Saturday, October 16, 2021

Is Sucking Carbon Out of the Air the Solution to Our Climate Crisis?

Or just another Big Oil boondoggle?



Keith Negley
 Mother Jones
ENVIRONMENT

LONG READ

In British Columbia, there’s a little valley where the Squamish River snakes down past the cliffs of the Malamute, a popular hiking spot. The hills in all directions are, like much of BC, thickly forested with firs. And nestled in that valley is a newfangled industrial plant that aims to replicate what those millions of trees do: suck carbon dioxide out of the air.

The plant was built by Carbon Engineering, a pioneer in the technology known as direct air capture (DAC). In a long, squat building, a huge ceiling fan draws air inside, where it reacts with a liquid chemical that grabs hold of CO2 molecules. This “sorbent” flows into a nearby machine that transforms the gas, which is then stored in pressurized tanks. The goal is to help rid the atmosphere of its most ubiquitous climate change culprit. The Squamish plant will process up to 1,000 metric tons of CO2 annually. That’s a minuscule drop in the bucket of the planet’s annual emissions, an estimated 33 billion metric tons last year, but this plant is only a pilot facility.

If the process can be scaled up massively, what might happen to all the captured CO2? There are several possibilities, CEO Steve Oldham explains. You could, for example, sell some of it to companies like soda makers or concrete manufacturers. You could also convert it into liquid fuel to burn in cars, trucks, planes, and power plants. That would release still more CO2, but in Oldham’s vision, which involves a vast network of his company’s machines, you would simply run that pollution right back through the process. You could do it over and over, he says, allowing a society to burn fossil fuels in perpetuity without adding to global warming. Call it catch-and-release. Oldham thinks we should all hop on board with this mode of carbon recycling: “We can’t wait. We have to get on with decarbonizing now.”Given our plodding embrace of renewables, the IPCC figured we’d have to start pulling carbon directly out of the atmosphere by 2100. A lot of carbon. Ten billion metric tons per year.

Of course, governments around the world could go much further than catch-and-release. They could flat-out try to reverse climate change by using direct air capture to grab surplus atmospheric carbon and bury it deep in the Earth—rewinding the Industrial Revolution. Ridding the atmosphere of the billions of tons of so-called legacy carbon we’ve emitted over the past 150 years wouldn’t come cheap. At current prices, nations would have to shell out, collectively, about $5 trillion a year for the rest of the century. But a dire report in August from the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) warned that our climate situation could decline so rapidly that we are left with little choice. Policymakers may well decide that removing all that legacy carbon is worth the cost, Oldham argues. “I personally like the analogy of water treatment,” he says. “When water was a problem with cholera and typhoid, governments worldwide built a water treatment infrastructure. It’s part of what they provide to their citizens. Today we have an air problem, so we need an air-treatment infrastructure.”

Solving climate change with CO2-­sucking machines? It sounds, at first, like something from a Neal Stephenson sci-fi novel—or a particularly delirious Silicon Valley TED Talk. And for years, indeed, DAC resided in mad-scientist territory. Only a handful of startups worldwide were fiddling with prototypes, and few serious investors were paying attention.

That all changed in 2018, with the release of an earlier IPCC report. The panel warned that if we wanted to keep the planet from warming by more than 1.5 degrees Celsius—the goal of the Paris agreement on mitigating climate change—we’d need to slash atmospheric CO2 dramatically. Planting forests would help. Shifting to renewables would be crucial, too. But given humanity’s plodding embrace of wind and solar, the IPCC figured we’d have to start pulling carbon directly out of the atmosphere by 2100. A lot of carbon. Ten billion metric tons per year, equal to nearly a third of our current CO2 output.

Direct air capture, along with other capture and sequestration schemes—from planting trees to figuring out how to make marine organisms lock up surplus carbon—was suddenly hot, perhaps even crucial to our long-term survival. Policymakers and corporations, and even some environmentalists, snapped to attention. By spring 2021, more than 100 of the world’s largest companies—including PepsiCo, Alaska Airlines, Colgate-Palmolive, and Wall Street giants like Morgan Stanley—had pledged to get to “net zero” emissions by 2040, and Elon Musk’s foundation put up $100 million for the XPrize, a four-year competition to spur development of any tech, including DAC, that results in “negative emissions.”

Public money has begun flowing in, too. The federal government and a couple of states have passed tax credits for firms that can pull carbon out of the atmosphere. The infrastructure bill the Senate green-lighted in August contains $11.5 billion for various carbon-capture efforts, including $3.5 billion to build four “regional direct air capture hubs” that the feds hope will create big networks of clean-energy jobs. The Democrats’ $3.5 trillion budget blueprint included $150 billion to compensate energy producers that switch to lower-emissions processes­—a move favored by the swing vote of Joe Manchin—that could include direct air capture. And some Democrats are pushing higher tax credits for DAC in particular. In June, the Department of Energy announced a modest $12 million grant to support, as Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm put it, the “brilliant innovators” developing DAC technologies that can “help us avoid the worst effects of climate change.” Even a few tech firms, like Stripe and Shopify, have budgeted millions to buy up CO2 sequestered by any reasonable means. “You’ve got this enormous momentum,” says Erin Burns, executive director of the think tank Carbon180.

In response, the DAC pioneers are gleefully rushing out new plants. Climeworks, based in Switzerland, is contemplating a facility in the Middle East. New York’s Global Thermostat is gearing up to create its first large-scale installation next year in Chile. Oxy Low Carbon Ventures (a division of the oil giant Occidental) will use Carbon Engineering’s technology to build a Texas plant eventually capable of removing up to 1 million metric tons of atmospheric CO2 per year, 1,000 times the rate of the Squamish facility.

This may all sound like a smart idea, but it grows more complex as you look closely at the world these companies envision. The only viable path to saving the planet, according to the entrepreneurs, is to get fossil fuel companies on board. That’s partly because Big Oil has the infrastructure and know-how to build these kinds of facilities at scale and to pipe captured CO2 to locations where it can be permanently sequestered. But it’s also because, in the eyes of the DAC inventors, internal combustion will be with us for a while yet. They envision using DAC mostly for catch-and-­release over the next few decades: Harvest CO2 from the air, convert it into synthetic fuels, burn those fuels, and recapture the CO2. We wouldn’t start removing legacy carbon until 2060 or 2070 because only then will DAC, by small improvements, become cheap enough that companies and nations (at today’s tax rates, anyway) will be open to paying for it

Their tech can save us in the long run, the inventors insist. In the meantime, they’re looking for help from the government—and from their partners at companies like Exxon­Mobil, Shell, and Occidental Petroleum.

2. THE SCIENTISTS WHO SAW OUR PREDICAMENT COMING


The concept of direct carbon removal came about in the late 1990s, as a handful of scientists contemplated a dismal reality: Despite growing awareness that carbon dioxide from human activities was warming the planet, with potentially catastrophic results, humanity seemed in no hurry to stop burning fossil fuels.

One of those scientists was Klaus Lackner, a soft-spoken theoretical physicist who had grown interested in climate engineering. We met at his lab at Arizona State University, where his grad students were tinkering with a tiny wind tunnel, blowing air over Lackner’s CO2-sucking materials to try to eke more performance out of them. His team is still in its early experimental days, he tells me; the researchers are not entirely confident DAC will be viable at a huge scale. “I’m not promising anything,” he says. “All I really promise you is if we fail to make an attempt to make direct air capture work, life is a lot harder.”

A tall and lanky German immigrant, Lackner predicted back in the ’90s that fossil fuel emissions would increase dramatically because a rapidly developing China­­—and global south—would demand the same opportunities for inexpensive growth that other nations had enjoyed. Back then, solar and wind power couldn’t compete with fossil fuels on cost.

With emissions poised to explode, Lackner figured the only way to manage the problem was to suck them up again. In 1999, he co-authored a paper for a conference on “coal utilization and fuel systems,” calling for the development of DAC technology. “My concern was that we are going to have pretty excuses why we can have a little more CO2 in the atmosphere—unless we have a cheap solution to get it back,” he recalls. He envisioned a certification system: If a company wanted to release a ton of CO2, it would have to prove it had already removed a ton. “If you want to extract fossil carbon, be my guest,” Lackner told me. “But you have to show me that an equal amount of carbon has been put away.”

He traveled the world over the next few years, talking up his idea, and found two other scientists thinking along similar lines. One was Peter Eisenberger, an old friend and fellow physicist who ran the Earth Institute at Columbia University. Back in the ’70s and ’80s, as the head of Exxon’s R&D lab, Eisenberger had toyed with the notion of harvesting CO2 from the air—he called it “artificial photosynthesis.” The other kindred spirit was David Keith, a Harvard physicist who’d been researching solar geoengineering, a way to curb warming by limiting the amount of sunlight that strikes the Earth. All three men would ultimately launch companies to develop DAC.

Keith was first to pull it off. In 2004, he formed a research group at the University of Calgary and dove into the chemistry. Capturing CO2 was not a new art; designers of submarines and spacecraft had been doing it for decades to keep the air on board breathable. Fossil fuel companies, too, had devised “scrubber” systems to capture the CO2 from smokestacks, though these were never deployed at scale—possibly because the firms considered them too expensive. Sorbent chemicals that could sequester CO2 at various temperatures were available. The difficulty is that CO2 is very dilute in everyday air—about 0.04 percent. Any DAC system would have to move huge volumes of air to grab a relatively small amount of carbon. Still, it seemed doable: “The more that we looked into this from an academic perspective, the more we found there’s no scientific showstopper here,” says Geoff Holmes, a member of Keith’s original research group who is now Carbon Engineering’s director of business development. One big challenge involved engineering and design: Do you make millions of small devices and scatter them all over the world or build a smaller number of giant plants? Can you power these plants with renewable energy, or with a sufficiently small amount of fossil fuels that they will scoop up far more carbon than they release?

Keith’s group chose to go big, designing plants that might capture a million metric tons of CO2 or more annually—roughly equivalent to the emissions of 217,000 cars. Another cost-saving decision his group made at the outset: They would work only with existing off-the-shelf parts and technologies. For example, they would expose their sorbents to outside air using the same kinds of cooling towers deployed by factories worldwide. To purify the captured CO2, they repurposed tech from wastewater treatment and mining sectors. The final step in Carbon Engineering’s process involves temperatures of up to 900 degrees Celsius—energy intensive—so they designed a plant that could run on either renewables or natural gas. If gas, the resulting emissions could be trapped and fed through the very process they were enabling.

Keith and his partners officially launched Carbon Engineering in 2009 with $3.5 million in seed money from the likes of Bill Gates and Murray Edwards, a Canadian billionaire who made his money extracting dirty crude from Alberta’s tar sands. Another $3 million came later from government sources. By 2015, the group was encouraged enough by its lab results to build the Squamish prototype.

Mastering direct air capture, Holmes told me, was a mission of thousands of tiny tweaks. There was “no single lightbulb,” he says. “Nobody ran out of the lab and said, ‘Yeah, I solved it!’” It seemed to him the DAC learning curve was akin to that of solar panels, which after decades of incremental improvements—maybe a 2 percent better yield each year—are now the world’s cheapest energy source to build and install.

The other teams took slightly different routes. Klaus Lackner wanted a system so small you could put it anywhere, and one that required very little power to operate. He set about creating a “mechanical tree” with rows of dry sorbents studded throughout. Unlike rival devices, his trees don’t need fans to blow air past the sorbents; they rely on the wind. This means they only need power a few times a day, when the “leaves” collapse into a tank where the CO2 is extracted with steam. Each tree removes only a small amount of carbon, but because the devices use so little electricity, Lackner envisions installing them in forestal quantities—millions of units. With CO2 equally distributed in the lower atmosphere, you could put them anywhere on Earth with a power source and sufficient infrastructure to bury, transport, or otherwise use the extracted carbon.The machine loomed about 60 feet high. Up top, I could see a row of fans blowing air past a large metal accordion containing sorbent-coated ceramics.

Eisenberger co-founded Global Thermostat with Graciela Chichilnisky, an economist from Columbia University who helped devise the carbon-trading mechanisms in the Kyoto Protocol. Like Lackner, the pair opted for a smaller, lower-power design. Fans blow air over sorbent-coated ceramic cubes, which several times an hour are hit with steam to remove bound CO2. They designed the system to pair with industrial processes—you might install one next to a factory’s air conditioning unit, whose waste heat could be harnessed to help power the machine. (Early plants built by Climeworks, whose tech is roughly comparable, are powered by geothermal energy.)

This past May, I visited SRI International, a research lab in Menlo Park, California, to get a firsthand look at Global Thermostat’s prototype. The machine loomed about 60 feet high, with a thicket of PVC piping snaked around its broad metal base. Up top, I could see a row of fans blowing air past a large metal accordion containing sorbent-coated ceramics. I watched as the accordion collapsed into the base, where the CO2 is extracted.

As cutting-edge tech goes, the machine was anticlimactic. It would blend in with any industrial machinery you might find on a work site. That’s precisely the point, Chichilnisky had told me over the phone last winter. Like Lackner, she and Eisenberger envision installing millions of units in cities and industrial parks worldwide, harnessing waste heat to draw down carbon pollution. “It’s farming the sky,” she said.

Keith Negley


3. CLIMATE MODELERS IN A PANIC


If DAC ever really takes off, you can thank the psychology of climate modelers.

By the early 2000s, the scientists were predicting a bleak future. They had taken into account myriad factors that influence warming, including the volume and potency of heat-trapping gases, the rate at which those gases are increasing in prevalence, and the Earth’s natural mechanisms for capturing and sequestering carbon, like trees. It was clear that the world’s nations had made little progress in weaning themselves off fossil fuels. So the climatologists began wondering: What if you included “net negative” technologies that would artificially remove CO2 from the air?

A few scientists had theorized that one might do this using a new process they dubbed Bioenergy With Carbon Capture and Sequestration (or Storage). You could sow endless cycles of fast-growing trees or crops, burn that biomass to generate electricity, capture the resulting CO2 from your plant’s smokestack, and inject it deep into the ground (ideally amid porous rock like basalt, which has oodles of tiny crevices that CO2 molecules can populate). In theory, if you replaced thousands of fossil fuel plants with BECCS plants, you could generate lots of electricity and come out net negative because your biomass had already, via photosynthesis, sucked a lot of carbon out of the air—and now that carbon is buried. Sure enough, when scientists incorporated BECCS into their models, it helped balance the books. They could produce scenarios with lots and lots of power plants that would begin to walk humanity back from the climatic abyss.

The BECCS hubbub came to a head after the 2015 Paris agreement, when 191 countries signed on to an aggressive new goal: They would take collective action to limit warming to “well below” 2 degrees Celsius by 2100 and work hard to keep it to 1.5 degrees. The IPCC was asked to create four pathways that would keep warming within the promised range. The rosiest one assumed nations would take immediate action to retool their energy streams, roll out renewables, and electrify transportation. Carbon-removal technologies would not be needed.Factoring biomass carbon capture and storage into climate models “was an avoidance strategy” for terrified scientists. “You just don’t want to look the truth in the eye.”

The other three pathways took a dimmer, more realistic view of human nature. These assessments assumed countries would embrace renewables slowly and that we would “overshoot” within a few decades. We would emit so much CO2 that, absent drastic measures, we’d pass well beyond 1.5 degrees­­—with devastating effects, including wilder and spikier weather, and hundreds of millions more deaths from severe droughts, fires, floods, and famine. To ameliorate the overshoot, we would have to ramp up carbon sequestration efforts. That would require lots of afforestation—the opposite of deforestation—and we’d have to get serious about forcing coal- and gas-fueled power plants to trap emissions at the source.

But even that wasn’t enough. We would also, the IPCC said, require “net negative” technologies—including BECCS plants. The panel’s three alternative pathways all assumed we would build lots of these, picking up speed until, by 2050, we were pulling up to 10 gigatons of CO2 from the air each year, and twice that by 2100. Only then could we make it to 2100 with less than 1.5 degrees of warming.

There was just one howling problem: Large-scale BECCS, energy experts agree, is a fantasy. The idea looks neat on paper, but rolling it out as the IPCC envisioned would require an untenable amount of real estate. You’d have to devote up to 40 percent of global cropland just to grow trees and plants to burn, the National Academy of Sciences calculated in one study. Another paper estimated that the scheme would require a territory the size of India. “We don’t have the land,” Felix Creutzig of the Mercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change told me bluntly. He was part of a group that studied all the ideas humans have come up with to capture carbon, including BECCS, afforestation, DAC, and various methods for absorbing CO2 into the ocean.

Afforestation and reforestation run into the same problem that BECCS does. Planting enough trees to reach net zero by 2050, Oxfam reported in August, would require 4 billion acres, equivalent to more than 80 percent of all the existing farmland on the planet. As for the notion of closing the gap with BECCS, “If you include biodiversity for just one second, it’s mostly out of the question,” Creutzig says. That’s why there are next to no BECCS plants in operation today.

The truth is, some of the climatologists who used BECCS in their models all those years knew it would never be viable, longtime climate modeler Wolfgang Knorr told me. “It was an avoidance strategy,” a coping mechanism for terrified scientists, he says. “You just don’t want to look the truth in the eye—that we waited too long” to stop burning fossil fuels.

DAC, by contrast, wasn’t a fantasy. The tech, already under development, didn’t require nearly as much land as BECCS. Even tens of millions of machines would take up far less space than biomass crops. In engineering-­speak, DAC can scale. And as it does, it should get ever cheaper and more efficient. Most technologies follow a developmental learning curve akin to Moore’s Law in the computer industry: The more you make of something, the better you get at doing so efficiently, and the cheaper the technology becomes. (Typically, every time you double the quantity of an item on the market, the price drops by 10 to 20 percent.) That’s how PCs went from costing thousands of dollars in the 1970s to $25 for a Raspberry Pi computer today. Biological solutions are very tricky to scale; machines not so much.

In any case, the 2018 IPCC report made policymakers and investors suddenly take DAC much more seriously. The panel’s new report, even more dire, restated its case: Carbon-sucking on a massive scale was almost certainly going to be necessary. The DAC entrepreneurs couldn’t have asked for better timing. Most had already proved they could capture CO2 from the air. The big remaining question was: Who would pay them enough to do it at scale?

4. WHO WANTS TO BUY A TON OF CARBON DIOXIDE?


That’s a tricky question. Right now, companies like Climeworks or Carbon Engineering charge an estimated $500 per ton of captured CO2. Hitting the IPCC’s goal of sequestering 10 gigatons a year by midcentury would run $5 trillion a year. Most observers think the price has to come down to $100—and ideally far less—to make DAC viable.

The only way to drive down those costs, the inventors say, is to subsidize their operations. If they can roll out thousands of DAC machines over the next couple of decades, the price will certainly plummet. But someone needs to be willing to pay $500 a ton to get things started. In 2019, Stripe, which makes payment-processing software, announced a small climate fund to buy atmospheric carbon at any price from anyone who sequesters it permanently. So far it has spent $8 million, including purchases from Climeworks and Charm Industrial, which liquefies plant waste from farms into an oil and then buries it. Stripe is paying well over $500 a ton, says Nan Ransohoff, the company’s climate guru, but “we’re looking for projects that have the potential to get to under $100 by 2040.” Specifically, projects that won’t require too much land.

Virtually every player in the fledgling carbon-removal industry makes the case for government investment to prime the pump, much as public support seeded wind and solar development in past decades. President Obama’s 2009 stimulus bill included a modest sum for research into climate solutions. The previous year, Congress had approved lucrative subsidies under Section 45Q of the tax code for any firm that captures and sequesters CO2 by the ton­—the law was amended in 2018 to include DAC by name. (The Biden administration is seeking to expand the 45Q program.) California and Washington, meanwhile, have created tax credits for firms that sequester CO2.

These subsidies have enabled DAC projects that are profitable—if barely. The most ambitious one to date is the Texas plant that Oxy Low Carbon Ventures is building with Carbon Engineering to remove up to 1 million metric tons of CO2 per year. The terms are private, but Oldham, Carbon Engineering’s ceo, emphasizes the government’s role: For each ton captured, the 45Q credit pays up to $35, and California’s offset covers $200. (The California credit applies to carbon that’s hoovered up in Texas, or any state—location doesn’t matter.) “You can just make the economics work,” Holmes told me.

The partners intend to use the captured carbon for enhanced oil recovery—injecting CO2 into near-depleted wells to help extract what’s left.

But the project’s details quickly veer into territory that makes environmentalists queasy. That’s because the corporate partners intend to sequester the carbon using a method called “enhanced oil recovery.” That is, they’ll inject the CO2 into near-depleted oil and gas wells to help extract what’s left. Energy firms have used this technique for decades to maximize profits. Historically, for example, Occidental Petroleum has had to pay about $25 a ton for the CO2 it uses, so capturing that CO2 instead makes its operation a bit more profitable.

This makes business sense. But to many environmentalists, it seems nuts. “If you ask people, ‘Hey, do you think it’s a good idea to suck carbon out of the air?’ they’ll say, ‘Yeah, it’s a great idea!’” says John Noël, the senior climate campaigner for Greenpeace. “And then if you say to them, ‘Do you think you should take that carbon and shove it in the ground to push more gas and oil out there?’ they’re like, ‘What? That sounds crazy!’”

Federal and state governments, whose representatives often enjoy the support of fossil fuel interests, don’t find this crazy at all. Industry lobbyists worked closely with elected leaders to make sure firms using DAC for enhanced oil recovery would be eligible for sequestration credits. But the cooperation goes further. DAC inventors and their backers explicitly argue that scaling up requires they work hand in glove with Big Oil. The only viable path, most will say, involves extending the era of internal combustion and fossil fuel power by decades.

After CO2 is extracted by direct air capture, there are four proposed outcomes for the captured greenhouse gas—each with its own drawbacks.»»


Burial
CO2 is transported to locations whose underground geology enables permanent sequestration.
Downside
Requires 65,000-plus miles of risky pipelines




Synfuels
CO2 is converted into liquid hydrocarbons to be burned in existing engines and power plants.
Downside
Extends fossil fuel era and creates additional pollution




Enhanced oil recovery
CO2 is pumped deep into gas and oil wells to boost production output.
Downside
Extends fossil fuel era and requires pipeline expansion



Manufacturing
CO2 is diverted to produce beverages, dry ice, cement, carbon-fiber materials, and more.
Downside
Existing markets are minuscule.

5. A  VISION OF SYNTHETIC FUELS

It’s worth explaining the argument of the DAC visionaries in detail, if only to grasp their worldview. If you want to remove 10 billion metric tons of CO2 per year, they say, you can’t do it with DAC unless you drive the price down. Enhanced oil recovery is a kick-starter. That means more fossil fuels get dug up and burned, but the net emissions are less than they would have been. More importantly, proponents note, enhanced oil recovery provides an immediate market for the captured carbon. Oil firms need a lot of CO2 to make eor work. The only other markets that exist, such as making carbonated beverages and dry ice, are relatively tiny. Potentially bigger markets—like mixing CO2 into concrete or using it to manufacture carbon-fiber materials for cars, clothes, and even buildings—are still gestational.

The next phase of the DAC boosters’ argument is even more audacious: Their tech should be used first to produce synthetic fuels for internal combustion engines. This, they argue, will decarbonize the world faster than trying to move over to solar- and wind-powered vehicles and power plants. On the surface, this seems a strange, circuitous detour. Solar and wind have become extremely cheap energy sources with vanishingly few emissions. Most environmentalists­—and the Biden administration, which recently called for a massive solar expansion—think we should scale them up aggressively and immediately. But wind and solar have a major storage and distribution problem. Sun is plentiful in Arizona, and wind abundant in Texas, but as yet, we have no efficient way to deliver that electricity to Boston or North Dakota. And storing electricity for use at night or during windless periods requires batteries, which necessitates resource-­intensive mining.“I think it’ll be a while before we get the whole of the internal-combustion-engine type mechanisms off the planet.”

In this regard, liquid fuels are still superior. They hold more energy per pound than today’s batteries do. Oil and gas firms also have experience storing them and shipping them around the country­—and the existing infrastructure to do just that. Liquid fuels, DAC proponents point out, are still needed to power large vehicles, most notably long-haul airplanes, because today’s batteries are too heavy—a point that many environmentalists I spoke with conceded. “I think it’ll be a while before we get the whole of the internal-combustion-engine type mechanisms off the planet,” Carbon Engineering’s Oldham tells me. “There are a lot of them. In many different places.” Even vehicles that can be electrified now, like light cars, aren’t being electrified anywhere near fast enough.

And so, as the DAC boosters argue, our best bet is to work within the existing oil-and-gas infrastructure. You would use DAC to suck up tons of CO2 and use solar or wind energy to convert it into carbon monoxide and oxygen. Separately, using electrolysis, you’d split water into hydrogen and oxygen. Combining the hydrogen with the carbon monoxide under the right conditions yields fuels that can be used, with minor engine modifications, to power ships, trucks, and planes. Burning the synfuels emits CO2, but if you go the catch-and-release route, you create, in Oldham’s words, a “closed loop.”

Another way to think about it, Lackner says, is that you’re creating a liquid battery to hold wind and solar power. You waste some energy in the process, but you’ve solved your storage and distribution problem. Energy firms in Texas could use solar-powered DAC to produce tank loads of synfuels and then ship them to Boston to generate power when the sun is down.




Drivers will still gun their gasoline engines, but the climate effect will be, in theory, net neutral.

The immediate benefit, by this logic, is that you’re decarbonizing internal combustion. Drivers will still gun their gasoline engines, but the climate effect will be, in theory, net neutral. For every tailpipe coughing out CO2, a DAC unit somewhere on the planet will suck up the equivalent amount and put it back into service as fuel. “I could put it wherever it’s cheapest, like in China or in Australia,” Lackner says.

“You make the oil companies and all their infrastructure part of the solution, not part of the problem,” adds Eisenberger, Global Thermostat’s co-founder. “You take an enormous pressure off the need for capital investment.”

Fulfilling the “net neutral” part of the vision will require a massive expansion of solar and wind capacity. Global Thermostat chose Chile for its first synfuel plant because of that nation’s abundant wind resources. GT is building the carbon-­grabbers and Siemens the electrolysis element, and ExxonMobil will produce the synfuels.

If you accept the premise of using liquid fuels as a battery, the inventors point out that creating a huge synfuels market would vastly accelerate the improvement of DAC technology, making it cheaper by the year. A successful scale-up, Lackner predicts, would bring the cost as low as $50 per ton within a few decades—cheap enough for governments to tackle legacy carbon. But the drawdown wouldn’t begin until about 2060, after we’d made transportation net neutral.

If and when we manage to pull it off, removing mass quantities of carbon will require an enormous number of DAC machines. To hit the IPCC’s goal of 10 billion tons per year by midcentury, according to a recent study in Science, you’d need 30,000 plants the size of Carbon Engineering’s Texas facility. With the smaller Climeworks or Global Thermostat units, you’d need 30 million, and with Lackner’s trees, probably a lot more.

Building carbon extractors on such a scale sounds almost delusional. But Lackner counters that it’s really not, when you consider other human endeavors. After all, he points out, “We are building nearly 100 million cars and trucks a year.”

6. THE DANGER OF BUSINESS AS USUAL

Many environmentalists view the game plan of the DAC visionaries as preposterous, a complex bank shot that can’t possibly work. The sheer scale of the endeavor “would make dealing with coronavirus look like playtime,” says June Sekera, a visiting scholar at the New School for Social Research, who analyzed 200 academic papers on DAC to identify its risks. Sekera came away from her analysis convinced that extracting, shipping, and burying so much captured CO2 would invite disaster.

Sure, one could co-locate DAC plants alongside synfuel plants, but to bury billions of tons of excess carbon permanently would be, Sekera says, a logistical nightmare. First you’d need to transport the CO2 from your DAC installations to locations with the type of subterranean rock needed to sequester the gas. This would require a web of specialized high-pressure pipelines crisscrossing the country­. (Existing oil and gas pipelines won’t cut it.) We would need, by one estimate, at least 65,000 miles of them by 2050—12 times more than we have today. This and other considerations led the authors of a 2020 study in the journal Nature Communications to declare DAC an “energetically and financially costly distraction.”CO2 pipeline leaks could be lethal. Heavier than air, the gas hovers near the ground, where it can sicken and asphyxiate pets, livestock, and people.

What’s more, CO2 pipeline leaks could be lethal. Carbon dioxide is heavier than the nitrogen and oxygen that dominate the air we breathe. If a pipeline breaks, concentrated CO2 initially hovers near the ground, where it can sicken and asphyxiate pets, livestock, and people. (Recent pipeline ruptures in Louisiana and Mississippi, where CO2 is used for enhanced oil recovery, sent dozens to the hospital.) And if history is any guide, the new pipelines would be routed through some of America’s poorest areas, says Carroll Muffett, CEO of the Center for International Environmental Law, who opposes DAC. “When you’re adding carbon capture or direct air capture at—or around—industrial facilities, those facilities are overwhelmingly concentrated in communities of color,” he adds. “That’s true not only in the US, but around the world.”

And finally, we have the energy paradox. The machines needed to suck up 10 billion tons of CO2 each year would consume more than half the world’s current energy supply, according to a 2019 study in Nature. Using DAC to build a closed-loop cycle with synthetic fuels would require even more energy, and a huge expansion of solar and wind capacity.

So why, environmentalists often wonder, would we bother to expend all of that clean energy on DAC? Instead, why not just push hard to electrify our economies and get rid of as many oil-burning engines as we can, as fast as we can? The sooner we do so, the less DAC we’ll need in the long run, says Lindsay Meiman, a communications specialist with the environmental group 350.org. “We have those solutions—we have them,” she says. “It’s about the political will and investment and the priority.” The government should prioritize investments in “free public transit to create millions of jobs that will dismantle these current fossil fuel projects.”

“Once you start doing the numbers, you realize that it makes much more sense to just eliminate most of your emissions,” says David Morrow, research director at American University’s Institute for Carbon Removal Law and Policy.

Perhaps the biggest problem with the way DAC is now being rolled out and subsidized, critics say, is that it lets fossil fuel interests go on with business as usual. As Muffett sees it, the petroleum giants regard partnerships with companies like Global Thermostat and Carbon Engineering as a survival ploy. Polluters spent the past few decades claiming they could capture CO2 from smokestacks to make coal- and gas-powered electricity emission-free, but they never did. Now they’re claiming we can extract carbon from the sky. For fossil fuel firms, “any technology that says, ‘Hey, we don’t have to stop emitting this stuff—we can just find a way to make it disappear,’ is highly desirable,” Muffett says.

7. A PROGRESSIVE CASE FOR CARBON-SUCKING

Despite their deep skepticism, even many environmentalists repulsed by the fossil fuel industry have a nagging question in the back of their heads: What if carbon sequestration is necessary? What if humankind can’t—or won’t—move fast enough on renewables, and discovers later this century that the IPCC was right: We simply have to get rid of that excess carbon? Greenpeace’s Noël is hotly opposed to Big Oil and Gas. “We need to have a political, financial, and cultural full-court press to isolate the fossil fuel industry in all corners of life,” he practically shouted at me over the phone. “In policy circles they should not be allowed at the table. They should not be allowed to advertise. They shouldn’t be invited to any serious meeting.” He thinks they’re using DAC as a ruse: “The technology has been captured, manipulated, utilized, thrown into a PR machine.”

Yet still—still—Noël admits it’s probably a good idea for governments to fund scientists and engineers to work on DAC technologies. He’d like us to have the option in pocket, in case it’s ever needed. “I have a 9-month-old daughter and we’re at 415 parts per million” of CO2, he says. Given the serious effects we’re already seeing from climate change, Noël is deeply worried about what it’ll look like decades from now if we fail to hit the brakes on emissions. He’s fine with someone doing the work as long as it’s “fully decoupled from the fossil fuel industry.” Other environmentalists offered the same cautious approval. Morrow told me carbon-sucking should be our last resort, to be used sparingly only after we’ve shifted as much of the economy as possible toward renewables: “The role that DAC can play is an important but limited one, where we’re cleaning up stuff that we don’t have a good way to clean up otherwise, or drawing down legacy carbon.”

One can even make an explicitly progressive case for DAC. That’s the view of Holly Jean Buck, an assistant professor of environment and sustainability at the University at Buffalo, and author of the book Ending Fossil Fuels. Buck points out that America is not only wealthy—in part because we enjoyed cheap energy for decades while emitting CO2 freely—but we also have lots of land that’s geologically suited for sequestration; more than most countries. As a matter of environmental justice, the United States could pursue DAC at home to help counter the emissions of a developing global south: “We put away some carbon and other countries can continue to have more time to figure out what their transition pathway looks like.”

It’s also possible that, managed correctly, DAC could become a good source of union-scale jobs in the United States. Erin Burns, the head of Carbon180, points out that the solar industry has suffered politically here, in part because we ceded most of our panel-­making to China, so solar has not yet produced many manufacturing jobs. (Installation jobs are booming, however.) We could do better this time around by developing policies that compel domestic DAC firms to use locally produced steel, pay union wages, and seek meaningful input from affected communities. Burns hails from southern West Virginia, where coal-mining communities haven’t reaped many good jobs from renewables: “We want to learn from that experience and say, ‘Okay, what does it look like to scale up direct air capture in a way that’s just and equitable?’”Skeptics say direct air capture should be wrested away from the oil and gas industry. Yet no one has envisioned a clear path to making DAC a reality without it.

DAC skeptics all insist that control of the development and rollout be wrested away from the big polluters. Yet no one really has set out a clear path to make DAC viable without the fossil fuel sector. The government can fund researchers to figure out sequestration science and build prototypes, but it doesn’t possess the human or industrial resources to design and mass-produce DAC machines. Most large-scale things the government procures now are built by contractors anyway, so at best it would be outsourcing construction of government-owned CO2 pipelines and DAC machines to major industries, including oil and gas.

Even so, the public may have a surprisingly robust voice even in how the private sector tackles this problem. Because no free market yet exists for captured CO2, anyone pursuing DAC technology will require generous subsidies. This means, as Buck points out, that input and lobbying from environmental and public interest groups can shape the trajectory. For example, every skeptic I interviewed wants Congress to amend the 45Q credit so fossil fuel firms can’t collect when they use captured CO2 for oil recovery. Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) has proposed legislation—the Clean Energy for America Act—that would do precisely that. (Going out on a limb, Buck posits that the feds could even nationalize oil and gas companies and force them to roll out DAC. Those industrial giants helped create a socialized crisis, after all, she says, so maybe the public should take ownership of them, just as the feds took on massive—if temporary—stakes in several automakers after the 2008 bailouts.)

Lastly, the progressive argument insists that DAC isn’t our first tool of choice. Before devoting major public funds to incentivize it, we should first throw our subsidies at renewables. As for sucking up carbon, we’d want to pursue as many low-tech, nature-based techniques as possible. Just how far can we push reforestation? Ocean sequestration—such as treating beaches with chemicals that compel sand to suck up CO2 or growing plankton that metabolizes it—could be explored more aggressively. And though BECCS might be a boondoggle, farms do produce a lot of biowaste—about 104 million tons a year—that can be used for sequestration.

But we still might need those DAC machines. When I first spoke with Lackner, he argued that humanity had already blown far past the ideal time to step away from oil and gas. “In 1980, we could have said, ‘Let’s stop!’ And instead we procrastinated,” he told me. We’ll be lucky if his technology works as well as he hopes. When I visited his lab in the summer, it had the atmosphere of all the tech startups I’ve ever visited: a lot of excitement, but no guarantees. DAC is the classic industrial Wild West tale—nobody has any idea who’ll win or whether winning is even possible.

Yet Lackner is hopeful, in his dry and chill fashion. He took me outside to a gravelly construction area where, later this year, his team will install the first prototype of his next-generation carbon-sucking tree. A cherry picker stood in the middle of the ground. Lackner’s latest tree consists of a 30-foot stack of sorbent disks. It may not look like much, he said, but neither did windmills in the ’80s and ’90s, and look how powerful they are today. “If we can pull wind energy out of the air,” he said, “we can pull CO2 out.”
CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M
Illicit copper trade compounds SA’s economic woes

The financial hits from copper theft disclosed by Eskom and Transnet alone represent a significant economic blow to SA



Workers from Transnet fix a section of a railway in Springs, Ekurhuleni, where a 1km copper cable was stolen.
 Picture: THULANI MBELE

15 OCTOBER 2021 - ZANDI SHABALALA

SA’s economic woes are being compounded by the theft of huge amounts of copper from state-owned enterprises Eskom and Transnet, much of which is smuggled overseas, costing the country billions of rand a year, according to market sources.

Eskom, which expects to make a R15.2bn net loss in its current financial year, told Reuters that “unrelenting” copper theft was costing it R5bn to R7bn annually, plus R2bn a year to replace stolen cables.

Transnet Freight Rail said copper thefts had climbed 177% over the past five years and had risen particularly sharply during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Hundreds of thousands of metres of cables were stolen in 2020, leading to about 20 trains being cancelled a day, according to the company, which said it had been forced to employ security drones and helicopters to stop criminal gangs.

“The cumulative damage of copper cable theft to the economy, Transnet, and the general public is staggering,” it said.

The financial hits disclosed by Eskom and Transnet alone represent a significant economic blow to SA, where frequent rolling power cuts have stifled growth and dampened investor confidence.

While copper theft is not a new phenomenon, the state companies and market players in SA say it has surged in recent years. Global demand for copper scrap has boomed due to tight supplies and low inventories, pushing prices to record highs.

Some SA scrap dealers buy stolen copper, melt it down, turn it into ingots and granules, which do not require scrap export permits, or remove identifying markers, four sources at local manufacturing and recycling companies told Reuters.

Three of the sources said smugglers typically sent scrap to Asian markets, often using export codes for shoes or textiles to avoid detection.

“There is almost no way to identify where scrap has come from once it’s been granulated, sheared or shredded as the processing machinery damages any identifying marks on metal surfaces” said Ross Bartley, head of trade and environment at the Bureau of International Recycling.

Smuggling profits


Previously unreported government data from confidential reports compiled for the scrap industry shows how the SA market has morphed.

The International Trade Administration Commission (Itac), the government agency responsible for export permits, granted copper export permits for 9,956 tonnes of scrap in 2019, a fraction of the 122,817 tonnes in 2012.

Six scrap and manufacturing sources said the scrap was leaving the country in more processed forms or in mislabelled cargo. However Itac said the decline in permits was largely down to more scrap deals being agreed domestically under the country’s Price Preference System (PPS), rather than a surge in smuggling.

The PPS, introduced in 2013, forced scrap exporters to offer local manufacturers material at a discounted rate.

Yet the industry sources said this had not significantly helped as the domestic prices for scrap were often far lower than the profits that could be gained from smuggling or selling it abroad.

A spokesperson at the SA Revenue Service declined to comment on how much the stolen scrap metal was costing the country.

‘Concern in industry’

Evert Swanepoel, chairperson of the Copper Development Association Africa (CDAA), which represents manufacturers that use copper scrap, said the illicit market was driving law-abiding firms out of business.

The CDAA’s membership has almost halved in the last four years and thousands of jobs have been lost due to manufacturers not being able to access the scrap they need as a basic material for manufacturing.

“If we don’t do something soon the industry is doomed.”

The government added an export levy onto the PPS in August to encourage more high quality scrap to stay in the country.

Donald MacKay, director of XA International Trade Advisors, estimated that this added about R300m a year in costs for legitimate scrap exporters.

“There is serious concern in the scrap industry over this,” said MacKay, who advises exporters on trade laws. “There’s an enforcement problem here.”

“Criminals who are illegally trading scrap metal are not going to develop a conscience when they need to make an export declaration.”

Reuters
BARBARA POMPILI: France partners with SA in transition to low-carbon economy
THE UNSAID PART FRANCE EXPORTS NUCLEAR POWER
Climate envoys meet local leaders over financing and support that can enable country to reduce its coal dependence

Picture: REUTERS/PETER ANDREWS

15 OCTOBER 2021 - BARBARA POMPILI

Transition to a more sustainable and resilient society can no longer be a long-term goal. The time has come to take concrete action to address the issues of climate change and biodiversity loss worldwide. This urgency is now reflected in the packed international agenda about these issues.

This week is the opening of the UN Biodiversity conference in China, which aims at elevating the protection of biodiversity to the same level as that of the climate. Then, the beginning of November will see a critical moment in global climate action when the COP26 summit takes place in Glasgow.

Ahead of these summits, SA and France have been hard at work to facilitate our journey towards a low-carbon economy and a climate-resilient society that protects biodiversity. This partnership has been a key priority for France and will continue to be.

Last month, climate envoys from France, Germany, the UK the EU and the US met SA leaders to discuss financing options and support that can enable SA to reduce its dependence on coal. As I visit SA, we look forward to further exploring opportunities and to strengthen our partnerships in this field as we move towards COP26.

France recognises the challenges and the social impact of the transition and the significant support necessary to ensure that no-one is left behind. The “just” part of the transition is crucial and the inclusion of local communities is the key element to make this a success.

France also sees SA’s potential and commitment to a greener future, for its own citizens and the rest of the world. Now the world’s 12th-biggest emitter of greenhouse gases, SA has prioritised efforts to reduce its carbon footprint, but it needs further, continued support. France and the EU stand ready.

Mpumalanga communities

SA has made it clear that its ambitious, revised nationally determined contribution to mitigating greenhouse gas emissions, submitted under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, will need concrete support from developed countries.

As France, we are already involved in various energy technologies in SA and successful renewable programmes to bring in private power developers. The French development agency is also providing support to communities in Mpumalanga to transition away from coal.

On biodiversity, France partners with SA National Parks (SANParks) and SA National Biodiversity Institute (Sanbi) on many projects. We strongly believe that these partnerships and the sharing of knowledge and skills will greatly benefit our countries and the fights against our shared environment challenges.

We want to go even further. While the world focuses on COP26 and its impact on our global future, the just energy transition for South Africans locally and the protection of its biodiversity is of particular significance. A successful transition could cause SA to stand as a model for other coal-reliant nations and elevate it as a leading country in the fight against climate change.

Furthermore, an energy transition has the potential not only to reduce carbon emissions, but increase energy supply security for the growth of the country. The transformation of Eskom’s coal-reliant power grid will be key in addressing both environmental issues and shortages affecting South Africans nationwide. SA’s biodiversity provides and invaluable foundation for the country’s economy and forms an important basis for development.

Of course, this road of a just transition is not an easy one — and no country can ride it alone. That is why trust, long-term partnerships, inclusiveness, action and solidarity are the tenets of the SA-French relations.

• Pompili is French minister of ecological transition.
SOUTH AFRICA
Sudden halt to funding coal projects could lead to ruin, banks say

Although coal-related lending makes up a small portion of the major banks’ loan portfolios, the financing is vital for keeping the lights on and tens of thousands of people employed

15 OCTOBER 2021 - 
EMMA RUMNEY

FirstRand CEO Alan Pullinger. Picture: FREDDY MAVUNDA

SA’s banks say they have to keep funding at least some coal projects for now because an immediate halt would put huge political and economic strain on a nation that relies on the most polluting of fossil fuels.

The top for banks have started to withdraw financing, with Nedbank and FirstRand setting deadlines of 2025 and 2026 respectively to end funding for new thermal coal mines. Both have stopped lending to new coal-fired power plants.

But the banks still finance existing coal mines and power stations. Absa and Standard Bank, SA's other two leading lenders, have left the door open to funding some new coal mining or power projects.

Although coal-related lending makes up a small portion of their loan portfolios, the financing is vital for keeping the lights on and tens of thousands of people employed in the country.

Eskom relies mainly on ailing coal-fired power stations to supply 90% of SA’s electricity. More than 90,000 people were employed in coal mines in 2020.



“The profits we make on fossil fuels are minuscule,” FirstRand CEO Alan Pullinger told Reuters.

“The easiest thing would be to say ‘we’re out’,” he said, but he added that such a step would force the already heavily indebted government to step in to prop up the sector.

Ending funding for coal is in the spotlight ahead of a UN climate conference in Glasgow, Scotland in November.

The fuel is a major driver of climate-warming emissions, but also a relatively cheap form of power generation relied upon by many emerging economies.

Local context

SA banks say local conditions demand they still support the industry, but they face growing pressure from international investors in the push to cut emissions and fewer insurers are now ready to share the risks linked to coal assets.

SA was the 12th largest emitter of climate-warming gases globally in 2019, with Eskom accounting for more than 40%.

“We are dependent on Eskom, so we can’t stop funding Eskom, because we'll shut down our entire economy,” an executive at one of SA's top lenders said.

Eskom's largest coal suppler is miner Exxaro. As a result, the executive said: “Right now, from an economic perspective, we can't shut off Exxaro.”

Nedbank said efforts to address climate change had to consider the local context. Absa said coal finance would be reduced but it had to balance macroeconomic and social issues with climate needs.

Wendy Dobson, head of group corporate citizenship at Standard Bank, said the bank planned to set boundaries for its exposure to climate risk, which would lead to limits on the amount of lending for coal and other fossil fuels.

Taking too hard a line with governments reliant on fossil fuels could prove counterproductive, she added.

Banks were highly unlikely to extend new financing to coal projects and should be more explicit about this, said Emma Schuster, climate risk analyst at activist shareholder group JustShare.

Reuters
US throws out millions of doses of Covid vaccine as world goes wanting

Figures surged over summer as doses expired and vaccinations flagged amid widespread hesitancy


One study based on CDC data found 15m vaccine doses were wasted in the US between March and September. 
Photograph: Nathan Posner/Rex/Shutterstock


Melody Schreiber
Sat 16 Oct 2021 

The United States is wasting millions of Covid-19 vaccine doses even as shortages plague many parts of the world.

At least 15m doses were scrapped in the US between March and September, according to one analysis of CDC data. A separate investigation found 1m doses were discarded in 10 states between December and July.


Covid vaccines for US children are coming but challenge will be persuading parents


States continue tossing unused shots. Louisiana has thrown out 224,000 unused doses of the Covid vaccines – a rate that has almost tripled since the end of July, even as a deadly fourth wave of the virus gripped the state. Some of the lost doses came from opening and not finishing vials, but more than 20,000 shots simply expired.

Thousands of doses are reportedly wasted each day in Wisconsin. In Alabama, more than 65,000 doses have been tossed; in Tennessee, it’s almost 200,000.

The wasted doses represent a small fraction of the number of shots administered in these states – in Louisiana, for instance, 4.4m doses have been given out successfully.

But the news comes as millions of people around the world wait for their first doses. Only 1% of the populations of low-income countries had received first shots as of July, compared with more than half of those living in a handful of high-income countries.

Many of the discarded doses came from pharmacies. In May, two pharmacy chains had wasted more doses than US states, territories and federal agencies combined, for almost three-quarters of tossed doses. Now, at least 7.6m discarded doses come from four major pharmacies: Walgreens, CVS, Walmart and Rite Aid.

There are multiple reasons why doses have been wasted: sometimes a vial is cracked or doesn’t contain as many doses as promised; sometimes needles malfunction; freezers break down or the power goes out. Frequently, people don’t show up for appointments, and the dose set aside for them in a vial isn’t used.

But as vaccinations across the country have stalled after peaking in mid-April, a growing issue is simply that the vaccines are expiring amid vaccine hesitancy in the US that is more widespread than first imagined.

Before June, a little over 2m doses had gone to waste, NBC News reported. But over the summer, those figures surged – alongside the virus itself – sixfold as doses expired and vaccinations flagged.

The Biden administration has pushed to use the US vaccine stockpile for boosters, sometimes clashing with scientific agencies on who needs the added protection of an additional shot.

Officials are also working with vaccine manufacturers to reduce the number of doses in each vial.

In the face of global inequities, it’s not as simple as states donating unused vaccines. The doses already distributed to states can’t be repurposed internationally because of bureaucratic and safety concerns around storing the vaccines correctly.

Joe Biden has vowed to vaccinate 70% of the world in the next year, and has committed to donate several million doses for use abroad. But in the meantime, many countries are struggling to provide shots to the most vulnerable and those working on the frontlines of the pandemic, while Americans refuse the immunizations.

Manufacturers should also scale up production to address global shortages, the administration has said. Moderna, for instance, needs to “step up as a company” when it comes to global production of vaccines, David Kessler, the Biden administration’s chief science officer of the Covid-19 response, said on Wednesday.
GLOW IN THE DARK GREEN ENERGY
UK poised to confirm funding for mini nuclear reactors for carbon-free energy


Rolls-Royce-led consortium already has £210m in private backing for plans to build 16 reactors across the country


Artist’s impression of a Rolls-Royce small modular reactor. 
Photograph: Rolls-Royce/Studio Archetype


Rob Davies
@ByRobDavies
Fri 15 Oct 2021 

The government is poised to approve funding for a fleet of Rolls-Royce mini nuclear reactors that the prime minister hopes will help the UK reach his target of zero-carbon electricity by 2035.

A consortium led by the British engineering firm had already secured £210m in backing from private investors for the small modular reactor (SMR) project, a sum that the government is expected to match or better. Confirmation is expected before the spending review on 27 October, according to well-placed sources.

The consortium, known as UK SMR, will rebrand as Rolls-Royce SMR to coincide with Westminster’s blessing.

Tom Greatrex, the chief executive of the Nuclear Industry Association (NIA), said: “Match-funding for Rolls-Royce would be a huge signal to private investors that the government wants SMRs alongside new large-scale stations to hit net zero. It would also show investors that the government believes in nuclear as a green technology.”

Backing from the government will pave the way for the consortium’s multibillion-pound plan to build 16 SMRs around the country, the first of which could be plugged into the grid by 2031.

Each reactor, designed to be easy to build and install, will have a capacity of 470 megawatts (MW), enough to power nearly 1.3m homes, based on average household usage.

Boris Johnson visited Rolls-Royce’s Bristol factory on Friday, where he was shown round the facility by the engineering firm’s chief executive, Warren East. Neither Rolls-Royce nor No 10 would comment on whether the future of SMRs was discussed during the visit but the firm this week touted the technology as a means of providing carbon-free power for producing sustainable aviation fuel.

SMRs are understood to be a key component of the prime minister’s pledge to eliminate fossil fuels from electricity generation by 2035, a landmark promise he made last month in the run-up to the UK’s hosting of the Cop26 climate summit in Glasgow.

Rolls-Royce is being advised by HSBC, which has helped it secure £210m from private investors, a condition of the government stumping up the same amount.

Confirmed support for SMRs could signal a concerted effort within government to reverse the scheduled decline in the UK’s nuclear power capacity. About 20% of the nation’s electricity comes from 13 nuclear reactors capable of producing 7.8GW of power. But more than half of that capacity comes from reactors due to retire by 2025, and plans to replace them have stalled.

Toshiba pulled out of a plant at Moorside in Cumbria in 2020, and Hitachi withdrew planning consent for a project at Wylfa Newydd, on Anglesey, this year. While Hinkley Point C is due to start generating electricity from 2026, only one new project, Sizewell C, is now in the works, with no final investment decision yet made.

Britain’s ability to build new nuclear reactors has been further complicated by the government’s unwillingness to allow any further involvement from the state-backed China General Nuclear. CGN has a 20% stake in Sizewell C but ministers have been looking into ways to remove it from the project before it moves to the construction phase. The Chinese company was due to take a lead role in the Bradwell reactor in Suffolk, which is now highly unlikely to go ahead.

The business secretary, Kwasi Kwarteng, said last week that weaning the nation off fossil fuels would involved building at least one new nuclear project, alongside renewables such as wind and solar.

The prediction is likely to hinge on whether the Treasury, which has clashed Kwarteng’s department over household support for energy suppliers, backs a new funding model for the industry.

Industry players are keen to see the government legislate to approve the regulated asset base (RAB) model, which allows private investors a more reliable stream of revenues from nuclear power plants – which typically require tens of billions of pounds to build – by piling costs on to household energy bills.

Greatrex said RAB funding “could at last mobilise the funding for nuclear large and small to restore a backbone of clean, reliable British power to our energy system”.

Sign up to the daily Business Today email or follow Guardian Business on Twitter at @BusinessDesk

Rolls-Royce has said it could create 6,000 UK jobs within five years if the government backs its SMR plans. It has also reportedly held discussions with customers overseas, including companies such as Amazon that operate energy-hungry datacentres.

The nine-strong consortium also includes the National Nuclear Laboratory and Laing O’Rourke, the construction firm, alongside Assystem, SNC Lavalin/Atkins, Wood, BAM Nuttall, the Welding Institute and Nuclear AMRC.

Small modular reactors were first developed in the 1950s for use in nuclear-powered submarines. Since then Rolls-Royce has designed reactors for seven classes of submarine and two separate land-based prototype reactors.

Rolls-Royce did not return a request for comment.
AUKUS
Nuclear agencies say it’s too early to know what infrastructure is needed to support submarine program

Rex Patrick says it’s ‘beyond comprehension’ Australia could build a nuclear-powered fleet without a domestic industry to support it

The nuclear reactor at Lucas Heights in Sydney, which is used for research and nuclear medicine. Nuclear agencies will appear at a Senate inquiry on Friday to face questions over whether Australia needs a domestic nuclear power industry.
 Photograph: Tracey Nearmy/AAP

Tory Shepherd
Fri 15 Oct 2021 

Nuclear agencies say it is too early to speculate what legislative and infrastructure changes need to be made to support a nuclear-submarine project.

A senate economics committee inquiry into naval shipbuilding has been running for two years, but a public hearing on Friday was the first since the federal government announced its intention to acquire at least eight nuclear-powered submarines.

Independent senator Rex Patrick called the Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency and the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation to appear. The agencies were quizzed over what nuclear infrastructure and industry would be needed to support the project, and what laws would need to be changed – however, they took most of those questions on notice.

Ansto did confirm it was consulted in March about the plan to buy nuclear-powered submarines, about six months ahead of September’s surprise announcement.

“Initial conversations started in March and we had a number of consultations between then and the announcement,” chief executive officer Shaun Jenkinson said.

Arpansa chief executive officer Carl-Magnus Larsson said his agency was briefed on the plan at the end of June or beginning of July.


Aukus pact to deepen Australia, US collaboration on space technology


The prime minister, Scott Morrison, has said there are no plans to develop a civil nuclear industry to support building submarines. He and defence say the nuclear reactors – which will be procured from the United States or the United Kingdom as part of the Aukus agreement – will not need refuelling, and therefore a domestic industry is not necessary.

Ahead of the inquiry, Patrick said: “It’s just unimaginable, it’s beyond comprehension that someone could suggest we’d be operating a nuclear operator in a submarine in a hands-off manner.
Advertisement

“I also want to understand what safety regime they understand to be necessary for this to be carried out,” he added.

Former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull said having nuclear submarines without an industry to support them would be “more plug and pray” than “plug and play”.

The Australian Strategic Policy Institute defence analyst Marcus Hellyer said Australia may not need nuclear power plants or facilities to enrich uranium, “but we’ll still need to perform maintenance and repair on the submarine, including the reactor”.

“You can’t have an effective military capability if you need to return it to the US any time there is a defect,” he said.

Patrick has pointed out that there are no countries with nuclear submarines that do not have a domestic nuclear industry.

“Either way there would be nuclear reactors sitting on hard-stands at Osborne and moored in the Port River,” he said.

“Acquiring, operating and maintaining a nuclear submarine fleet without a domestic nuclear power industry is a challenge that must not be underestimated.”

Labor senator Kim Carr said there would have to be “extensive onshore facilities” to train people in case there’s an emergency, or a malfunction.

“I’d be interested to know how this can be done without the development of the various sustainment industries.”

“We’d need to have intensive training of all personnel to understand the linkages between the reactor and all the other bits of the boat,” he said.

“You can’t just drop it in. It’s not like a battery in a mobile phone, everything’s connected to everything else.”

Australia has a nuclear reactor at Lucas Heights in Sydney for research and nuclear medicine. Australia also has about a third of the world’s uranium resources, and is working to establish a national radioactive waste management facility. Federal legislation bans the production of nuclear power, as do various state laws.

Ansto has said it will work with the US and the UK “to intensively examine the requirements that underpin nuclear stewardship”, and Morrison has said their nuclear science capabilities will be needed.

A Defence spokesperson said Australia, through Aukus, had “committed to working … over the next 18 months to determine the optimal pathway to deliver a nuclear-powered submarine capability for Australia”.

“Australia will leverage technology, capability and design expertise from the UK and US and will also evaluate a variety of considerations, including but not limited to: submarine design, construction, safety, operation, maintenance, disposal, regulation, training, environmental protection, installations and infrastructure, industrial base capacity, workforce, and force structure,” they said.

Shortly after announcing that plans to buy 12 diesel-electric submarines from France would be ditched in favour of the Aukus deal, Morrison was asked to respond to Turnbull’s comments, and those of other nuclear experts, that a supporting industry would be needed.

“We may be speaking about different things here and there’s terms that are thrown about here,” he said.

 

CanAlaska Uranium Stakes Historical Uranium Showings

  • Near 92 Energy and Baselode Energy Uranium Drillhole Intersections
  • Six High-Priority Target Areas Identified Along Major Structures

Vancouver, British Columbia--(Newsfile Corp. - October 14, 2021) - CanAlaska Uranium Ltd. (TSXV: CVV) (OTCQB: CVVUF) (FSE: DH7N) ("CanAlaska" or the "Company") is pleased to announce that compilation work on the Company's newly acquired Geikie project totalling 33,897 hectares in the eastern Athabasca Basin has identified six new uranium targets along 35 kilometres of major structures (figures 1 and 2). The targets are outlined by coincident magnetic breaks and prospective geology offsets just 10 kilometres from 92 Energy's Gemini mineralization (GM) and Baselode Energy's ACKIO and Beckett mineralization, and only 10 kilometres from a major highway.

Figure 1

CanAlaska's Geikie property straddles the extension of a fertile corridor of biotite gneisses hosting the Agip S high-grade uranium showing with up to 49% U and the recent Baselode Energy radioactive intersections near Beckett Lake on the Hook Lake property (Figure 2). The latter appears similar to 92 Energy's GM uranium zone near where Baselode has also intersected elevated radioactivity.

The presence of biotite gneiss, graphitic gneiss and calcsilicate (mafic gneiss) lithologies provides the contrast in rock strength and chemistry to create the pathway for structural disturbance together with the reducing conditions necessary to precipitate uranium. At least two large north-south trending Tabbernor faults interact with and displace these fertile uranium corridors creating ideal conditions for uranium deposits to form.

Junior Mining NetworkFigure 2

Several historical uranium showings occur on the property with grades as high as 0.225% U identified (Figure 2). The presence of Athabasca Group sandstone boulders in the project area demonstrates that the Athabasca Basin once covered this area indicating good potential for high-grade basement-hosted unconformity-related uranium deposits to form similar to NexGen's Arrow and Cameco's Eagle Point and Millennium uranium deposits.

CanAlaska CEO, Cory Belyk, comments, "CanAlaska continues to deploy its project generator model in the world's most prolific uranium district. Our team recognized the underexplored opportunity in this region of the eastern Athabasca Basin in conjunction with recent exploration success indicators, and acquired this very large contiguous land position just prior to the recent uranium staking rush. We look forward to working with a new joint venture partner to move this project forward."

Other News

The Company is currently drilling on its West McArthur Joint Venture Project in the 42 Zone discovery area, a joint venture with Cameco Corporation. The Company's other joint venture partner, Denison Mines, is currently drilling on the Moon Lake South project.

About CanAlaska Uranium

CanAlaska Uranium Ltd. (TSXV: CVV) (OTCQB: CVVUF) (FSE: DH7N) holds interests in approximately 300,000 hectares (750,000 acres), in Canada's Athabasca Basin - the "Saudi Arabia of Uranium." CanAlaska's strategic holdings have attracted major international mining companies. CanAlaska is currently working with Cameco and Denison at two of the Company's properties in the Eastern Athabasca Basin. CanAlaska is a project generator positioned for discovery success in the world's richest uranium district. The Company also holds properties prospective for nickel, copper, gold and diamonds. For further information visit www.canalaska.com.

The qualified technical person for this news release is Nathan Bridge, MSc., P.Geo., CanAlaska's Vice President, Exploration.

Knowledge theft in organizations ‘is not only happening; it’s happening a lot,’ University of Toronto research suggests


VIRGINIA GALT
SPECIAL TO THE GLOBE AND MAIL
PUBLISHED OCTOBER 15, 2021

Taking a serious academic look at what has long been grist for office gossip – the workplace idea thief – a team of University of Toronto researchers has found that knowledge theft in organizations “is not only happening; it’s happening a lot.”

Their high-profile paper on the issue, recently presented to the Academy of Management annual meeting, noted: “We have all worked with … [those] colleagues who get ahead by taking credit for another person’s work or who take our ideas and present them as their own.”

Victims of knowledge theft are less inclined to share their thoughts. Once burned, twice shy. They have lost out on recognition, rewards and promotion in some cases, say authors David Zweig, an associate professor of organizational behaviour and human resources management, and Alycia Damp, a PhD candidate at the university’s Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources.

Organizations that rely on innovation and collaboration to stand out – but dismiss such appropriation as competitive zeal or “the way we do things around here” – will find that the flow of ideas and knowledge transfer dries up, they said in interviews. It is premature to try to quantify the financial costs of such lost potential, but an initial survey – “our first crack at it” – found that knowledge theft is rampant in workplaces across all sectors, Mr. Zweig said in an interview.

“We surveyed 150 people and just asked them ‘Has this happened to you, have you seen it?’”

“Amazingly, 91 per cent of our sample either reported it had happened to them, or they had seen it happen to others. We even had people say that they did it to other people. So it’s not a low-base-rate kind of thing; it’s happening with great frequency in organizations,” Mr. Zweig said.

The topic resonated. When acquaintances got wind of their work, “everyone had a story to tell,” Ms. Damp said. The Academy of Management, a global association of management and organizational scholars, recognized their work as a “best paper” at its annual meeting.

One of the goals of the U of T research is to raise awareness of knowledge theft and help organizations understand, measure and mitigate the occurrence, “given the importance of effective knowledge management to the success of organizations,” Mr. Zweig said.

While some victims will deliberately withhold knowledge – or, less commonly, call out the knowledge thieves – others retreat into “defensive silence,” Ms. Damp added. “They are actually afraid to share knowledge because they anticipate they will be exploited again.”

Future research will probe the motives of the perpetrators and the strategies victims employ to protect ownership of their ideas, they said.

If the corporate culture is conducive to civilized resolution of such issues, it’s easier to take the high road by saying something along the lines of “I am so glad you were able to work with my idea,” says Eileen Chadnick, a Toronto-based management adviser and career coach.

In a cutthroat environment, Ms. Chadnick would advise the aggrieved party to weigh the options and proceed with caution. It’s important to assess the magnitude of the damage and the benefits of making a fuss. If a person’s reputation has been damaged by a colleague’s appropriation of their work, do they have to courage to confront the individual and set the record straight? Are there still opportunities that make it worth sticking around, or is it time to move on?

“Organizations that tolerate bad behaviours and unethical actions will lose their [high-potential employees],” Ms. Chadnick said in an interview.

One outcome Ms. Damp hopes will arise from the research is that leaders will become “more mindful of who is doing what.” It’s particularly galling to the victims of knowledge theft when the people who stole their ideas are promoted, the U of T researchers said.

Even when they move to organizations that value their work and treat everyone fairly, people who had their ideas pirated in the past can find it difficult to engage in free-wheeling knowledge sharing, Ms. Damp said. “I’ve had some individuals who shared stories about their knowledge theft experience from 10 or 20 years ago, and they are still more protective than they used to be.”
Climate crimes Climate crisis

A US small-town mayor sued the oil industry. Then Exxon went after him


Serge Dedina: ‘The only conspiracy is [that] a bunch of suits and fossil-fuel companies decided to pollute the earth and make climate change worse, and then lie about it.’ 
Photograph: John Francis Peters/The Guardian

The mayor of Imperial Beach, California, says big oil wants him to drop the lawsuit demanding the industry pay for the climate crisis


Supported by


Chris McGreal in Imperial Beach
Sat 16 Oct 2021 11.00 BST



Serge Dedina is a surfer, environmentalist and mayor of Imperial Beach, a small working-class city on the California coast.

He is also, if the fossil fuel industry is to be believed, at the heart of a conspiracy to shake down big oil for hundreds of millions of dollars.

ExxonMobil and its allies have accused Dedina of colluding with other public officials across California to extort money from the fossil-fuel industry. Lawyers even searched his phone and computer for evidence he plotted with officials from Santa Cruz, a city located nearly 500 miles north of Imperial Beach.

The problem is, Dedina had never heard of a Santa Cruz conspiracy. Few people had.

“The only thing from Santa Cruz on my phone was videos of my kids surfing there,” Dedina said. “I love the fact that some lawyer in a really expensive suit, sitting in some horrible office trying to find evidence that we were in some kind of conspiracy with Santa Cruz, had to look at videos of my kids surfing.”

That’s where the laughter stopped.

The lawyers found no evidence to back up their claim. But that did not stop the industry from continuing to use its legal muscle to try to intimidate Dedina, who leads one of the poorest small cities in the region.

The mayor became a target after Imperial Beach filed a lawsuit against ExxonMobil, Chevron, BP and more than 30 other fossil-fuel companies demanding they pay the huge costs of defending the city from rising seas caused by the climate crisis.
Homes along the final stretch of Imperial Beach coast before reaching the border with Mexico. 
Photograph: John Francis Peters/The Guardian

Imperial Beach’s lawsuit alleges the oil giants committed fraud by covering up research showing that burning fossil fuels destroys the environment. The industry then lied about the evidence for climate change for decades, deliberately delaying efforts to curb carbon emissions.

The city’s lawsuit was among the first of a wave of litigation filed by two dozen municipalities and states across the US that could cost the fossil-fuel industry billions of dollars in compensation for the environmental devastation and the deception.

Dedina says his minority majority community of about 27,000 cannot begin to afford the tens of millions of dollars it will cost to keep at bay the waters bordering three sides of his financially strapped city. The worst of recent storms have turned Imperial Beach into an island.

One assessment calculated that, without expensive mitigation measures, rising sea levels will eventually swamp some of the city’s neighbourhoods, routinely flood its two schools and overwhelm its drainage system.

Imperial Beach’s annual budget is $20m. Exxon’s chief executive, Darren Woods, was paid more than $15m last year.

“We don’t have a pot to piss in in this city. So why not go after the oil companies?” he said. “The lawsuit is a pragmatic approach to making the people that caused sea level rise pay for the impacts it has on our city.”

That’s not how Exxon, the US’s largest oil company, saw it. Its lawyers noted that Imperial Beach filed its case in July 2017, at the same time as two California counties, Marin and San Mateo. The county and city of Santa Cruz followed six months later with similar suits seeking compensation to cope with increasing wildfires and drought caused by global heating.

Exxon alleged that the sudden burst of litigation, and the fact that the municipalities shared a law firm specialising in environmental cases, Sher Edling, was evidence of collusion.

Exxon filed lawsuits claiming the municipalities conspired to extort money from the company by following a strategy developed during an environmental conference at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in La Jolla, 25 miles north of Imperial Beach, nine years ago.

The meeting, organised by the Climate Accountability Institute and the Union of Concerned Scientists, produced a report outlining how legal strategies used by US states against the tobacco industry in the 1990s could be applied to cases against fossil fuel companies.

Dedina was also targeted by one of the US’s biggest business groups at the forefront of industry resistance to increased regulation to reduce greenhouse gases, the National Association of Manufacturers, and a rightwing thinktank, the Energy & Environment Legal Institute.

Mayor Dedina looks out to sea. 
Photograph: John Francis Peters/The Guardian

The manufacturing trade group was behind the efforts to obtain data from Dedina’s phone and documents in 2018. In its public disclosure request to the mayor’s office, NAM called Imperial Beach’s lawsuit “litigation based on political or ideological objections more appropriately addressed through the political process”.

Exxon is attempting to use a Texas law that allows corporations to go on a fishing expedition for incriminating evidence by questioning individuals under oath even before any legal action is filed against them. The company is trying to force Dedina, two other members of Imperial Beach’s government, and officials from other jurisdictions, to submit to questioning on the grounds they were joined in a conspiracy against the oil industry.

“A collection of special interests and opportunistic politicians are abusing law enforcement authority and legal process to impose their viewpoint on climate change,” the oil firm claimed. “ExxonMobil finds itself directly in that conspiracy’s crosshairs.”



How cities and states could finally hold fossil fuel companies accountable


A Texas district judge approved the request to depose Dedina, but then a court of appeals overturned the decision last year. The state supreme court is considering whether to take up the case.

The target on Dedina is part of a wider pattern of retaliation against those suing Exxon and other oil companies.

In an unusual move in 2016, Exxon persuaded a Texas judge to order the attorney general of Massachusetts, Maura Healey, to travel to Dallas to be deposed about her motives for investigating the company for alleged fraud for suppressing evidence on climate change. The judge also ordered that New York’s attorney general, Eric Schneiderman, be “available” in Dallas on the same day in case Exxon wanted to question him about a similar investigation.

Healey accused Exxon of trying to “squash the prerogative of state attorneys general to do their jobs”. The judge reversed the deposition order a month later and Healey filed a lawsuit against the company in 2019, which is still awaiting trial.

But similar tactics persuaded the US Virgin Islands attorney general to shut down his investigation of the oil giant.

Patrick Parenteau, a law professor and former director of the Environmental Law Center at Vermont law school, said the attempt to question Dedina and other officials is part of a broader strategy by the oil industry to counter lawsuits with its own litigation.

“These cases are frivolous and vexatious. Intimidation is the goal. Just making it cost a lot and be painful to take on Exxon. They think that if they make the case painful enough, Imperial Beach will quit,” he said.

The city’s lawsuit claims it faces a ‘significant and dangerous sea-level rise’. 
Photograph: John Francis Peters/The Guardian

If the intent is to kill off the litigation against the oil industry, it’s not working. Officials from other municipalities have called Exxon’s move “repugnant”, “a sham” and “outrageous”, and have vowed to press on with their lawsuits.

Dedina described the action as a “bullying tactic” by the oil industry to avoid accountability.

“The only conspiracy is [that] a bunch of suits and fossil-fuel companies decided to pollute the earth and make climate change worse, and then lie about it,” he said. “They make more money than our entire city has in a year.”

The city’s lawsuit claims it faces a “significant and dangerous sea-level rise” through the rest of this century that threatens its existence. Imperial Beach commissioned an analysis of its vulnerability to rising sea levels which concluded that nearly 700 homes and businesses were threatened at a cost of more than $100m. It said that flooding will hit about 40% of the city’s roads, including some that will be under water for long periods. Two elementary schools will have to be moved. The city’s beach, regarded as one of the best sites for surfing on the California coast, is being eroded by about a foot a year.

Imperial Beach sits at the southern end of San Diego bay. Under one worst-case scenario, the bay could merge with the Tijuana River estuary to the south and permanently submerge much of the city’s housing and roads.

A view of the Tijuana River estuary.
 Photograph: John Francis Peters/The Guardian

The city has received some help with creating natural climate barriers. The Fish and Wildlife Service restored 400 acres of wetland next to the city as a national wildlife refuge which also acts as a barrier to flooding, and is expected to restore other wetlands together with the Port of San Diego. A grant is paying for improved equipment to warn of floods.

But that still leaves the huge costs of building new schools and drainage systems, and adapting other infrastructure. Dedina said that without the oil companies stumping up, it won’t happen.

“People ask, how did you go against the world’s largest fossil fuel companies? Isn’t that scary? No. What’s scary is coastal flooding and the idea that whole cities would be under water,” said the mayor.

“Honestly, bring it on. I can’t wait to make our case. I can’t wait to take the fight to them because we have nothing to lose.”

This story is published as part of Covering Climate Now, a global collaboration of news outlets strengthening coverage of the climate story