, and Mel, capturing some of the earliest footage from Unist’ot’en Camp. Those interviews would form part of my short doc, Oil Gateway, which laid out the bigger picture: the tangle of pipelines threatening so-called British Columbia. At the time, subMedia, my anarchist media project, was basically just me, operating on the principle of “rapid release and share.” In other words, frontline struggles need their story told right now, not stashed away for some festival circuit months or years down the road.

After another grueling year of grassroots touring (read: sleeping on couches and eating from dumpsters) END:CIV around Australia, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Europe, I promised to return to the yintah. By 2012, the Unist’ot’en Camp had grown from that one cabin into a bustling center for resistance. I was humbled to see around 150 people attend the action camp, with many mentioning they first learned about Unist’ot’en through Oil Gateway. It was clear that pipelines were choke points in the fossil fuel machine, and documenting the fight to stop them became my obsession. So I released a second short doc, The Action Camp, showing how Unist’ot’en was evolving into a force to be reckoned with.
Planting the Seeds of Yintah the Film

In 2012, I met filmmaker Sam Vinal of Mutual Aid Media, who was already passionate about the Unist’ot’en struggle. He wanted to make a full-length doc, but my style—rapid release and share —didn’t mesh with the slower festival and grant world. Sam, along with his then-partner, Alexandra Kotcheff, decided to immerse themselves in the yintah, filming extensively at Unist’ot’en. That laid the groundwork for what would become Yintah the film —and kicked off a decade-long collaboration between me and Sam.

Meanwhile, I moved to Montreal and started documenting the movement against oil and gas pipelines in eastern Canada. I teamed up with Amanda Lickers of Reclaim Turtle Island to produce a film exposing the pipeline threats in the region. While covering a Mi’kmaq anti-fracking blockade in Elsipigtog, New Brunswick, I witnessed the lengths the Canadian state would go to shield private extractive projects and trample Indigenous sovereignty. The violent RCMP raid gave me a glimpse of things to come on the yintah but also gave me hope, as hundreds of supporters descended on Elsipigtog to support the anti-fracking fight, and eventually the fracking company pulled out. During that time, I crossed paths with producer Andrea Schmidt from Al Jazeera—a coincidence that turned out to be huge later on.

In 2014, I was back at Unist’ot’en with Amanda Lickers, interviewing Freda and Toghestiy. During that trip, I also met Michael Toledano, a Vice News stringer reporting on the unfolding resistance. In the footage we captured, Freda made a statement that turned out to be prophetic: if the Canadian government attacked, allies would rise up to shut down Canada.
AJ+ and Going Viral

Soon afterward, Andrea Schmidt, now at AJ+, asked me to produce a short documentary on the Wet’suwet’en fight. I got approval from the camp and went back to film. That short documentary reached over a million viewers on Facebook, further helping thrust the Unist’ot’en Camp into the international spotlight. It included a powerful moment where Freda confronted an Enbridge executive, telling her they did not have consent to build their pipeline. Soon after, Enbridge’s Northern Gateway pipeline quietly died.

In 2015, I got a frantic message from Michael Toledano, The RCMP had rolled up on the Unist’ot’en bridge. One of my best friends was getting married that weekend, but he understood when I told him, “Dude, I have to go.” I scrambled to get a plane ticket and headed north. After seeing Michael’s footage, I urged the Unist’ot’en women to post it immediately. Rapid release and share! They agreed, and I edited the video on the spot—it blew up online. Overnight, the RCMP faced widespread backlash and backed off—for a while.

Later that year, I produced Holding Their Ground, a follow-up AJ+ documentary that netted nine million views on Facebook alone. This documentary featured a previously published viral clip of Chevron execs being turned away at the Unist’ot’en bridge, proving that front-line footage can be released in real time and still have a major impact later. This footage is also featured in our film INVASION as well as in Yintah.
Naval resistance in the west, shutting down pipelines in the east.

While on that trip out west, I got a call from an anarchist comrade, telling me that Tsimshians on the coast needed some visibility for their fight to stop a liquefied natural gas (LNG) port from being built on their waters. I jumped at the opportunity, and while visiting their camp, I captured powerful images of Tsimshian fishermen blocking Petronas workers from conducting survey work. The Tsimshians continued their fight, and by 2017 the LNG project was dead.

This was a very special time, and it felt like we were riding a wave. My partner was several months pregnant, and she and I organized a series of events in Montreal featuring Freda, Toghestiy, and Felipe Uncacia, an Indigenous leader from Colombia. We also took advantage of this trip to connect them to Kanienkeha’ka (Mohawk) communities in the region, including stops in Kanehsatà:ke, Kahnawake, and Akwesasne.

Then that December I filmed an action in Quebec: activists physically shut down an Enbridge pipeline by turning its valve and locking themselves to it. That video went viral, inspiring similar coordinated valve-turning actions in the U.S. that halted a huge chunk of oil flowing south from Canada.

The following year, my child was born. Watching this tiny, noisy being taking his first breaths made me reflect on the kind of world I was bringing him into. Stepping away from the struggle wasn’t an option—I had to stay in the ring and keep fighting against colonialism and capitalism for his future and ours.
2019: The RCMP Raids and a Movement Under Siege

By late 2018, the Gidim’ten Clan asserted their right to control access to their territory, meaning no Coastal GasLink (CGL) workers could pass. I teamed up with Sam Vinal and Michael Toledano to find more filmmakers to document this pivotal moment. At subMedia, now a collective of four, we churned out videos and agitation clips and video updates in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en.

Led by Molly Wickham, Gidim’ten land defenders and anarchists set up a checkpoint to stop CGL vehicles. The RCMP responded with paramilitary-style force, armed with semi-automatic rifles, arresting Molly and several others. Fearing a similar outcome, the Unist’ot’en leadership took down their blockade. It was heartbreaking to watch, and Sam and Michael filmed every moment.

That spring, after 25 years of subMedia, I needed a break. I was burned out, broke, and bummed out. I took my family west, and we visited Gidimt’en and Unist’ot’en, where the sight of cops and pipeline workers on once-autonomous land really sank my spirits. That’s when I got the idea to launch Amplifier Films, a new project dedicated to uplifting anti-colonial and anti-capitalist movements across Turtle Island. Around then, Sam and Michael decided to merge their footage to finish the film that had been percolating for years. Freda asked me to edit, and the timing was perfect. That fall, we produced INVASION, a short doc about the daily reality at Unist’ot’en under growing RCMP and CGL pressure. I edited INVASION at Amplifier Films in Montreal, reusing some of the best bits from my AJ+ docs and subMedia clips, including a tense confrontation between Tilly (a St’át’imc woman) and Prime Minister Trudeau.

We released INVASION online right as Freda declared that CGL workers had to vacate the territory or risk being blocked. The doc became a key tool for organizers prepping for another big clash with the police. It also premiered in Hot Docs and other prestigious festivals, despite being freely available online for months. Which just goes to show: rapid release and sharing is what movements need most.

Sure enough, raids began once again, culminating in a full-on assault on Unist’ot’en in early 2020. The footage of the RCMP tearing down the gate and arresting Freda and other defenders was intense. But it sparked a massive wave of solidarity actions across Canada. Soon after, Mohawks in Tyendinaga blocked CN Rail lines, kicking off “Shutdown Canada” as railways, highways, and ports were barricaded by anarchists and allies in solidarity with Wet’suwet’en. It was a watershed moment for Indigenous-led resistance.
Making Yintah and Reaching the Breaking Point

Riding that wave of momentum, Sam and I took Yintah to the Big Sky Film Festival in Missoula, Montana. We pitched it to a live audience and secured our first round of funding—enough to produce materials for bigger grants. Then COVID hit, but we pressed on, cutting a trailer and rough scenes for potential funders. Despite having a decade’s worth of incredible footage, we struggled to find backing.

That’s when Montreal’s Eyesteelfilm came on board. Known for their award-winning docs, they loved our trailer and partnered with us to help secure funding and a CBC broadcast deal. We also asked two Wet’suwet’en women—Jen Wickham and Brenda Michel—to join the team, following the principle of “Narrative Sovereignty,” so that Wet’suwet’en voices could help shape every stage of the film.

By fall 2021, we’d raised over our budget goals for Yintah, and I was in the thick of editing. We had more than 1,000 hours of footage spanning a decade. Meanwhile, new images kept rolling in—Coyote Camp rose up with the help of anarchists. CGL equipment was commandeered and roads were destroyed and blocked. Haudenauseane allies from out east travelled to the yintah to join the fight. Then the RCMP launched another brutal raid, and Molly Wickham, Michael Toledano, and others were arrested. I spent a weekend trying to bail Michael out and make sure the footage didn’t vanish into the RCMP’s hands.

Around this time, following hit pieces in far-right media outlets, the Alberta government launched a petition asking Canadians to complain to the CBC about my involvement in Yintah because I identify as an anarchist. Despite it all, we hit our production milestones. In spring 2022, we returned to Wet’suwet’en territory for a consultation where members of Gidimt’en and Unist’ot’en reviewed the scenes. By June, I had a four-hour assembly edit and a story document. A ten-minute sequence I edited even won an award at Cannes, and we got invited to True/False’s rough-cut weekend to get feedback from industry pros.

But the unrelenting pressure eventually took its toll and our dedicated team was submerged in conflictual tensions. Panic attacks, brutal insomnia, and not being there for my family forced me to make one of the toughest calls of my career: after three years on Yintah, I quit.

Reflections, Redemption, and Moving Forward

I spent the next couple of years in a dark place, hit by slanderous rumors about my departure and uncertain about ever picking up a camera again. Then, in spring 2024 right as Yintah was premiering at True/False—I found myself freezing my 52 years old ass off at another blockade, camera rolling, helping an Indigenous community in so-called Quebec document their fight against destructive logging. And once again, the rapid share & release footage proved useful in defending the land.

That fall, I finally got to watch Yintah. I was thrilled to see so much of the editing I’d done remain in place, including the Shutdown Canada sequence (what my friends call “Yintah’s subMedia moment”) set to The Halluci Nation’s “Landback.” A lot of the overall structure still followed the story outline I’d left behind. Its reach blew my mind: Netflix picked it up for North America, Canadians can watch it free on YouTube (VPNs work too), and it even got pirated on YTS! For a movement doc, that’s about as mainstream as it gets.

The scope of this whole saga is still jaw-dropping. A small cabin at Unist’ot’en grew into a global symbol of Indigenous sovereignty, standing against a massive corporate onslaught. But the fight isn’t over—with Coastal GasLink completed, Land defenders continue to face state repression and Canada has approved more pipelines to cross Wet’suwet’en yintah, and other neighboring Indigenous territories.

As for me, I’m pouring my energy into Amplifier Films. One of our first projects is “A Red Road to the West Bank,” which tells the story of Oka Crisis vet Clifton Ariwakehte Nicholas during his trip to Palestine. Our goal is to explore the similarities between the plight of the Palestinians and that of Indigenous people in Turtle Island. Stay tuned for that.

Ultimately, this story is bigger than pipelines. It’s about land, future generations, and what it means to be free. The Wet’suwet’en have shown the world what unwavering resistance looks like—anarchists have demonstrated the power of solidarity, and it’s on all of us to keep that flame alive.
Postscript: Yintah Missing Credits

There are a number of people who helped with Yintah who were not listed in the credits, but whose free labor, particularly at the beginning when we had no cash, was priceless.

Cybergeek Antoine Beaupré for his creation of the custom software video-proxy-magic, which allowed me to crunch 80TB of video into a 5TB drive while keeping the folder structure intact. This helped us share all the footage with the other producers and assistant editors without having to spend thousands on large hard drive arrays.

Many thanks to the post-production interns from the University of the West of England Bristol who helped us organize footage during the early days: Charlotte Butler Blondel, Robert Henman, and George Willmott. Also, much gratitude to Stephen Presence of the Radical Film Network for connecting them with me. A shout-out as well to Marius Fernandes, who did a short stint as an assistant editor.

Ryan Hurst was the first editor for Yintah a few years before this incarnation. A few of his sequences made it in the final film and I rebuilt a lot of his edit projects when doing the footage review.

Big ups to Macdonald Stainsby—he is thanked in the credits, but it should be known that his work in connecting Freda, Toghestiy, and Mel to other troublemakers like me was invaluable. His anti–tar sands organizing and his critiques of environmental NGOs had a huge influence on my work.

Finally, I want to extend my deepest thanks to all the anarchists and anti-authoritarians who poured so much of themselves into this struggle. Your tireless solidarity—often at great personal risk—helped propel the fight farther than anyone imagined. We couldn’t have come this far without you.

Thank you for reading and for standing with the Wet’suwet’en and Indigenous communities everywhere defending their homelands.
Greece: Solidarity with the struggle of the Teleperformance workers


Jan 20, 2025



From Anarchist Political Organisation (APO)
December 23, 2024

Solidarity with the struggle of the Teleperformance workers

Employer terrorism will not pass!

Lately, workers in the company “Teleperformance” have been at the forefront of labor mobilizations, resisting both the intensification of state and capitalist aggression against the social base and workforce, and against the employer’s arbitrariness, vindictiveness, and the oppressive conditions resembling a modern-day work camp. Through their struggles, including participation in general and sectoral strikes, they demand the signing of collective agreements, wage increases, and the abolition of the special purpose visa for non-EU migrant workers. On Monday, 23 December, Teleperfomance workers will once again be on strike, denouncing the employers’ campaign of terror, which intensified after the last 48-hour strike on November 19 and 20, 2024.

Teleperformance has adopted a particularly aggressive stance by refusing to renew the contracts of workers involved in union activities, including members of the union’s board, leaving them unemployed since early 2025. At the same time, the company leverages non-renewal of contracts as a means of pressuring other employees by reducing the duration of new contracts, either in retaliation for participating in strikes or to delay the signing of open-ended contracts. Amid this climate of intimidation, the company has also sent an out-of-court letter to the union. It is obvious that Teleperformance, in the face of the dynamic action of the union and the recent mobilizations, seeks to suppress the collective demands of the workers through pressure and fear.

Teleperformance Greece is one of the largest service companies in Greece, a member of a French multinational group with operations in 80 countries and 330,000 employees worldwide. It collaborates with major multinational companies such as Microsoft, Apple, Volkswagen, Facebook, Canon, Netflix, among others. Exploiting employer- friendly legislation, low wage levels, and a special visa regime for third-country nationals, the company has established itself as a management hub for Southern Europe and the Middle-East, employing over 12,000 people in Greece.. Working conditions are defined by an unrelenting flow of calls, a systematic increase in productivity targets, daily performance reviews, constant redundancies, delays in collective bargaining, and low wages, creating a highly stressful environment for employees.

These issues are compounded by a state apparatus that remains loyal to the neoliberal model established in Greece during the memorandum years, which continues to escalate the cost of living. Meanwhile, uninsured and precarious work, flexible working hours, the intensification of work, privatization, and the commodification of basic needs, highlight the capitalist drive to deepen class inequalities.es and devalue lives. Skyrocketing rents have left much of the lower classes struggling to meet basic needs such as housing, and have condemned others to stagnation through eviction from their homes. Workplace “accidents”, the intensification of work, wage reductions, extended working hours, and deteriorating working conditions describe the harsh labor reality that is imposed on us every day, aiming at impoverishing our lives. By October 2024 over 100 labor- related fatalities had occurred, grim evidence of the savage class exploitation within the sweatshops of wage slavery.

Under these conditions, the state capitalist system is accelerating its restructuring, targeting every facet of social life, devaluing essential social needs – work, health, education, housing, and transport. This comprehensive assault on the social base manifests in a constant increase in the prices of basic goods such as fuel, electricity, heating, bread, and oil. The auctioning of primary residences further exacerbates the already unbearable conditions of life and survival of the social base. This situation amounts to a complete degradation of human life, sacrificed on the altar of profit, as evidenced by the widespread strategy of privatization permeating every aspect of social reality.

As anarchists and as workers, we stand in solidarity with the just struggle of the workers in the call centres against labor exploitation, the precariousness regime, and employer terrorism. Against the state and capitalist restructurings of exclusion, subjugation, and repression, the devaluation of our lives, impoverishment, and oppression, against states and bosses that oppress our lives to intensify social and class struggles. In the face of the state and capitalist horrors, only through organizing in workplaces, in workers’ initiatives, through the establishment of enterprise councils and participation in sectoral unions, can we all stand together on the road and in the struggles of social resistance and class solidarity. The only perspective for a society of equality, solidarity, and freedom, without exploitation and oppression, lies in our own hands, in the struggle for social and class emancipation, for anarchy and libertarian communism.

Immediate Fulfillment of Call Center Workers’ Demands
EVERYTHING FOR EVERYONE – Health,Education,Food,Housing
AGAINST THE BLACKMAIL OF WAGE SLAVERY
ORGANIZE AND FIGHT IN THE WORKPLACE

Collective for Social Anarchism ”Black and Red”
Member of the Anarchist Political Organisation – Federation of Collectives
“We Shall Prevail”

Lessons from the Sudanese resistance committees
“We, anarchists of Khartoum, are members of the “resistance committees”



anarchistnews.org
Jan 22, 2025


From Muntjac Magazine
January 10, 2025

This short piece is also available as a flyer in readable and printable formats. Its also on our kofi to order in sets of three.

The Sudanese working class have always stood and fought for their freedom, from the multi-century struggle against British, Ottoman and Egyptian imperialism to the ongoing struggle against the neocolonialism of the UAE. In recent history, the Sudanese working class have come together to topple dictatorship after dictatorship. October 1964: Ibrahim Abbud’s regime was brought down by a general strike. 1985: Muhammad Numeiri’s dictatorship felt the same fate following years of industrial action across many sectors, often tied together with the student movement.


December 2018-19: President al-Bashir was deposed following a relentless campaign of strikes and sit-ins, many of which were brutally suppressed by the Army and Police. Most notably a demonstration outside the armed forces headquarters being massacred by the army, 100 people were martyred. The military coup of the civilian government that took over after the 2019 revolution is what led to the ongoing war and the displacement of millions. Despite this the workers, students and youth of Sudan have formed resistance committees, direct-democratic assemblies, often organised online, these initiatives have helped get food and medicine to people who needed it while steering people away from siding with government forces or the RSF—two sides of the colonialist, genocidal coin.

تسقط بس
Just Fall

“We, anarchists of Khartoum, are members of the “resistance committees” and we raise our flags during marches with the rest of the revolutionaries, and we promote anarchy by writing graffiti on the walls. We oppose all types of authoritarianism. We are for freedom of expression and individual autonomy.”

Sudan: Anarchists Against the Military Dictatorship

لا تفاوض، لا شراكة، لا شرع
No Negotiation, No Partnership, No Haggling

In December 2018, students in the city of Atbara, furious over an overnight doubling of bread prices, took to the streets in protest. Their actions ignited demonstrations across Sudan, as widespread anger over the economic conditions under the dictatorial regime boiled over. The SPA—a coalition of several labour unions and others—called for widespread protests forcing the regime to begin to crumble. The informal unions and political parties who took a leadership role in the early parts of the uprising later on became co-opted by the military forces. The emergence of the Sudanese anarchist movement in late 2019 as well as the learnings from the repression from the 2013 uprising, influenced the broader politics of the resistance movement in the streets.

To avoid state repression of the protects, the people organising in the neighbourhoods—called for the formation of neighbourhood resistance committees (RCs). Localised committees of people that would organise and coordinate protests in their areas. Initially, the RCs served primarily as a tactical response: grassroots cells that stretch security forces’ resources across multiple areas, thereby reducing the risk of brutal repression. Over time, the committees evolved into spaces for local people in the neighbourhoods to express their political demands. While the competing neo-colonial interests fought for control of the political narrative, the RCs positioned themselves as independent political actors. Beyond organising protests, the resistance committees took on additional responsibilities, such as providing basic services and coordinating public actions.

Even though the RCs were operating leaderless, the nature of post-colonial nationalism that’s present in modern Sudan limited opportunities for going beyond nation-statehood. A severing with the state once and for all. Furthermore, Due in part to social constraints around women’s late-night involvement, the people who tended to be at the late-night meetings were mostly young men. Meanwhile, in the protest actions themselves, women and girls often outnumbered men.

For now, the resistance committees provide an example of local spaces where people can encounter each other.

السلطةسلطةشعب
Power is the power of the people

Following the outbreak of conflict in April 2023 between rival armed factions, Emergency Response Rooms (often referred to as ERs) emerged in many parts of Sudan. Modelled loosely on the local, grassroots structure of the RCs, the ERs quickly provided vital humanitarian relief. The Emergency Response Rooms illustrated a new phase in the social revolution as local emergency response people organised statelessly and autonomously against the conflict. Without state institutions, they assumed responsibility for operating health facilities independently. Over time, the scope of the ERs expanded, encompassing assistance for people fleeing active conflict zones, mobilising communities to repair or maintain water and electricity infrastructure damaged by ongoing clashes, operating community kitchens, and distributing emergency rations—often with the support of local and diaspora donations.

السلام والحرية والتضامن
Peace, freedom and solidarity

References

“Flowers Will Emerge from the Desert”: Interviews and Communiqués from Sudanese Anarchists
Available at: https://muntjacmag.noblogs.org/files/2024/12/Flowers-Sudan.pdf

Khartoum City Resistance Committees Coordination Press Release
Available at: https://resistancecommittee.com/en/press-release-august-31-march-kharto…

You’re Always on That Phone: How Being Online Sustained Sudan’s Youth Revolution

Available at: https://logicmag.io/issue-21-medicine-and-the-body/youre-always-on-that…

Sudan: Anarchists Against the Military Dictatorship
Available at: https://cs.crimethinc.com/2021/12/31/sudan-anarchists-against-the-milit…

The Revolution in Sudan: Interview with a Resistance Committee Organizer
Available at: https://itsgoingdown.org/the-revolution-in-sudan-interview-with-a-resis…

Organising under a Military Dictatorship: An Interview with Sudanese Anarchists
Available at: https://libcom.org/article/organising-under-military-dictatorship-inter…

The Future of the Resistance Committees in Sudan
Available at: https://spectrejournal.com/the-future-of-the-resistance-committees-in-s…

Barbarism in Sudan: a desperate appeal for help from Sudan’s anarchists!
Available at: https://freedomnews.org.uk/2024/04/22/barbarism-in-sudan-a-desperate-ap…

Written by Sunwo and Mutt.