Tuesday, May 13, 2025

 

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

The far-right call their crusade Together for Germany to camouflage their inherent Nazism while organisers deceptively claimed, there are no Neo-Nazis here.

Even better, to the outsider, the far-right group liked to pretend that they don’t even see themselves as Nazis. 

Yet, their menacing-looking and thuggish Neo-Nazi platoons were marching through Stuttgart on a normal Saturday morning in March 2025.

Officially registered by an obscure, conspiracy fantasy-oriented and esoteric outfit, their radically anti-democratic rally was openly far right – spiced up with Neo-Nazis overtones. This is all but one reason why local anti-fascists stood in the way of the marching Neo-Nazis.

Taking part in the Neo-Nazi rally were members of a far-right organization called Der Störtrupp – the Shock Squad. The far-right rally was held at the picturesque Stadtgarten in Stuttgart.

Around lunchtime, it became all quiet at Stuttgart’s Stadtgarten which is adjacent to the campus of the not-so-picturesque Stuttgart University and the more pleasing University of Applied Sciences

Meanwhile, dozens of police vans pulled up, groups of police women and men in police uniform on Schellingstraße in front of the park, were setting up barricades. They gave the impression that the idyllic calm that surrounds the park and university would soon be disturbed. 

One of the first far right rally speakers – introduced only as Ralf – was wearing a t-shirt which accused Germany’s public media of running a media dictatorship. 

On that Saturday, more than 1,000 far right hooligans were waving German and Reichs-flags. Some were displaying pro-Russian flags and even the traditional peace flag of a white dove on blue background was seen.

The Neo-Nazi rally was smoke screened under the innocent sounding motto of, Together for Germany. On that day, far right rallies were registered in all of Germany’s 16 state capitals. 

They came with the usual radical right demands for increased border controls for the protection of the German Volk – in this context, the term “Volk” carries racial-Aryan undercurrents.

In their pro-Putin support, Germany’s far right also demands that neither money nor weapons are sent to the Ukraine.

Worryingly, the far right also attacks – under the cover of the preservation of freedom of expression –Germany’s free press. It follows Hitler’s propaganda boss’ – Goebbels – accusation of the free press as a lying press.

Then as today, the far right’s strategy has best been summed up by Goebbels who wrote in 1935, 

it will always remain one of the best jokes of democracy

that it provided its mortal enemies with the means by which it was destroyed.

In other words, German Neo-Nazis will use the democratic right of the freedom of expression until they can destroy freedom of expression and democracy with it.

In the ideology of German Neo-Nazis, Germany’s plurality and diverse range of media mutates into the demand to end what the Neo-Nazis so-called the division of our society.

Perhaps, so that Hitler’s Volksgemeinschaft can be re-established again while non-Aryans are taken away in cattle trains.

The first two far right speakers on the podium at Stuttgart’s Stadtgarten were introduced only by their first names: Andi and Ralf. 

Both are loyal far-right combatants of a radical right esoteric and conspiracy-fantasies-driven organisation called Querdenken 711. It is a mixture of stupidity, far right Reichsbürger, and esoteric Neo-Nazis.

The founder of Querdenken 711 is the far right financer Michael Ballweg who believes that Bill Gates and the WHO want to convert Germany into some kind of a health dictatorship.

At the Neo-Nazi rally, speaker Andi was wearing a t-shirt advertising Ballweg’s right-wing merchandise shop.

To mask their Neo-Nazi ideology, speakers at the rally tried to distance themselves from all-too open Neo-Nazism by declaring, we are a peaceful movement in which extremism, violence, anti-Semitism and inhuman thoughts have no place.

Meanwhile, rally speaker Ralf welcomed the adoring crowd of right-wing extremists with friends of the resistance!

Shortly thereafter, he abused Germany’s democratic politicians as politicians of the old parties – implying that the neo-fascist AfD is the new party while other political parties are to be disposed of.

He also accused Germany’s democratic political parties and its members to be only interested in their government jobs.

After that, he conjured up an even more ridiculous myth, namely that Germany’s democratic parties are a “SED 2.0” – a new version of the former East-Germany’s Stalinist party.

At the end of the rally, a man introduced as Uwe rages against any sort of state funding and claims that one trillion Euros are wasted for the ideological destruction of Germany’s economy. He also suggests that AI-drones should monitor Germany’s borders.

In addition, Uwe also speaks about Germany’s media that are forced into line by the deep state. There is a distinct resentment towards public authorities and the state. And just at that moment, a TV camera team filming him and the crowd, are told to fuck off!

Meanwhile, Uwe begrudges the perceived lack of freedom of expression in Germany. He also claims that some media have wrongly placed their beloved Neo-Nazi rally into the Nazi corner. He shouts, Nazis? … I don’t see any!

With this kind of statements, speaker after speaker deny the obvious. Their far right rally is defined by young men with bald heads (skinheads), wearing bomber jackets and black military boots with white laces. Black boots with white laces are one of the prime insignias of Neo-Nazis.

At the rally, Neo-Nazis proudly display t-shirts imprinted with Germany’s Imperial Reichsadler, Hitler’s Iron Cross, t-shirts with Wehrmacht (Hitler’s army), and Stalingrad 43.

Three days before the nationwide far right rallies, a German newspaper called Tagesspiegel and a TV channel called ZDF reported on right-wing extremist groups that have been forming all over Germany since last summer and are aiming primarily at recruiting young people to the ideological course of Neo-Nazism.

Meanwhile, Germany’s secret intelligence service in two East-German states – Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and Lower Saxony – have found strong links between far-right rally organiser and the predecessors of Germany’s Nazi skinheads of the 1990s.

One of the new groups is the aforementioned Der Störtrupp (DST). The DST had about two dozen of its fighters at the Stuttgart rally. 

On 4th August 2024, in a secret chat room, one DST member posted a photo of Adolf Hitler with the words Juden Nacht – implying to kill Jews, tonight.

Also turning up to the far right Stuttgart rally was the far right Unitas Germanica. Its members like to violently attack Germany’s LGBTQIA+ community. Also present was the Pforzheim Revolt – another Neo-Nazis squadron formed in Germany’s southwest. 

Networked through the Internet, these Neo-Nazis act in the real world – often violently and brutally. Many of them are associated with the Neo-Nazis party Die Heimat – formerly NPD and before that as Hitler’s Nazi Party, the NSDAP.

The Heimat has, of course, it own youth organization call Young Nationalists – moving from Hitler’s HJ to modern day’s JN.

Most of the obviously far-right rally participants were young and male. Some were, apparently, underage expressing the typical Neo-Nazi look of the baseball bat years. Among Germany’s Neo-Nazis, the standard far right outfit remains recognizably popular.

In response to the right-wing rally, an organisation called Stuttgart gegen Rechts or “Stuttgart Against the Far Right” had called for a protest rally of democratic forces. Their call was joined by various anti-fascist groups throughout the south-western state of Baden-Württemberg

Once at the rally, everything happened quickly: information and instructions were called out by megaphone, the anti-fascists poured out and surrounded the city garden while being secured by police and barricades. Their goal was to block the way to the city garden and to prevent the planned rally of the right from taking place.

The Neo-Nazis were drumming at the front, the thugs of the “Störtruppe” were chanting, if you don’t love Germany, get out! and criminal Antifa get out!

Out! a woman of the esoteric far right was screaming. Immediately behind her, the thuggish squad of the Störtrupp was marching – all with extremely short hair dressed in menacing black DST sweatshirts.

Among them were young men displaying Germany’s Imperial Eagle and the number 88. In Neo-Nazis coding, 88 stands for the eighth character in the alphabet (H). 88 = HH or Heil Hitler – the Hitler salute.

Other sweaters showed White Power insignias. Another young man proudly sported the White Power hand sign to the camera.

Despite all of this, democratic forces achieved a partial success. Just under a quarter of an hour after the Neo-Nazi march started moving, it came to a standstill. Anti-fascists had succeeded in blocking the streets in front of and behind the Neo-Nazi march. 

It took another quarter of an hour for the police to decide to lead the Neo-Nazi rally through a detour to Stadtgarten where the Neo-Nazi rally ended early.

On that day, hundreds of police officers were trying to keep the Neo-Nazis and Germany’s democratic forces away from each other. 

In the end, Germany’s authorities – that have a rather doubtful history when it comes to Hitler’s Nazis – drew a positive balance.

One official said, we have succeeded in preventing major clashes between rival participants by cleverly re-routing one group

On the other hand, pro-democratic demonstrators had little praise for the police. The Association of Rally Paramedics had accompanied the counter-rally against the Neo-Nazis. 

According to its press release, it had treated 32 patients, four of them had to be handed over to the emergency service or a hospital. 

The police had arrested around 30 people. They were released after the completion of what the police called, police measures.

Two days later, the police noted that 40 criminal offenses had occurred – including illegal disguises, insults and assaults, physical attacks and resistance to officials, as well as violations such as using far right symbols of far-right terrorist organizations. 

Beyond that, a few lessons can be learned from a rather normal Neo-Nazi rally in normal Germany:

  1. Neo-Nazis Cooperate: Overall, the successful cooperation of Germany’s esoteric right, corona deniers, Reichsbürger, other far right groups and Neo-Nazis played an important role. 
  2. Recruiting the Youth: German Neo-Nazis were able to fill a political vacuum of disgruntled and disaffected youth from which they could recruit young people
  3. Online platforms: Neo-Nazis were able to successfully use online platforms. This played a major role in organising their far-right rally.
  4. Political Climate: Probably the even more important role was played by the shifting of Germany’s political climate to the right.
  5. Accepting The Right: There continues to be a widespread popularity and acceptance of far-right and Neo-Nazi attitudes in German society – a steady mainstreaming of fascism.
  6. Neo-Nazis are Less Dogmatic: Ideological contradictions – which were unbearable for older Neo-Nazis – today play only a subordinate role when it comes to radicalising young people.

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Thomas Klikauer has over 800 publications (including 12 books) and writes regularly for BraveNewEurope (Western Europe), the Barricades (Eastern Europe), Buzzflash (USA), Counterpunch (USA), Countercurrents (India), Tikkun (USA), and ZNet (USA). One of his books is on Managerialism (2013).

 

Source: Labor Notes

The reality for over 1.3 million federal government workers leading up to the second Trump Administration has been collective bargaining through unions recognized by the Federal Labor Relations Authority (FLRA).

This recognition comes with the right to bargain over working conditions and conditions of employment. It also includes an individual right to representation when the boss is asking questions that could lead to discipline.

EXECUTIVE ORDER CHANGES

However, for a majority of these workers, Trump’s Executive Order 14251 strips those rights in the name of “national security.” These workers, myself and my union included, are now faced with a scenario that’s been all too common: There’s no real path to recognition or formal bargaining rights in the near future. In fact, this was the state of organizing in the federal sector before 1962.

Whether it’s well-established local unions or newly formed organizing committees, many workers are asking, “What’s the point in a union?” or “What can our union do at this point?”

UNILATERAL UNIONISM

This scenario puts us in the same situation as workers who are forming a union and haven’t yet built the majority they would need to win formal union recognition—sometimes called “pre-majority unionism”. In my shop we’ve been calling our situation “unilateral unionism,” since we do have majority membership. Either way, if recognition from the employer is off the table, we have to be able to build power through collective action instead. The reality is: There’s still so much workers can do!

Federal workers still have legal protections from retaliation and reprisal for collectively using their workplace rights. Need to appeal a bad decision by overworked HR? Need to challenge a power-hungry boss? Need to improve the working conditions for you and your co-workers? It’s all still possible.

HOW FEDERAL WORKERS CAN FIGHT BACK

At the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee—a grassroots group that provides support and how-to resources to workers organizing on the job—we’ve assembled the following list of ways that we as federal workers can fight back with protection from reprisal or retaliation and regardless of our status with the FLRA.

  • Fight discrimination: Oppose discrimination (as an individual or collectively) in the moment and challenge discrimination through the Equal Employment Opportunity statutes, with a representative on official time.
  • Work safe and healthy: Ensure healthy and safe workplaces through union representation on safety inspections and safety committees with the representatives on official time, make reports of unsafe or unhealthful conditions and refuse to perform unsafe work.
  • File grievances: File administrative grievances according to agency guidance. Where possible, utilize agency alternate dispute resolution processes to insert mediation, arbitration, and third-party fact-finding into the mix. Most agencies will have such a process, and many provide a right to a representative on official time. (See for example, the DODVA, and USDA policies.)
  • Defend targeted co-workers: Respond to discipline and adverse actions and then appeal them as necessary. The regulations allow for the “release” of the employee’s representative, so this should be official time or worst case, an entitlement of the representative to take leave.
  • Get that money: File claims when a worker has been misclassified or denied overtime under the Fair Labor Standards Act. Representatives must be “released” from their normal duties.
  • Help workers who get hurt: File appeals when a workers’ compensation claim is improperly denied. Union representatives are explicitly allowed, and the regulations do not rely on the Federal Service Labor-Management Relations Statute or its defined terms.
  • Stay informed: File requests for documents or other records under the Freedom of Information Act but not during duty time. Cite non-commercial use to request a fee waiver and cite public interest in legally and fairly administered public service to overcome Privacy Act objections.
  • Agitate for change: Advocate for members’ views in Congress, including lobbying, but not during duty time. Cite the Lloyd-LaFollette Act of 1912, and if there’s any reprisal for off-duty permitted political activity, cite the Hatch Act.
  • Speak out: Get creative with whistle-blowing. A well-scripted “march on the boss” or a petition are great ways to take collective action that are protected by the Whistleblower Protection Act, so long as they disclose any violation of any law, regulation, rule, or policy, or an abuse of authority.
  • Keep learning: Pool resources through union dues to ensure access to expert training for representatives, congressional advocacy, and organizing.

Regardless of what the White House says, a union is a group of workers making decisions together and taking collective action to improve their lives. The law doesn’t give us the right to organize—we always have that power.

 

Source: Dissent Magazine

In February, the labor reporter Luis Feliz Leon published an essay on the n+1 website on unions’ varying responses to Trump. We were intrigued by his mention of a members’ meeting organized by Faye Guenther, president of United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Local 3000, to discuss immigration and how the union could prepare for the new administration’s deportation plans. We spoke to Faye on February 28 about how she confronts divisions within her membership, and how unions can protect their immigrant members. Since then several union members have been detained—including former UAW member Mahmoud Khalil, Lewelyn Dixon and Rümeysa Öztürk of SEIU, and Alfredo Juárez of Familias Unidas por la Justicia—which only underscores the importance of this discussion.

Patrick Iber: You’re in daily contact with people whose experiences are shaped by changes in the immigration regime, whether they’re immigrants or not. Luis Feliz Leon reported that you had a meeting about immigration with United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) members. What did you hear from workers?

Faye Guenther: We’ve been doing scenario planning since April of last year, when we thought Donald Trump was going to win. We focused on the most likely threat, which was deportations.

We’ve been talking with our members for a long time about why unity has to be maintained when we’re protecting everybody at work. And we’ve been doing a ton of know your rights work: “Employers do not have to let ICE agents in without a warrant; here’s how to check a warrant.” And we were trying to negotiate that training into all of our contracts prior to Trump taking office. Because people have more rights than they think.

Employers have rights also. Employers do not have to scare the shit out of workers. They do not have to tell people that they could be fired. They don’t have to do anything. And employers do not want to lose their workforce. Kids do not want to lose their family members. I’ve seen kids who haven’t been picked up from day care. You need to have a plan for the worst-case scenario.

Iber: How has the membership responded?

Guenther: We’ve been talking and trying to build unity and solidarity between workers for a long time. For example, we took a strong stance on wearing masks and being vaccinated; if coworkers felt safer with people wearing masks, people needed to wear masks. That’s our duty to each other. There are some folks who don’t agree. But we work hard to build consensus, and if we can’t build consensus, we vote using majority rule.

Iber: There are big debates about whether a more homogeneous working class is easier to organize. And it seems to me that whatever debate they’re having about this in Denmark doesn’t apply to the United States. Our working class is diverse, and it always will be. Even if the Trump administration creates a terrible environment for recent immigrants, that’s not going to change. What message do you have to union leaders who might not be taking the same approach that you’re taking?

Guenther: Right now, there’s so much isolation in our society that the only place you’re interacting with people is at work. The workplace is where people care about each other, talk to each other, and of course disagree with each other. I think it’s a bunch of bullshit that people can’t, or think that they can’t, build unity among workers. Workers already care about each other. That’s just the natural way humans behave. White workers will stand with a worker who they know and who is going to get picked up by ICE and ripped away from their family. I’ve watched people stand together.

UFCW has the youngest membership of any union in the country. It’s majority women, because we work in grocery stores and healthcare facilities. And a big chunk of our workforce is people of color. When you have a predominantly white male workforce, then maybe you’re not getting exposed to the true stories of other people’s lives, and it might be harder to understand what somebody else is going through. But I think workplaces that are integrated, where you meet people from all walks of life, are super vibrant and a place where learning happens. I represent workers all across Idaho, Oregon, and Washington, and I’ve found rural and urban workers face the same things: the housing crisis, low wages, and shitty bosses.

Natasha Lewis: When there is disagreement, how does that process work? What questions are you asking?

Guenther: I’m a certified mediator, which I think has been helpful. We try to get to the heart of the matter and put how people really feel on the table. Then—even if there are emotions—we take a caucus. We go for a walk. We have people talk it through one-on-one or in groups. Sometimes people get really pissed off and decide they don’t want to be on the bargaining team anymore. But we have guidelines when we’re trying to reach consensus that we all sign off on, so there are expectations about how we treat each other. It sounds a little corporate, and it is, but we’ve put our staff through something called Radical Candor, which is about trying to talk to people directly. We do a lot of education with our staff around communicating, listening, and being okay with disagreement. If we’re winning, it’s going to feel very chaotic, but our member-leaders have the tools they need to fight fair.

Lewis: How has the debate about immigration changed among workers since you joined the labor movement? Is there an example you can think of when you’ve seen a worker change their mind?

Guenther: There’s always been a problem with racism and anti-immigrant rhetoric, but I felt like we were making advances in building a multiracial, multi-generational, multi-gendered front. Now we have slipped back quite a bit. And many labor leaders are afraid. I went to the People’s March in D.C. [on January 18], and I thought I was going to see all my labor friends, but nobody was there. We’re headed toward a fascist or conservative period of time, and I’m hoping that we can at least stop the fascist part.

When I meet Republican members—and all my family are Republican—I keep listening and I keep talking and I keep having conversations. And people do sometimes say: “You know what? You changed my mind.” Or, “I hear what you’re saying.” Or, “You treated me with respect, even though I completely disagree with you and you disagree with me.” I think it requires constant listening to see if there’s something that can bind us together. I try to appeal to people’s humanity. I think it’s the only way forward.

Iber: What do you make of the Republican Party’s attempt to brand itself as a more working-class party?

Guenther: I grew up in very rural eastern Oregon. I didn’t have access to a television, so I didn’t see the news very much, but there was radio. And Rush Limbaugh was on it, poisoning everybody’s minds. I remember thinking, “My community is getting rotted out by this.” The floor was falling out on logging, but they spun it and blamed it on [efforts to protect] the spotted owl, which was so bizarre to me.

I am so sick of billionaires having two parties and workers having none. People say Biden was the most pro-labor president. Oh, really? He’s the most pro-labor president, who chose to not step down so that we could have a real primary—and now Trump is the president? No thank you. I know there are good Democrats. And I think there are some good Republicans. But overall, both parties are too owned by money to be good advocates for working people.

In Poverty, by America by Matthew Desmond, you can see the rates of poverty don’t change whether the president is a Republican or a Democrat. They just hold steady. And if there’s poverty, that pulls down workers’ wages. There are dips, like during COVID-19, but the parties are not solving problems that workers care about. So I am not satisfied with either party.

Lewis: Do you have advice for other people in the labor movement about how to conquer some of the information that’s coming from the Rush Limbaugh types?

Guenther: No matter how white a workforce is, there are people who are affected or who are married to somebody who is affected. Stories change hearts. One-on-one conversations change minds. You’re not going to do a big town hall and get screamed at; that’s not going to help you. Go and find your people who are empathetic to the position and center them. Center their stories, and keep building out. You can start with five people who will come with you to meetings and who will push back and say, “Hey, well, that’s not how I experienced that,” or, “My grandfather and my grandmother immigrated here.” Every single person, whether they’re white or a person of color, has a story about how their family immigrated here, and a lot of it was through war and starvation. Our histories are actually quite similar.

We have a stagnant labor leadership who are afraid to talk to their own members, who got their unions from their daddies, who are getting their pension and their healthcare. They’re not movement builders. We need to clean up the labor movement, just as much as we need to clean up our political parties. We’re trying to reform the UFCW. If you’ve been in office for more than ten years and you can’t figure out how to talk to your members, it’s time to step aside. Let somebody else lead.

Lewis: How is the reform effort going?

Guenther: UFCW really doesn’t want to be the union that advocates for low-wage workers and takes on corporate America, but someday that will change. It’s either going to change soon or it’s going to change later, but it’s going to change. Because low-wage workers, grocery store workers, healthcare workers, frontline workers—they know that they kept this country going during the pandemic, and they are coming for what they deserve. They are going to expect more from their unions.

Faye Guenther is president of UFCW Local 3000.

Patrick Iber and Natasha Lewis are co-editors of Dissent.