Wednesday, February 04, 2026

 



A Bad Idea Whose Time Should Never Come: A U.S. War on Iran


 February 4, 2026

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

The U.S. and Israeli regime-change op in Iran flopped in January, to the shock of Washington and Jerusalem. Tehran was reportedly on the brink of executing over 800 traitors – CIA and Mossad spooks presumably – when Donald Trump claims to have stepped in and menaced the Iranians into ditching these plans. But, per Lawrence Wilkerson on Judging Freedom, Iran’s back is up against the wall. The Iranians know full well what the Western Empire just tried to do to them, and they also know that, under Trump, that Empire will try to do it again and again and again.

So this time it’s different. It’s worse. And one casualty, as Israeli prime minister Bibi Netanyahu knows quite well, could be his country, because Iran has enough ballistic missile firepower to obliterate the postage-stamp-sized acreage of Israel. Perhaps with this in mind, Netanyahu recently indicated that maybe this assault on Iran wasn’t such a great idea. In short, he blinked. But bad things have a way of snowballing, and with an American armada pugnaciously steaming toward the Persian nation, this time the lousy momentum could be unstoppable.

What that means is lotsa U.S. navy ships get holes shot into them, multitudes of ordinary Iranians die, numerous U.S. soldiers in the Persian Gulf die, Israel gets wiped out and Iran closes the Strait of Hormuz, tanking the West’s economy – and don’t think for a minute that that closure will stop Persian oil from flowing to China. It won’t. The closure will be selective. The current Iranian regime may not survive, but in all likelihood the country will: it will not be balkanized per the fever dreams of its Israeli adversaries. And it’s also likely that any replacement regime will still champion the Palestinians, Syrians and Lebanese who resist Israeli domination.

‘“This isn’t about the nukes or the missile program. This is about regime change,’ said a former U.S. official,” Drop Site news reported January 30. “He told Drop Site that U.S. war planners envision attacks that target nuclear, ballistic and other military sites around Iran, but will also aim to decapitate the Iranian government and in particular…the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.” Apparently the IRGC and the military now rule Iran, as Ayatollah Khamenei delegated all power to them before, quite sensibly, taking to his bunker.

Israel, though insufficiently alarmed at what is likely in store for it, nonetheless wants Iranian ballistic missiles destroyed. Tehran will never agree to that. Its ballistic missiles are existential, all the more so because of the religious fatwa against developing a nuclear weapon. However, if a new regime takes control and the ayatollah gets the boot – what’s to stop a NEW ruler in Tehran from saying, “Well yes, it’s obvious. Like North Korean, Russia and China, we need nukes”?

Attempts at backchannel talks, per Drop Site, include “a trilateral meeting involving Iranian, American and Turkish leaders, aimed at forestalling an expected attack.” On January 27, Saudi Arabia, in a stupendous display of backbone, “ruled out the use of its air space for a potential U.S. attack on Iran.” Presumably Saudi ruler Mohammed Bin Salman wants to avoid volcanic Iranian bombing and incineration of Saudi oil fields. The day before, the United Arab Emirates announced a similar prohibition, including its territorial waters. “The scope of the war will certainly extend across the entire region,” Drop Site quoted Brigadier General Mohammad Akraminia on January 29, speaking about an “American miscalculation,” to wit, any assault on Iran. “From the Zionist regime to countries that host American military bases, all will be within range of our missiles and drones.” The U.S. boasts between 30,000 and 40,000 troops with this big black bullseye painted on their backs.

Meanwhile, according to military expert Will Schryver on X January 30, the USS carrier Abraham Lincoln has “put considerably more distance between itself and Iranian anti-ship missiles.” No surprise there. U.S. Navy aircraft carriers are sitting ducks, especially when it comes to hypersonic missiles, which Iran has loads of. Bye the way, we don’t. We here in the U.S. have zero, zip, nada, zilch hypersonic missiles and, despite the Pentagon’ much-hyped efforts have failed to develop them. And while Tehran may lack the Kremlin’s super-duper Oreshniks, you may be sure, its defense allies Moscow and Beijing have supplied it with darn near the latest in every other sort of hypersonic missile technology; and of course, they’re no slouches in this realm either. The Persians have their own formidable hypersonic missiles.

According to Schryver: “Three Arleigh Burke-class destroyers accompany the carrier (96 Tomahawk total missiles). There are now 5 additional destroyers, 2 allegedly in the Persian Gulf (those guys are playing with fire) 2 in the eastern Mediterranean, 1 in the Red Sea. (160 total Tomahawk missiles). There is also assumed to be 1 Ohio-class missile submarine. (154 total Tomahawk missiles). There are also rumors that 1 Virginia-class attack submarine is in the region. (12 Tomahawk missiles)…I would still characterize this as a relatively modest array of naval power…On the other hand, U.S. air assets have been considerably augmented in recent days.” This bolsters Wilkerson’s and Col. Douglas Macgregor’s views aired on Judging Freedom that we are looking at a bombing campaign, as it’s virtually impossible for the Empire to muster enough troops for an invasion. Well, thank the Almighty for small favors, though the U.S.’s and its friends’ bombings are still infamously God-awful. Just look at the multiple Hiroshima-level detonations Israel inflicted on nearly defenseless Gaza, a territory it tried and is still trying to turn into a total graveyard.

Schryver also notes that the “U.S. has transferred pretty much all its available THAAD and Patriot systems to the region. They’re obviously trying to prepare as best they can for an Iranian counterstrike – although both THAAD and Patriot had abysmal success during the 12-Day War, and both the U.S. and Israel effectively exhausted their stockpiles of interceptors, which was the primary motivation for them begging Iran for a ceasefire.”

Iran was too nice. Many military experts think the Persian nation, which clearly had the upper hand at the end of the 12-Day War, should not have stopped bombing Israel. Indeed, this latest U.S./Israeli escalation proves their point. Israel begged Iran to stop bombing it, and Tehran’s compliance was taken as weakness, which in fact is standard operating procedure in the west. Any restraint, any forbearance or display of human decency is taken to be weakness and a green light for renewed aggression.

So the question of the hour, of course, is how will Russian president Vladimir Putin and Chinese president Xi Jinping react to a Trump war on Iran? Well, on January 29, it was announced that Iran, China and Russia will hold joint military exercises in the Sea of Oman and the Indian Ocean. Washington cannot feign shock. These three are allies, and Russia and China supplied loads of Air Defense to Iran, which – I repeat – will never give up its ballistic missiles. And again – when Iran closes the Strait of Hormuz, you may be sure oil to China will still get through, while the west’s economy tanks.

But it’s tough not to be fatalistic about Putin and Xi putting the brakes on this trainwreck. Look at their non-votes in the UN security council last fall: they abstained from vetoing Trump’s atrocious Board of Peace for Gaza. The sad truth is that so far, when it comes to saying Nyet to the U.S. Empire’s depredations, in the past, both Putin and Xi have tended to hold their fire. Still, you can hope. Maybe this time, Washington has gone too far for its peer adversaries. Because there have been murmurings in recent months of a changed attitude in the Kremlin and in Beijing. Hints and whispers. With any luck, they will step in, make their views known and at last take action to stop this stinking, looming catastrophe.

Eve Ottenberg is a novelist and journalist. Her latest novel is Booby Prize. She can be reached at her website.


Iran Protesters Include Mossad and MEK


by  | Feb 2, 2026 | 

Donald Trump has promoted the idea – amplified by much of the international media – that protesters inside Iran are calling for U.S. military intervention and the overthrow of their government.

At the same time, Trump is threatening Iran with major military action, demanding not only changes in how protesters are treated, but that Iran abandon what he claims is a pursuit of nuclear weapons and relinquish its long-range missile capabilities and other defensive systems.

It’s true that many Iranians are protesting in response to severe economic hardship, which has reached unprecedented levels. But a major driver of Iran’s inflation and currency collapse has been the sanctions imposed by the Trump administration, which have sharply constrained Iran’s economy and access to global markets.

What is largely absent from Trump’s rhetoric – and from much of the dominant media narrative – is that these protests are not purely organic. External actors are also involved, including Israel’s intelligence agency, Mossad, and the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), an exiled Iranian group that has committed acts of terror for decades.

Mossad involvement has been openly acknowledged

On social media, Mossad posted a message directed at Iranians stating: “Go out together into the streets. The time has come. We are with you – not only from a distance and verbally. We are with you in the field.”

Israeli Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu reinforced this openly, stating: “When we attacked in Iran during ‘Rising Lion,’ we were on its soil and knew how to lay the groundwork for a strike. I can assure you that we have some of our people operating there right now.”

Former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo compounded this message of encouragement by tweeting: “Happy New Year to every Iranian in the streets. Also to every Mossad agent walking beside them.”

And last year, Mossad Director David Barnea confirmed Israel’s ongoing activities in Iran, declaring: “We will continue to be there, as we have been.”

The MEK’s involvement is also self-declared

We also know that the MEK, previously characterized by U.S. officials as exhibiting “cult-like behavior,” is actively participating in the protests and publicly organizing around them.

On its own website, the MEK claims responsibility for organizing protest activity today in Iran, and states that it has identified “1,449 martyrs” as of January 30:

“The nationwide uprising against the religious dictatorship in Iran continues to shake the regime’s foundations on Friday, January 30, 2026. While the regime’s Minister of Science has openly admitted to the continued detention of students accused of affiliation with the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), rebellious youth across the country are intensifying their campaign to dismantle the regime’s apparatus of suppression… Meanwhile, the human cost of freedom continues to rise. The PMOI has released the names of 450 additional martyrs [bringing the total to 1,449], revealing the brutal extent of the regime’s crackdown on women and children. Despite the repression, support for the resistance grows, with national athletes joining the call for a democratic republic.”

Founded in Iran in 1965, the MEK carried out armed attacks against the Shah’s government and U.S. targets in the 1970s, and initially supported the 1978-1979 Islamic Revolution.

But soon afterward the group took up arms against Iran’s new leadership, was banned, and driven into exile. Its later decision to fight alongside Iraq in the Iran – Iraq War is widely regarded in Iran as a betrayal.

The U.S. State Department designated the MEK a terrorist organization in 1997, yet the U.S. still supported the group during that time, and the designation was eventually lifted in 2012 as part of President Obama’s broader U.S. geopolitical strategy.

TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!! … HELP IS ON ITS WAY

This external involvement in Iranian protests has also been openly encouraged at the highest levels of U.S. politics. On Jan. 13 Trump publicly urged Iranian protesters to escalate and seize state institutions, writing:

“Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING – TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!! … HELP IS ON ITS WAY.”

Taken together, these statements and admissions shatter the simplified narrative now dominating public discussion. While real economic grievances may be driving protests inside Iran, they exist alongside overt encouragement and involvement by foreign intelligence services, exiled opposition groups, and senior U.S. political figures. Ignoring that context distorts public understanding of what is unfolding and risks normalizing escalation under the guise of supporting the people of Iran.

Some final questions

In the unlikely event of regime change in Iran, have Trump and Israel seriously considered what comes next?

Who would actually govern the country? Not the Shah’s polarizing son – a figure who has spent decades in Maryland, lacks broad support inside Iran, and whose viability even President Trump has publicly questioned.

Does Trump believe Iran can be managed the way the U.S. has attempted to manage Venezuela – or the way Israel and the U.S. are attempting to manage Gaza?

How many troops on the ground would be required to occupy and administer a country of roughly 90 million people, the vast majority of whom already view the United States with deep hostility?

Does Trump understand – or care – that Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, is regarded by many Shiite Muslims as a religious authority with lineage tied to the Prophet Muhammad? Does he expect the roughly 200 million Shiite Muslims worldwide to remain passive in the face of a direct assault on their religion?

Groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and the Shiite-led government in Iraq understand that if Iran falls, they’re next – and that without Iranian support, they would be far easier to defeat. Do Trump and Israel seriously expect these actors to lay down their arms?

If the United States attacks Iran again and Iran inflicts substantial damage in return – to the point where Iran appears to be prevailing – how likely is it that the U.S. and/or Israel would escalate by using nuclear weapons to salvage “victory”?

In 1951, Iran’s democratically elected leader Mohammad Mosaddegh was named Time Magazine’s Man of the Year. Just two years later he was overthrown in a CIA-backed coup. Seventy-five years on, Iran is in a far worse position and now faces what many see as an existential threat.

So the final question is unavoidable: if you were an Iranian citizen, would you want your country to possess nuclear weapons if that were the only credible deterrent left? And if not, what realistic alternative exists for Iran to break the stranglehold imposed by the United States and Israel?

Chris Ernesto is the webmaster and co-founder of St. Pete for Peace, a non-partisan antiwar organization providing peace oriented education events and services to the Tampa Bay, FL community since 2003.



Important Texts before the Trump Regime 


Starts Yet Another War on Iran and Its People


Here is just a very short guide for the concerned:

While you find little, or nothing, comprehensive, well-researched and meaningful in Western mainstream media, there are lots to be gained from every day visiting the online homes of, say, Al JazeeraAl Mayadeenthe Middle East Eye — and others too, of course.

Visit also their social media outlets and video channels, mostly however on Google-censored YouTube, but still. And subscribe to their newsletters and updates.

By the way, Al Jazeera has condemned YouTube’s compliance with an Israeli law banning the network’s livestreams in the country, warning that the move signals how major tech companies can be “co-opted as instruments of regimes hostile to freedom”.

As usual, David Hearst, is spot-on with “Iran’s battle for survival is the Arab world’s fight too,” sub-titled “Everyone in the region, whatever their past history with the Islamic Republic, should do their utmost to defend Iran and guarantee its sovereignty.”

If you choose to read only one of these, I recommend Hearst’s.

The Middle East Eye also brings you Soumaya Ghannoushi’s “Why the West will never accept Iranian sovereignty” sub-titled “This truth has endured for decades, from the 1953 removal of Mosaddegh to today’s looming US-Israeli strike.”

The MEE staff also has this fine overview of Trump’s irreparable hatred of Iran with various emphasis and arguments, “How Trump’s demands on Iran have shifted over time.”

Seyed Hossein Mousavianthe world renown Iranian former diplomat, now at Princeton, thinks constructively in his “How the Middle East can escape the cycle of conflict in 2026.” For once, someone takes a larger perspective in time and space and thinks constructively… See also his homepage with lots more.

Visit the Middle East Eye and find more yourself.

Al Jazeera’s Shola Lawal analyses the US military presence and build-up in the region, all around Iran. The maps with all the US bases speal volumes about the a-symmetrical character of this conflict; you look in vain for any Iranian military presence close to Europe or the US. Her illuminating display of US military might is “How does US military build-up off Iran compare to the June 2025 strikes?” — “And could a sudden deployment of major US naval and air force assets indicate a strike on Iran is imminent?”

Maziar Motamedi gives you valuable insights into the devastating combination of US and allies’ ruthless sanctions and domestic economic mismanagement in “Iran delegates import powers as US war threats keep economy unstable” — “Iranian governors gain new powers as country prepares for possible war amid sanctions and looming geopolitical tensions.”

If you do not feel pain in your heart on behalf of the Iranian people when reading this, nothing will move you.

There is also a lot be learnt from Al Jazeera’s explainer, “Iran since 1979: A timeline of crises” — “From a hostage crisis, a years-long war, and a nuclear dispute, Iran’s struggles remain pivotal to its identity.”

Follow Al Jazeera every day in time to come.

Al Mayadeen brings you this very reasonable Iranian viewpoint – “Iran rejects coercive talks, open to principled diplomacy: Ghalibaf“: “Iran says it remains open to diplomacy but rejects negotiations under military pressure, as Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf warns that coercion and threats undermine meaningful dialogue.”

And this interesting background story “US threatened attacks on Iranian facilities via 3rd party” — “An Iranian media official warns that any US strike on Iran, no matter how limited, would be treated as an all-out war, amid US political signaling through military buildup.”

It tells you very clearly that Iran this time sees any type of attack as a threat to its existence and will fight accordingly.

As a final example, read Samuel Geddes Latest US-backed regime change operation in Iran hits the wall: “Western attempts to weaponize protests and sanctions against Iran have once again collapsed, exposing that the West does not have a viable alternative to the Islamic Republic, and the limits of US power.”

Follow Al Maydeen every day in time to come.

And stop relying on Western US-dominated media. They don’t do true journalism and public education anymore in the field of international affairs.

Let me round this off with a completely different – and today almost non-existent — perspective, that of peace-making. You know, the world spends far too much energy on the past and the present and far too little on possible futures — and far too much on geopolitical diagnosis and doomsday-like prognosis without have a single thought on the quite relevant question: What can be done?

So militarised have minds become — in research, politics and the media. And the word peace has been disappeared in all three.

That said, world renown peace and future researcher Johan Galtung wrote a peace plan for the Middle East in 1971 — “A regional strategy for sustainable peace for Israel & Palestine: [1]-[2]-[6]-[20]” — in the Journal of Peace Research (JPR). However, today SAGE Publications seems not ashamed to charge you £ 29 to download single articles. So here is a 2015 short summary of Galtung’s – brilliant – insights and thoughts on the issue, 55 years ago published by TFF of which he was an inspirer, friend and Associate.

Ask yourself why that sort of thinking has disappeared – and whether a bit more constructive, healing thinking could help make the world, including the Middle East, just a little bit better. I mean, how can we create a better future if no one has the imagination to outline possible options and get them discussed?

Jan Oberg is a peace researcher, art photographer, and Director of The Transnational (TFF) where this article first appeared. Reach him at: oberg@transnational.orgRead other articles by Jan.

 

You Don’t Miss What Doesn’t Exist


“Anthropause” is an amazing word and the latest book about it is an eye-opener. Stan Cox’s Anthropause: The Beauty of Degrowth (2026, Seven Stories Press), does what far too few degrowth books do – it first focuses readers’ attention to the positive experiences we could enjoy in a society less dedicated to producing unnecessary stuff. It then details the destructiveness of overproduction.

As the inside jacket describes,

In the spring of 2020, people worldwide found themselves confined to their homes due to pandemic lockdown orders. Global carbon emissions suddenly plunged 8.8%, bodies of water became noticeably clearer, and animal life returned to the spaces that humans deserted. Scientists deemed this phenomenon as “anthropause,” as nature flourished in response to the decrease in human activity. For a moment, the world witnessed the beauty of degrowth.

Of course, this was not without immense human suffering, exacerbated by vaccination denial and insufficient treatment. It was nothing like John Bellamy Foster’s “planned degrowth,” which is based on designing how to minimize harmful effects of reducing unnecessary and harmful production.

Origins and Futures

Cox familiarizes readers with classic concepts of degrowth, including Herman Daly’s steady state economy, André Gorz’ décroissance (reducing material production), and George Kallis’ analysis of “throughput.” His ideas go far as he stands on the shoulders of recent works such as Jason Hickel’s Less Is More (2020) and Kōhei Seitō’s Slow Down (English edition, 2024).

Anthropause demystifies the term “degrowth” by explaining it in ways the average reader can understand. Cox makes it clear that the difficulty is not really understanding what degrowth would be, but rather the controversy it would arouse and the enormous political barriers that such an unprecedented alteration in human behavior would face.

The book covers two changes that could well become classic examples of positive outcomes of degrowth that people would experience in their daily lives. The first is auditory. Imagine a world without noisy electrical gadgets like leaf blowers and lawn movers. It would be a world where people could actually hear sounds that were prevalent only a few decades ago: insects, bird songs and children playing. Another Covid19 event happened when people in San Francisco could hear more vocalizations of the white-crowned sparrow as traffic noise dropped.

The other everyday (or everynight) experience that could be reborn is actually seeing the stars that ancient cultures found essential to civilization throughout their existence. Eliminating the blinding light of businesses and drastically reducing street and car lights will re-grow the human skill of navigating in darkness.

The need to do both of these is more than aesthetic pleasure. Deafening noise and noxious lights unnecessarily use energy, the major source of environmental crises, whether fossil fuels or “alternative.” Excess noise damages health in a variety of ways. Over-lighting contributes to the perilous insect die-off and disrupts many animal behaviors. It is most serious for bats who have an unpaid job of improving human health by devouring mosquitoes.

Land and Farms

One of the strongest parts of Anthropause grows out of the author’s 25 years at the Land Institute in Salina, Kansas. He explains that by changing farming and reducing land usage we could have food that tastes better, is more nutritious, and contains fewer toxic chemicals. We would be healthier, have fewer diseases and enjoy more natural spaces in which to spend time.

Native Americans would have large amounts of land returned, allowing them to nurture and care for it as their ancestors did for millennia. As consumption of meat decreases there will be fewer meatpacking workers averaging two work-related amputations per week.

Cox traces the current terrible state of US food production to annual crop mono-cultures, soil tillage and factory “farming” (CAFOs, concentrated animal-feeding operations). Strongly connected is the fact that 90% of US farmland is devoted to four crops: corn, soybean, cotton and wheat. Of these, only wheat is used mainly for human food.

Changes called for would include an end to CAFOs, encouraging small farms with multiple crops, and a huge decrease in land used to grow animal feed. Degradation of farmland has been a long time coming and degrowing it to a more rational status will not occur overnight and will not happen without massive opposition from Big Ag.

But there would be a drawback from degrown farming – most would not have fresh strawberries and tomatoes in winter. Degrowth would require overcoming the belief that those in the rich world should have instant gratification of every whim, regardless of consequences.

Yes, the Military Must Be Degrown

Another area where Anthropause shines is the way it takes on militarism. It is disappointing that only a few degrowth articles devote a full analysis to the plague of militarism, if they address it at all. [For a noteworthy exception see Burton and Lin (2023).] Perhaps the most significant benefit from degrowing the nuclear behemoth is that people would have less reason to worry about the extinction of humanity and millions of other species. The threat includes greenhouse gas release by military production and employment.

An immediate quality of life improvement would be reduction of deaths by bombs, starvation and disease. Even more lives are shortened by toxins that war production spreads across the globe.

Degrowth of militarism would benefit those living near US bases and the 800 US bases across the globe. They would worry less about being “kicked off their land,” being poisoned by ubiquitous toxins, and enduring high crime rates, especially for rape.

As with land usage and most other aspects of degrowing, there would be bumps on the road. The first would be finding jobs for the 3 million people who work directly in military employment, plus those working in support industries. Also, “zombie pollution” will long remain in areas where military bases are shut down.

Concerns

Despite its great contributions, I do have a few concerns with the book. First, I was surprised when reading a couple of approving references to “renewable energy.” No energy is renewable. By now it is almost trite to repeat “Even though the sun may shine, the rivers may flow, and the wind may blow, the minerals to transform what they collect into usable energy is finite and exhaustible.” Wars for alternative energy can be as deadly as those for fossil fuels.

A book only mentioned in the index is Ernest Callenbach’s Ecotopia (1975). It is a 1960-70s era fantasy of what an ecological society might look like, including new social norms, interpersonal relationships, politics, military and spies inside of it. Ecotopia weaves complex themes together in ways that authors since have not accomplished.

Third, the book’s brief review of air conditioning should inspire readers to see Cox’s more extensive analysis in Losing Our Cool (2010) Missing in Anthropause were suggestions for reducing air conditioning. Since a major complaint about it is over-air conditioned buildings, legal routes for degrowth jump out at us: Pass laws limiting temperature lows in schools, public buildings and businesses.

Last, Anthropause has a very good discussion of the very bad realities of private cars. Yet, it seemed that the goal to “reduce” aimed too short. Why not aim to make them as extinct as CAFOs? The book makes a good case that we could live better without cars. There would not have been 7,388 pedestrians killed by cars in 2021. The ongoing switch to SUVs only increases dangers. In addition to CO2 emissions, particulate matter which spews to roadsides is even worse with heavier E-cars. The need for multiple parking spaces per car results in more and more impervious surfaces, which increases flooding.

However, abolishing private cars does not mean getting rid of all cars. I fondly remember reserving a car when I worked at St. Louis State Hospital for 25 years. I just called the car pool guy and found a time one would be available. I did not have to worry about maintenance or license plates because the hospital department took care of it. A degrown world would be able to manage individual transportation needs with walkable communities that relied on some combination of walking, cycling, horseback riding, carriages, motorcycles, and golf carts (for those with disabilities).

New Thoughts

The contributions of Anthropause are mind-bending. It should be on the bookshelf of all of the growing number of degrowth enthusiasts. To repeat, its most significant feature is its focus on how people could enjoy degrowth. Like other recent authors, Cox points out that capitalism requires growth, making it incompatible with human and environmental needs. Similarly, he notes that degrowth inspires people to struggle against racism and colonialism. Capitalist growth is based on creating a poor world for the rich world to exploit and that poor world is populated mainly by people of color, especially those in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

Cox explains that some define “degrowth as decline.” Environmentalists with this approach emphasize the need to remove negative things, processes and attitudes that permeate US life. Though he covers this thoroughly, he actually prefers the definition of “growth at emancipation.” This perspective aims to liberate humanity from social ills that result in sickness, detachment from nature, and loss of habitat by “living within ecological limits.” People can actually be happier hearing natural sounds, seeing stars at night, eating food that tastes like food, enjoying natural spaces and being freed from military agony.

This points in a direction that could make degrowth at least somewhat attractive to the general public. Since dislike of advertisement seems to be close to universal, that might be a good plank for degrowth platforms. Cox’s book on Losing our Cool observes that people dislike over-air-conditioned buildings. There could be wide support for regulations putting limits on how much temperatures can be lowered in schools, public buildings and businesses. This could well accustom people to reducing air conditioning at home and perhaps inspire them to enjoy the outdoors in summer.

Let’s take this a step further. People will give up what they have not experienced much faster than they will abandon what they have become attached to. There was widespread dislike of automobiles until people were forced to buy them by destruction of street cars. In early 2026, there is large-scale rejection of data centers, a big source of CO2 emissions and land destruction.

This manifests Kōhei Saitō’s phrase “Slow down.” A next step for degrowth could be halting the constant introduction of new gadgets that rarely improve anyone’s life. After all, Ya don’t crave what ain’t nowhere.

Don Fitz (fitzdon@aol.com) writes for and is on the Editorial Board of Green Social Thought where this article first appeared. He has been the St. Louis Green Party candidate for County Assessor and candidate of the Missouri Green Party for State Auditor and Governor. He is author of Cuban Health Care: The Ongoing Revolution (2020). Read other articles by Don.

 

NYS: Why Are Authoritarian Entities Needed to Create Charter Schools if They Are So Popular?



The charter school industry has been operating in overdrive for several decades, trying desperately to convince everyone that charter schools are amazing, unassailable, and always in high demand.

But if charter schools are marvelous and popular why have charter school promoters spent years using top-down heavy-handed entities comprised of unelected pro-privatization individuals to impose charter schools on communities across the country?

Many, if not most, charter school laws state that the residents of a community must be consulted and their input must be considered in a meaningful way when unelected private citizens or external organizations strive to open a charter school in their community.

Yet time and again this simple democratic principle is violated by many entities that authorize charter schools. New York State is a textbook example of this anti-democratic set-up.

A January 27, 2026 press release from New York State United Teachers (NYSUT) titled “NYSUT files lawsuit challenging SUNY charter approvals,” states: “Today, New York State United Teachers, alongside education and community partners, filed a lawsuit in Albany County Supreme Court to hold the State University of New York Charter School Institute accountable for its decision to authorize new charter schools in Brentwood and Central Islip, despite rejection by the State Education Department and clear opposition from local communities.” This is not the first time the Institute has ignored the will of the community.

The State University of New York Charter School Institute was established in 1999 and is one of four entities authorized to approve new charter schools in the State of New York. Institute members are appointed by the SUNY Board of Trustees, they are not elected officials.

The press release explains that, “The lawsuit challenges SUNY, its board of trustees and its Charter Schools Institute for approving charter school applications that do not appear to meet fundamental requirements under New York law, including demonstrated community support and evidence of likely educational benefit. In both Brentwood and Central Islip, parents, educators, and local leaders raised serious concerns about the impact of additional charter schools on already-strained public school districts. SED [State Education Department] considered those concerns and rejected the applications. SUNY did not.” Privately-operated charter schools are notorious for corruption, poor academic performance, and for siphoning huge sums of public money from continually-underfunded public schools.

NYSUT President Melinda Person stated that, “This entity [Charter School Institute] has repeatedly ignored state law by dismissing community voices and overriding education experts in order to rubber-stamp charter applications. That is an abuse of its authority as a charter authorizer and a threat to public schools and the communities they serve. Public education works best when decisions are made with communities — not imposed on them — and that principle is worth defending.”

Why should anyone support a school that is not based on democratic decision-making processes? Why would a charter school authorizer defy state laws and act in an unlawful manner, especially when it is part of the state apparatus? Why act in an authoritarian manner if charter schools are supposedly very popular?

The NYSUT press release concludes that the Charter School Institute’s top-down actions are part of a larger pattern of “approving schools with little evidence of community need or support, and at times those with clear opposition. It also highlights the dysfunction created by New York’s dual charter authorizing system — which allows rejected [charter school] applicants to shop their applications to SUNY Charter Schools Institute for likely approval without addressing concerns raised by state education department experts.”

The goal of NYSUT’s lawsuit is “to restore accountability, enforce the law as written, and protect the rights of local communities to have a meaningful voice in decisions that shape the future of their public schools.”

Clearly, in New York State and elsewhere there is a battle between the forces of authoritarianism and the forces of democracy. Private interests are working hard to avoid any democratic mechanisms and processes. They want to freely impose their will on the majority. This dynamic operate in many institutions. Would such a battle exist if the legitimacy and utility of charter schools was not in question? People today need democratic renewal so that their needs and rights, not the dictate of private interests, are put in first place.

Shawgi Tell (PhD) is author of the book Charter School Report Card. He can be reached at stell5@naz.eduRead other articles by Shawgi.

 

The Netherlands, Bonaire, and Climate Change Obligations


Poor Adaptations


It was another bead in the string of jurisprudence and case law in climate litigation. Previous sparkling examples include Urgenda Foundation (2019), KlimaSeniorinnen (2024) and the significant Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice delivered in July 2025. The District Court of The Hague, in its January 28 judgment regarding the effects of climate change to the Caribbean island of Bonaire, ordered the Dutch State to not only comply with international emission reduction obligations but adopt and implement a plan to achieve such goals by 2030, in so doing taking into account the fate of Bonaire and its residents.

Bonaire is part of the Netherlands and one of three special municipalities in the Caribbean Netherlands. In 2024, Greenpeace, in a collective action with eight residents of Bonaire (the eight were subsequently denied standing), began legal proceedings against the Dutch State under the WAMCA (Wet afwikkeling massaschade collectieve actie) collective action regime, or the Settling of Large-scale Losses or Damage (Class Actions) Act.

The two fundamental questions at stake here was whether the State had taken sufficient timely and appropriate measures to protect the residents of Bonaire from the effects of climate change (the adaptation question); and whether the State’s climate policy was in conformity with equitable contributions to mitigation under the United Nations Climate Convention and the ensuing Paris Agreement to limit global warming to less than 1.5°C relative to pre-industrial levels by the end of the century.

The central contention of Greenpeace was that the protective treatment offered Bonair, be it terms of climate adaptation or mitigation, was insufficient and in breach of obligations under the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Right (ICCPR). Furthermore, that insufficiency meant that the degree of protection offered the residents of Bonaire relative to those of the European Netherlands was inadequate, refusing to account for the rights of those in Bonaire to experience and practise their own culture.

The Dutch State argued in its submissions that the residents of Bonaire had received adequate measures in terms of protection. These were not fewer “but rather different measures that are specifically tailored to the situation in the Caribbean, which differs from that in the European Netherlands.” A running argument long used by State authorities in other climate change cases was cited: that it was up to legislators and governments, not courts and judges, to frame policies in terms of climate change mitigation. Besides, the Netherlands was “already doing more than many other countries and cannot be held solely responsible for the global problem of climate change.”

The Court found that the Dutch State had failed in its positive obligations under Article 8 of the ECHR, which protects rights to privacy and family life, as “the mitigation and adaptation measures as a whole taken by the competent authorities in relation to the inhabitants of Bonaire do not meet the obligations the State has assumed in a UN context.”

Those mitigation and adaptation measures had also been taken “much later and less systematically than for the inhabitants of the European Netherlands”, despite foreknowledge since the early 1990s that Bonaire would be more vulnerable to the effects of climate change earlier than the European Netherlands. (The Court took cognisance of Assessment Reports from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) addressing the specific vulnerabilities of small islands to climate change.)

In taking into account the relevant assessment framework, the judgment drew on the 2024 KlimaSeniorinnen ruling of the European Court of Human Rights, which showed the increasing willingness of judges to assess the means by which regulations and measures are implemented in addressing climate change. State discretion is not absolute, fettered by the need to take adequate mitigation measures, the adoption of timely and clear adaptation measures and the need for procedural safeguards.

The measures in question would need to, for instance, stipulate a specific target date for achieving carbon neutrality, including intermediate emissions reduction targets and pathways to meet emission reduction goals in a timely fashion. In KlimaSeniorinnen, Switzerland’s policies were rebuked on several grounds. “Critical lacunae” existed in implementing a regulatory framework, including, among other things, a failure to pass legislation indicating a clear pathway for emission reductions in the long term.

Overall, the Dutch State, on the issue of mitigation, had failed to demonstrate that its measures would be able to deliver the required emission reductions in a timely way. By way of example, there were no legislated targets across the economy beyond 2030, or “no concrete instruments aimed at achieving the reduction targets agreed within the UN context”. By the admission of the Dutch authorities, there was a “less than 5% chance” that it would achieve its 2030 targets. Failure to tighten the policy would also see 2050 targets unmet.

On adaptation, the State had also been remiss in providing “sufficient personnel, resources and specialist knowledge to counter those serious negative consequences.” By treating those in Bonaire differently to inhabitants in the European Netherlands in taking adaptation measures, despite the island’s greater susceptibility to harm and limited local means, the State was not only in breach of Article 8 but Article 14 of the ECHR and Article 1 of Protocol 12 (general prohibition of discrimination).

As regards the procedural element, which covers such matters as developing and implementing educational and public awareness programmes, providing the public access to information on climate change and its effects, enabling public participation in addressing such changes and developing adequate responses, and the training of scientific, technical and managerial personnel, the State also fell short. Nearly all efforts mentioned by the Dutch State took place after 2022. From 2023, “documents show that the State is catching up, with many necessary overdue measures still being taken and room being made for participation by and knowledge of residents and local organisations.” Citizens will, however, be hampered by the absence of “binding national standards and concrete policy instruments” that would improve their participation.

The judgment is also interesting for showing sceptics of international law’s standing and members of the might-is-right school that jurisprudence from such bodies as the ICJ has persuasive force in domestic courts. Reliance was placed by the Dutch Court on the 2025 ICJ Advisory Opinion, which proposed that “obligations of conduct and obligations of result” could see a State breach a relevant obligation. In terms of obligation, a State would act wrongfully in failing “to use all means at its disposal to bring about an objective”. In terms of an obligation of result, “policies so adopted and the measures so taken must be such as they are able to achieve the required goal.”

The Netherlands will be required, within eighteen months, to incorporate absolute emission reduction targets across the economy via legislation, “including intermediate targets and pathways for the reduction of carbon emissions for the entire period up to 2050”.

The implications of this decision are bound to leave their mark in ongoing and future climate litigation, revealing the increasingly influential, even intrusive role of the courts in assessing a State’s mitigation and, it now transpires, adaptation measures. The latitude governments have traditionally had in shaping these responses is shrinking before the judicial stare, and those States with overseas territories will be nervous about the prospect of a harrying lawsuit.

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.comRead other articles by Binoy.