Saturday, April 30, 2022

Biden’s $1.75 Trillion Student-Debt Problem by the Numbers









Emma Kinery and Alex Tanzi
Sat, April 30, 2022,

(Bloomberg) -- President Joe Biden is considering forgiving at least $10,000 in student loans per borrower, a promise he made on the campaign trail, through executive action.


Here are key data points: 
 
$1.75 trillion -- the total amount of outstanding student-loan debt in U.S., according to the Federal Reserve. About 92% of that debt -- more than $1.6 trillion -- is in the hands of the federal government. Put another way, student-loan debt equals about 6.5% of U.S. gross domestic product.

43.4 million -- the number of borrowers with federal student-loan debt, according to the Education Data Initiative.

$37,113 -- the average balance for borrowers of federal student loans. Including private debt, the number jumps to $40,904.

Four -- the number of months Biden has to make a decision. The moratorium on student-loan payments is set to expire on Aug. 31, and the president has said he intends to either extend the moratorium or do some sort of debt cancellation before that date. The deadline leaves just over two months until November’s midterm elections that will decide which party controls Congress.

41% -- Biden’s approval rating among Americans aged 18 to 29, according to the Harvard Institute of Politics youth poll released Monday. His approval rating is down 18 percentage points from a year ago, according to the poll. The top reason cited for dismay was his “ineffectiveness.” Young Americans are likely to be a decisive voting bloc in the midterms. Harvard’s poll found that with more than six months until the election, youth turnout is expected to match the historically high turnout seen in the last midterm cycle: 36% said they will “definitely” vote; 37% said so at this point in 2018.

34% -- adults aged 18 to 29 who have student-loan debt, according to the Education Data Initiative.

85% -- young Americans, regardless of party, who favor some sort of government action on student debt, according to the Harvard poll; 38% favor total debt cancellation. Only 13% believe the government should not take any action on it. Among young Americans who are not currently enrolled in college and without a degree, support for government action is 79%.

$22,690 to $39,150 -- the average cost of attendance for full-time in-state and out-of-state undergraduate students at public four-year institutions, according to the College Board. The average cost of private non-profit four-year universities is $51,690.

$52,000 -- the average student debt owed by Black bachelor’s-degree holders. By race, Black college graduates owe considerably more than others on average. Four years after graduation, almost half owe an average of 12.5% more than they borrowed, according to the Education Data Initiative.

Proponents of a broad cancellation include prominent Democrats, President Barack Obama’s former education secretary and a former official in the Trump administration’s education department. Biden has said he is not considering forgiving $50,000 worth of debt for every borrower.

A recent analysis by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis found that rates of missed payments on student loans are at risk of climbing when the forbearance ends.

“Serious delinquency rates for student debt could snap back from historic lows to their previous highs in which 10% or more of the debt was past due,” Lowell Ricketts, a data scientist for the Institute for Economic Equity at the St. Louis Fed, said in the post.

Interest rates for federal student loans vary depending on the loan type and generally are set in May for loans disbursed from July to same month of the following year, according to the Department of Education’s Federal Student Aid office.

Students currently pay 3.73% for the most limited subsidized loans, to 5.28% for unsubsidized loans. Unlike other forms of debt, such as credit cards and mortgages, the loans are daily interest loans, which means that interest accumulates daily. Parents of students and graduate students pay 6.28%. This raises the outstanding amount due on the loan and interest is then charged on that higher principal balance, increasing the overall cost of the loan.

Most federal student loans also have an origination fee that is a percentage of the total loan amount. This fee is deducted from each loan that is disbursed. This means the money received will be less than the amount the student actually borrowed and is charged interest on.

The interest rates on federal student loans is set by federal law by using the May 10-year Treasury note auction and adding 2.05 percentage points to 4.6 percentage points based on the loan type.

Activists keep up pressure as Biden weighs student debt move

By CHRIS MEGERIAN

1 of 3
George Washington University student Kai Nilsen, left, watches as American University student Magnolia Mead as they put up posters near the White House promoting student loan debt forgiveness, Friday, April 29, 2022, in Washington. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)


WASHINGTON (AP) — For student loan activists, the week began with hope as President Joe Biden gave his clearest indication that he was considering canceling federal debt rather than simply allowing borrowers to defer payments during the pandemic.

But that soon gave way to disappointment when Biden signaled days later that any debt relief would be much less than activists wanted. So Melissa Byrne, one of the organizers who has been leading the charge, got back to work.

First, she tweeted that activists need to “ramp up” their efforts, stay “warm + fuzzy” and “fight until we win.” (“White House staff reads tweets,” she explained.) Then she and her allies dove into their group chats as they considered ways to keep the pressure on.

“We need to keep our eye on the prize,” Byrne said.

The flurry of activity comes in a crucial stretch, with Biden saying he would make a decision in the coming weeks. After promising to address the issue during his campaign for president, he’s now weighing how much federal student loan debt should be canceled and who should benefit.

Critics caution that forgiving debt might anger voters who already paid off their loans, and Republicans describe the idea as a political giveaway in a midterm election year. However, an expansive approach could buoy young people whom Democrats view as a central part of their coalition, allowing Biden to deliver concrete results when many of his proposals from the left remain stalled on Capitol Hill.

John Della Volpe, director of polling at the Harvard Kennedy School Institute of Politics, said student loan forgiveness is “a cornerstone in the relationship between President Biden and young Americans.”

Without young voters on board, “we don’t have a Democratic House, a Democratic Senate and a Democratic president,” said Della Volpe, who worked as a consultant for Biden’s campaign.

About 43 million Americans owe $1.6 trillion on their student loans, more than either credit cards or car payments. It’s a growing problem for younger people, who have assumed more and more debt to finance their educations when public funding for colleges has declined.

And it’s a challenge that Biden has personally experienced. While running for office, he told a student in New Hampshire that he “ended up with a debt of over $280,000” to pay for college and graduate school for his three children.

“I get it,” he said.

In a poll of Americans under 30 years old conducted by the Harvard Kennedy School and released on Monday, 85% said the federal government should take some action on student loan debt.

However, opinions were split about the best path forward. Although 38% supported full cancellation, 21% wanted such a step to be taken for only those with the greatest financial needs. In addition, 27% wanted the government to help with repayment, but not debt cancellation.

Biden said Thursday that he was still considering what to do.

“I’m in the process of taking a hard look at whether or not there will be additional debt forgiveness,” he said. “And I’ll have an answer on that in the next couple of weeks.”

It’s possible that his idea will include means testing, which involves limiting by income who would see their debts forgiven.

“He has talked in the past about how, you know, he doesn’t believe that millionaires and billionaires, obviously, should benefit, or even people from the highest income,” White House press secretary Jen Psaki said Thursday. “So that’s certainly something he would be looking at.”

During the campaign, when Biden was consolidating support in the Democratic primary, he pledged to “immediately” cancel $10,000 in federal student loan debt per person. But he did not use his executive authority to do so once in office — whether he has such power remains the subject of debate in Washington — and Congress took no action on his promise, either.

Now Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., is calling for $50,000 in debt to be canceled and some activists want all debt wiped out without exception.

Biden’s pending decision comes as he struggles to make progress on other parts of his liberal agenda that could appeal to young people, such as tackling climate change by expanding clean energy.

“We need to motivate voters and show them that Democrats are fighting for them,” said Emma Lydon, who lobbies for the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “And this is a slam dunk way to do that.”

Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, mocked the idea by tweeting that “desperate polls call for desperate measures.” He added, “Other bribe suggestions: Forgive auto loans? Forgive credit card debt? Forgive mortgages?”

Celinda Lake, a Democratic pollster who worked with Biden’s campaign, didn’t see a downside to the inevitable criticism.

“The voters who are going to grouse about this, we weren’t getting them anyway,” she said.

However, the issue can still be controversial among Democrats, even evoking raw emotions at times.

“We just had a fight about this in a focus group last night,” Lake said.

An older woman who had paid off her debts didn’t like the idea, while a middle-aged man with children was enthusiastic.

Byrne is trying to tip the scales as far as she can, and on Friday she plastered signs around downtown Washington with other activists.

“President Biden: Not 10k, not 50k, no means-testing,” said black letters on a hot pink background. “Cancel student debt, ALL OF IT.”

Some of the signs went outside places where there would be parties during the weekend of the White House Correspondents’ Association Dinner. Perhaps they would catch the eye of someone influential as they walked by in a tuxedo or evening gown.

Although it’s unclear what Biden’s final decision will be, Byrne said activists have already scored a victory.

“We’ve won the argument that we have to cancel student loan debt,” she said. “Now it’s about how much we can get.”





President Joe Biden recently said that he's considering some level of broad-based student loan forgiveness in the coming weeks, and one Democrat who has repeatedly pushed for cancellation says that's major progress.

"All we know is that the President has expressed an openness to to cancel some debt... that in its in and of itself, is a tremendous victory," Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley (D-MA) told Yahoo Finance in an exclusive interview (video above), later adding: "Any relief that we can provide people in the midst of unprecedented economic hardship as we begin to round the corner and head into a recovery from this pandemic induced recession would make a difference."

Pressley, alongside Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY), and Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) have repeatedly called on Biden to cancel $50,000 in student loan debt immediately via executive order on the premise that there is sufficient legal backing for the administration to do so.

"This is about the president keeping his word," Pressley stressed. "He has the authority, and I think he has a mandate from this electorate ... this is about being responsive to the multi-generational, multiracial coalition, which decisively elected him."

Biden, who backed broad student loan forgiveness of $10,000 on the campaign trail in 2020 amid more generous proposals from then-rivals Sen. Bernie Sanders (D-VT) and Warren, has been mostly reluctant to do so after he entered the White House.

On Thursday, during a press conference, Biden reversed that sentiment and said he was "considering dealing with some debt reduction." He was not in favor of erasing $50,000 in student loan debt per borrower, he stressed, but added that he was "in the process of taking a hard look at whether or not there are going to — there will be additional debt forgiveness, and I'll have an answer on that in the next couple of weeks."

On Friday, Bloomberg reported that he was considering canceling "at least $10,000" per borrower.

Pressley said this was a good sign, regardless of his resistance to cancelling $50,000.

"I've always advocated for a broad-based student debt cancellation," she said. "It's transformational, it's impactful, and we were advocating for $50,000 by executive action, because that would help 80% of those in the lowest income bracket



U.S. President Joe Biden announces additional military and humanitarian aid for Ukraine as well as fresh sanctions against Russia, during a speech in the Roosevelt Room at the White House in Washington, U.S., April 28, 2022. REUTERS/Evelyn Hockstein

Cancelling $10,000 in student loan debt per borrower would help the most number of borrowers at the lowest cost, recent research from the New York Fed found.

The Fed researchers, using data from the New York Fed/Equifax Consumer Credit Panel, estimated the cost of two federal loan forgiveness proposals, one for $10,000 and another for $50,000. They found that limited forgiveness and placing income caps on who would be eligible would "distribute a larger share of benefits" to low-income borrowers while also reducing the cost of forgiveness.

The basic argument for broad cancellation, as detailed by the Legal Services Center of Harvard Law School, is that the Education Secretary has the power “to cancel existing student loan debt under a distinct statutory authority — the authority to modify existing loans found in 20 U.S.C. § 1082(a)(4).” (Toby Merrill, who founded the Project on Predatory Student Lending at Harvard Law School and co-authored the legal analysis, currently works for the Education Department.)

Rep. Pressley has repeatedly stressed that women and people of color hold significant levels of student loan debt and that cancellation would represent a massively impactful form of relief given the disproportionate burden.

Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-MA) speaks during a news conference on Capitol Hill September 21, 2021 in Washington, DC. (Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

Meanwhile, the Education Department has been busy revamping existing loan forgiveness programs.

"The first thing we did was reform the system that was in place that didn't work for anybody that allowed people to write off debt if they engaged in public service," Biden said, pointing to ED's efforts to allow more civil servants to take advantage of the Public Service Loan Forgiveness (PSLF) program.

In any case, what happens after some student debt is erased?

"Student debt cancellation would be historic and life changing ... [but] what we're really trying to address here is an affordability crisis," Pressley said. "We need to expand Pell Grants, we need tuition free college. And then there's so many other things that we need to do to right-size the burden that working families are experiencing, particularly in the midst of rising inflation."

Aarthi is a reporter for Yahoo Finance. She can be reached at aarthi@yahoofinance.com. Follow her on Twitter @aarthiswami.


Biden says he won’t cancel $50,000 in student loan debt but will have an answer on forgiveness in a few weeks

Alicia Adamczyk
Thu, April 28, 2022,

Jim Watson / Getty

President Joe Biden threw cold water on calls for large-scale student loan debt cancellation during a speech Thursday.

He will not cancel $50,000 in debt for every borrower, as some Democrats are pushing for. Beyond nixing that specific number, the president did not provide more details on what actions, if any, he may be planning.

"I am in the process of taking a hard look at whether or not there will be additional debt forgiveness," Biden said. "I’ll have an answer on that in the next couple of weeks."

This statement comes a few days after members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus told several news outlets that Biden seemed open to canceling student loan debt in a private meeting, causing a flurry of headlines and renewing hope for cash-strapped borrowers that their debt may soon be forgiven.

It also comes the same day that Biden forgave $238 million in cosmetology school loans for 28,000 borrowers defrauded by the Marinello Schools of Beauty.

During his presidential campaign, Biden backed forgiving $10,000 in federal student loan debt per borrower. It's possible that amount is still on the table. So far, he has canceled debt for some defrauded borrowers and certain disabled borrowers, and has made changes to established forgiveness programs like public service loan forgiveness (PSLF) and income-based repayment plans (IRP).

Canceling $10,000 per federal borrower would eliminate $321 billion of student loans, while canceling $50,000 would discharge $904 billion, according to a recent report from the Federal Reserve of New York. About one-third of borrowers would see their debt completely erased if $10,000 were forgiven; eight out of 10 borrowers would be debt-free if $50,000 were canceled.

Federal borrowers have not had to make loan payments since March 2020. In that time, they've saved $1.5 billion each month in interest payments alone, according to a recent report.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com


SPECULATION
Flows, not growth fears, drive euro to five year lows-BNP Paribas


Fri, April 29, 2022
By Saikat Chatterjee

LONDON, April 29 (Reuters) - Big speculative flows and not concerns about a worsening economic outlook explain the euro's slide to a five-year low below $1.05 this week, a study by BNP Paribas showed.

BNP Paribas strategists said the euro's fall was driven primarily by large speculative flows with volumes centered around so-called "daily fixings" for currencies.

This is an unusual development and suggests some investors could be taking out large positions on the direction of the single currency, which is down over 4.5% versus the dollar in April and set for its biggest monthly drop since 2015.


"Our analysis has shown that flows rather than fundamentals may have been the key driver behind the euro’s drop over the last week as around two-thirds of the decline was focused around the fixings," said Alexander Jekov, an FX strategist at BNP Paribas in London.

The global $6.6 trillion a day currency markets operate 24 hours a day, five days a week, with no equities-style closing price to use as a reference point. Therefore, many investors use a handful of fixes as the daily benchmark rate for their currency trades to mark their portfolios.

London's so-called 4pm fix, run by Refinitiv, is the most commonly used benchmark in foreign exchange. The fix is a five-minute period of trading used to calculate daily exchange rates that underpin a huge range of transactions.

The euro fell on Thursday to $1.0469, its lowest level since January 2017, with Russia's move to cut off gas supplies to Bulgaria and Poland dealing the latest blow to a struggling currency.

However, its more than 3% drop this week far outpaces the decline in European stocks, down less than 0.7% so far this week, and German bonds, set to end the week with a small net price gain.

This suggests the euro's decline was triggered by some large FX trades with moves exaggerated by relatively low volumes. It also helps explain why the single currency did not benefit from the surge in interest-rate-hike expectations on Thursday after data showed inflation in Europe's biggest economy Germany rose to a four-decade high at 7.8% in April.

Daily average turnover of about 5000 trades this week on the EBS platform, which is the world's biggest multi-dealer foreign exchange trading platforms, was about half of that recorded in the initial days following Russia's invasion of Ukraine on Feb. 24.

"On our fair value estimates, euro-dollar's fair value stands at 1.11 which is close to the biggest valuation discount to the spot market since the launch of our model more than a decade ago," Jekov said. (Reporting by Saikat Chatterjee; Editing by Dhara Ranasinghe and Toby Chopra)
The Horn of Africa’s historic drought is the product of cascading failure

REUTERS/ANTONY NJUGUNA
The Horn of Africa region is also grappling with political instability, locust infestations and the economic fallout of the covid-19 pandemic, undermining its ability to cope with the drought.

By Priya Sippy
Published April 28, 2022

The Horn of Africa is in the grip of one of the worst droughts in decades as it faces an unprecedented fourth consecutive failed rainy season, thought to be caused by La Nina weather patterns and climate change. The UN has warned it could tip 20 million people into extreme hunger—and at worst lead to starvation—across Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia.

The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has worsened the crisis, pushing food and fuel prices to a near all-time high. The region is also grappling with political instability, locust infestations, and the economic fallout of the covid-19 pandemic, undermining its ability to cope with the drought.

Somalia has experienced a 45% increase in wheat prices. The country previously sourced 90% of its wheat imports from Russia and Ukraine. While in Ethiopia the cost of a food basket has risen by 66%.

“We have never seen such a severe drought at a time where we’ve got such high levels of vulnerability,” Michael Dunford, regional director for eastern Africa at the World Food Programme (WFP), told Quartz.

“Countries are dealing with the macroeconomic impact of covid-19, the inflationary effects of the war in Ukraine and disrupted global supply chains. It is that culmination, plus the conflicts happening, that meant people were already vulnerable before the drought began.”

Tens of thousands of people are being displaced


Across the region, millions of livestock have died and crops have perished, destroying people’s livelihoods. Humanitarian organizations have warned that children are most at risk from the drought – with more than 1.7 million children requiring urgent treatment for malnutrition.

As people struggle to find enough food and water, the crisis has sparked a wave of climate migration. The International Organisation of Migration (IOM) has estimated that drought conditions could displace over one million Somalis.

“We are seeing populations who have tried to hang on as long as they possibly can being forced from their homes and their villages because they have nothing left,” said Dunford. “They are coming into the cities and settlements looking for help to meet their basic requirements.”

THE HORN OF AFRICA 

A global gap in funding for the famine in the Horn of Africa

The dramatic acceleration of the crisis over the past six months has put additional pressure on donors and humanitarian actors to respond. Aid agencies have warned that there is a significant lack of funding to provide the level of assistance needed.

There are further concerns that the war in Ukraine has diverted international attention from the Horn of Africa.

While the UN has since announced they will support the region with nearly $1.4 billion, it still falls short of what is needed to address the drought.

In the longer-term, experts warn that climate change will continue to be a great threat to the region.

“We are seeing an increased number of climate shocks,” says Dunford. “Not just drought—in South Sudan we have had record levels of rain and flooding which are having a huge impact on that population. It is a range of climate impacts that are putting people at risk.”

Pakistan’s food insecurity dilemma

Aijaz A. Nizamani
Published April 29, 2022 -

The writer is a farmer.


PAKISTAN’S new government will face old and persistent problems. The most ominous challenges relate to the state of the economy and, in particular, the food insecurity faced by the poorest of households, both in the rural and urban areas at a time of post-Covid inflation. Matters have been exacerbated by the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

There is no doubt that poor people across the world are struggling to feed their families and Pakistan is no exception. In fact, Pakistan can be perceived as being among the poorest countries. It is true that, officially, it is bracketed with lower middle-income countries, but in terms of per capita income, its position is lower down. Moreover, the Pakistani population generally spends nearly half of its household budget on food. The figure for advanced economies ranges from six per cent to 8pc.

The challenge that Miftah Ismail, our new hands-on businessman-cum-finance minister, faces is how to bring affordable food to the table of Pakistan’s poor people without further distorting the market, as well as how to create incentives for farmers to produce more food in the country.

Recently, there have been raids on sugar mills, which have given the ominous message of ‘business as usual’ rather than reflecting an effort to tackle economic and food security challenges through a logical market-enabling approach: ie, without resorting to state thuggery.

Read: A bleak prognosis of wheat

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has unsettled the global grain and edible oil markets. The price of wheat was 13pc higher in March from the month before. There are major implications for the countries of the Middle East that rely on Ukrainian and Russian grain imports. According to The Economist, people in Sudan are paying $550 a tonne for wheat, which in terms of Pakistani currency translates to over Rs100 per kilogram. This has brought Sudan’s poor onto the streets. Wheat is currently traded at over $400 per tonne (Rs3,000 per maund or 40 kg) in the international market. This is at least Rs800 per maund more than the government ‘support’ price in Pakistan, and, collectively, farmers in Pakistan stand to lose hundreds of billions of rupees on account of the wheat ‘support’ price.

The finance minister must understand that for agriculture and rural businesses, the formal financial sector doesn’t exist.

The first thing that the new finance minister has to understand is that, for agriculture and rural businesses, the formal financial sector doesn’t exist. It is a joke when the central bank sets an annual agri credit target of over Rs1.5 trillion and also accepts target achievement reports sent by commercial banks. This claim of achieving the agri credit target was exposed when State Bank governor Reza Baqir rightly admitted that the agriculture sector was neglected, and emphasised it should be served better. As a practising farmer and student of agriculture economics, I want to make it clear that the banker-led approach to agri financing does not work and needs to be disrupted.

The reason why the formal financial sector is as good as non-functional for agriculture is that, in this day and age, when businesses are based on knowledge, bankers have no institutional means at their disposal to gather meaningful data about farms and rural businesses. They are simply not equipped to make informed investment decisions as far as agri financing is concerned. And with non-existent formal financing, agricultural transformation is not possible.

So, our population will continue to face food supply issues. Farmers are at the mercy of arthis and local money lenders — though they at least bring some liquidity to farm operations.

Read: Food insecurity in Pakistan

Globally, tech-led businesses have made major advances over the last few decades. This wave now seems to be reaching Pakistan. In the last one year or so, some $350 million have been invested in Pakistani tech start-ups. This is impressive, but negligible when compared to India, where the city of Bengaluru has received $13bn funding in tech start-ups in one year. Given our policymakers’ understanding of rural businesses, agriculture might be the last frontier for our tech start-ups. It is important for readers to not confuse e-commerce start-ups dealing in fresh produce with agri tech. The former deal simply with products bought from the mandis that are supplied to household customers. They do not help farmers as is being claimed.

At the other end, there are reports that the State Bank is processing applications for digital banks and is likely to issue digital banking licences to applicant organisations, including local and international players. It remains to be seen what markets these new digital bank aspirants aim to serve.

Already ‘experts’ — who hardly understand anything about farming and agri businesses — are warning that the new digital banks will struggle to reach agriculture and other underserved sectors. It has to be emphasised that the policymakers and regulators must take a new knowledge-based and enabling approach to reach rural ventures including agribusinesses. There need to be new models reflecting tech platforms that have one foot in the physical world to serve rural businesses and achieve agricultural transformation.

The state of Pakistan has a duty to provide affordable food to its poorer households. Advanced nations have developed systems to support their poor households with food items without suppressing the market for agricultural goods.

The US Department of Agriculture’s food stamps programme can be a good model to study, for it has a dual mandate to provide food to the poorer households and to improve the market for farm commodities. Last year, the US government supported American farmers with $49bn in subsidies and $87bn in food stamps. This was started (and later expanded) during the 1930s’ Depression era when there were long queues for food, and farmers faced disheartening produce prices.

In Pakistan, the policy of robbing Peter to pay Paul has to stop if the food security needs of farmers and poorer households are to be met. This is set to be a test for the new government’s economic advisers.


Published in Dawn, April 29th, 2022


UPDATE
Indonesia's palm oil export ban heats up vegetable oil market


AFP - 
© Azwar Ipank


Indonesia's decision to suspend palm oil exports in the face of domestic shortages has pushed vegetable oil prices to new highs, further tightening a market already on edge due to the war in Ukraine and global warming.

The prices of palm, soybean, European rapeseed and even its Canadian GMO counterpart, canola oil, have reached historic highs following Indonesia's announcement on Wednesday.

"We already had problems with soybeans in South America, with canola in Canada," said Philippe Chalmin, an economics professor at Paris-Dauphine University in France, stating that both crops had been severely affected by extended droughts.


Then came devastation for the "sunflowers in Ukraine" due to Russia's destructive invasion, he added.

Palm oil is the most consumed vegetable oil in the world, and Indonesia accounts for 35 percent of global exports, according to James Fry, chairman of LMC consulting firm.

Indonesia's export ban is designed to bring down prices in the country and limit shortages, according to authorities.

But Chalmin said the move "comes at the worst time."

"The rise in prices dates back to last year already and it is exacerbated by the Ukrainian conflict," he explained.

Rich Nelson of the agricultural market research and trading firm Allendale said "the industry believes it'll last maybe for one month, perhaps two."

But in the meantime, prices are skyrocketing in a market that was "already accelerated," he said.

Unlike other oilseeds, palm fruit does not keep once picked and has to be processed immediately, Fry said.

Indonesia's palm oil storage system, which was already holding substantial reserves, is now under further stress, Fry said.

- Vicious cycle -


Even though the price of vegetable oil, in addition to multiple other agricultural commodities, has been rising for months, demand has yet to slow.

"It's difficult to ration demand for food commodities with higher prices," said Arlan Suderman, chief commodities economist at StoneX Financial.

Palm oil, which is used heavily in processed food such as instant noodles and baked goods, is also present in other consumer products, such as personal care items and cosmetics.

"Eventually it will trickle down," said Paul Desert-Cazenave of consulting firm Grainbow, "but it's still too early to measure price increases to consumers."

In the short term, the only oilseed that might be able to provide some relief on the vegetable oil market is the soybean.

The United States and Brazil, the world's two top soybean exporters, still have available stock, even though more shipments from the countries would only have a marginal impact on edible oil prices.

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) announced last month that it expects soybean acreage to increase more than 4 percent from last year, while corn would shrink by a comparable amount.

The world's top rapeseed exporter, Canada, meanwhile said Tuesday that it expected a seven percent decline in acreage devoted to the GMO rapeseeds used in canola oil.


Analysts and economists say they see a need for public policy concerning the food crisis, since in addition to food, vegetable oils are also widely used in biofuels.

Based on the current crisis "we're going to see more pressure on countries to reduce their biodiesel blending mandates, and renewable diesel mandates," Suderman said.

"That's going to take time," he warned, "but that's ultimately where you're going to get your biggest demand destruction."

Europe passed a directive in 2018 excluding palm oil from renewable energy targets by 2030. Some of the bloc's countries, including France, have already stopped using it.

Despite the current turmoil, Indonesia and Malaysia, the world's second-largest exporter, have maintained their respective programs blending palm oil in their biofuels.

To make matters worse, many of the major palm oil importers, mainly Egypt, Bangladesh and Pakistan, have seen their currencies depreciate significantly in recent months, said Michael Zuzolo, president of Global Commodity Analytics and Consulting.

Some major oilseed exporters such as the United States and Brazil have, meanwhile, experienced the opposite, with the dollar reaching multi-year highs.

"This is kind of the worst-case scenario starting to develop," said Zuzolo.

Putting importers in a "negative feedback loop where they're going to have more and more difficulty keeping supplies ample, that's the potential tragedy we're walking ourselves into."

tu-mgi/bfm/to/leg
Wild Weather in Canada Is Latest Threat to Tight Global Grain Supplies


Jen Skerritt
Fri, April 29, 2022

(Bloomberg) -- Farmers in Canada are struggling to plant crops in fields that are either too wet or too dry, testing an already tight grain market.

One quarter of the cropland in Alberta, or 44 million acres, is in a significant drought, including major growing areas for spring wheat, barley and durum, said Trevor Hadwen, agroclimate specialist with Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada. In Manitoba, two-thirds of growing areas, another 21 million acres, are suffering from excess moisture after back-to-back storms, he said. That’s caused overland flooding, delaying the start of planting even as another storm threatens to dump more rain on the region this weekend.


The two extremes in Canada’s prairies come as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is hindering grain shipments from one of the world’s vital breadbaskets, leaving importers scouring for supplies elsewhere. Canada is the top canola exporter and one of the world’s largest wheat exporters. But harvest in the prairies shrank by 40% in 2021 after crops were shriveled by widespread drought.

“There’s a lot of stuff happening in the world and by our calculation every bushel matters, and matters a little bit more,” said Neil Townsend, chief market analyst at FarmLink in Winnipeg, Manitoba. “Less than ideal planting weather in Canada, if it does have an impact on yield or acres, is pretty negative.”

In Alberta, farmers are seeding into very dry conditions and are hoping for moisture to help crops germinate, Hadwen said. Manitoba producers are optimistic they will benefit from the rain once flooding subsides, though the soils are mostly unable to absorb the moisture with the ground still frozen, he said.
The Hunger Crises You’re Not Hearing About

The war in Ukraine, grain and fertiliser shortages, higher shipping costs and a strong dollar are all pushing food prices up and increasing hunger in dozens of vulnerable countries.


An internally displaced man, who is working as a street food vendor wheels his cart in Sarai Shamali IDP'S camp in Kabul, Afghanistan, October 31, 2021. 
Photo: Reuters/Zohra Bensemra/File Photo


Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has produced a terrible humanitarian crisis in eastern Europe. It also is worsening conditions for other countries, many of them thousands of miles away.

Together, Russia and Ukraine account for almost 30% of total global exports of wheat, nearly 20% of global exports of corn (maize) and close to 80% of sunflower seed products, including oils. The war has largely shut off grain exports from Ukraine and is affecting Ukrainian farmers’ ability to plant the 2022 crop. Planting there in 2022 is expected to be reduced by nearly a quarter.

Sanctions and constraints on shipping in the Black Sea have largely shut down Russian exports, except by land to neighbouring friendly countries. This is driving up world prices for grain and oilseeds, and increasing the overall cost of food.

Bans on Russian oil have also caused global spikes in energy costs. And both Russia and its ally Belarus, which is affected by some economic sanctions, are major producers and exporters of agricultural fertiliser. High fertiliser prices could have widespread impacts on food production.

I research famines and extreme food security crises and am part of a group of independent experts who review the data, analysis and conclusions whenever a national assessment indicates that a famine may be occurring or about to occur.


The people of Ukraine deserve all of the attention and help that they are receiving. But I believe the global community must not lose sight of humanitarian suffering occurring elsewhere now, including many countries far from the spotlight.




The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification measures food insecurity objectively based on a wide range of evidence. Photo: IPC, CC BY-ND

A perfect storm for food scarcity

Global food and fertiliser prices were near record highs even before Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. Prices for grain and oilseed products had already reached or surpassed levels recorded in 2011, when a devastating famine in Somalia – triggered in part by extreme food prices – killed more than 250,000 people.

2011 was also the year of the Arab Spring uprisings in Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Bahrain and Syria. Many factors fuelled those protests, including extraordinarily high bread prices in major Middle East and North African cities.

Now, the war in Ukraine has pushed prices to near all-time highs. As of April 8, the average cost of staple food grains had jumped by more than 17% from February levels. For food-importing countries everywhere, this increase will push the cost of food significantly higher. And with the war likely to continue, a global supply shortfall could lead nations to adopt measures such as export bans that further distort food markets.

The global grain market is very concentrated. More than 85% of global wheat exports come from just seven sources: the European Union, the U.S., Canada, Russia, Australia, Ukraine and Argentina. The same share of maize exports comes from just four countries: the U.S., Argentina, Brazil and Ukraine.

Many nations across the Middle East and North Africa are major wheat importers and buy much of their supply from Russia and Ukraine. For example, Russia and Ukraine provide 90% of Somalia’s wheat imports, 80% of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s, and about 40% each of Yemen’s and Ethiopia’s.

Losing Ukrainian and Russian exports means higher grain prices and much longer shipping distances from alternative suppliers such as Australia, the U.S., Canada and Argentina – at a time when high energy prices are raising shipping costs. And since global grain markets are denominated in U.S. dollars, the dollar’s current strength makes grain even more expensive for countries with weaker currencies.

Famine warning lights


For nations already at risk of famine, these effects could be disastrous. Prior to the war, the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation estimated that 161 million people in 42 countries were in extreme food insecurity, meaning they needed urgent food assistance. Over a half-million people faced famine levels of food deprivation – by far the most extreme levels of hunger since at least the early 2000s. The most badly affected countries include Yemen, Ethiopia, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, South Sudan, Afghanistan, Somalia and Kenya.

The causes of these crises vary. Violent conflict is a common factor across most of them. Some countries are still struggling to recover from the economic and health impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. A devastating drought is also affecting the Horn of Africa, with rains from March through May now forecast to be well below average. This would constitute the fourth failed or below-average rainy season in a row for areas of Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya.

Even before the Ukraine invasion, this combination of factors had already led to the highest numbers on record of people needing food and other humanitarian assistance for their survival in the East African Region. Rural labor markets and the price of livestock – the two things that the poorest have to sell – have collapsed due to the drought, precisely as global food prices have spiked. A dramatic decline in purchasing power was a major driver of the 2011 famine in Somalia, and the same circumstances are rapidly taking shape now.

Not enough aid

For countries in crisis, the UN World Food Program is the primary global provider of food for at-risk populations. In 2021, the WFP procured nearly half of its grain from Ukraine.


Much of the WFP’s food aid is delivered as direct cash transfers rather than in-kind supplies. But whatever form it takes, the cost of that aid has increased substantially with rising food, fuel and shipping prices. WFP officials estimate that the cost of its operations has increased by 44% since the start of the war in Ukraine, and the agency now faces a 50% funding gap.



International prices for grains and oilseeds were already high when Russia invaded Ukraine on Feb. 24, 2022. Source: Agricultural Market Information System


The crisis in Ukraine has also spotlighted a growing gap between funding and needs, especially in some of the world’s poorest countries. For example, the UN issued a flash appeal for humanitarian assistance to Ukraine in early March 2022. By April 15 it was 65% funded. Countries at risk of famine, whose appeals have been out longer, have received much less funding. On April 15, Afghanistan’s appeal was 13.5% funded; South Sudan, 8.2%; and Somalia only 4.4%. Overall funding for global humanitarian needs stood at 6.5% of requested levels.

When I worked as the deputy regional director for CARE International in East Africa, I often worried about how a humanitarian crisis in one country might have spillover effects in others. There could be influxes of refugees who need assistance, or humanitarian staff might have to be shifted to support the response to the new crisis.

In those days, some crises triggered by drought could affect several countries in the region at once. But the ripple effects from the war in Ukraine could lead to the worsening of humanitarian crises around the world.


Daniel Maxwell is Henry J. Leir Professor in Food Security, Friedman School of Nutrition Science and Policy, Tufts University.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Student's death stokes anger over Mexican femicide crisis



Student's death stokes anger over Mexican femicide crisisA protester holds a picture of 18-year-old student Debanhi Escobar whose death in northern Mexico has triggered outcry
 (AFP/Julio Cesar AGUILAR)

Jennifer Gonzalez Covarrubias and Samir Tounsi
Fri, April 29, 2022, 

The death of an 18-year-old Mexican student has unleashed anger against authorities accused of negligence over the murders and disappearances of thousands of women each year, few of which receive as much attention.

The case of Debanhi Escobar has generated unusually intense media interest in a country where nearly 100,000 people are missing and most homicides fail to make national headlines.

Escobar's body was found on April 21 in a motel water tank, nearly two weeks after she disappeared on the outskirts of Monterrey, capital of the northern state of Nuevo Leon.

Prosecutors said they were not ruling anything out in her case, which has generated international attention from South America to the United States and Europe.

An eerie photo taken on the night she disappeared showing Escobar standing in the dark went viral, and she quickly became a symbol for an angry women's rights movement.

Wearing a white top, long skirt and high-top sneakers, a handbag over her shoulder and her hair let down, she looked almost like any other young woman on a night out.

Except that she was alone and vulnerable, waiting by the side of a road in a country where around 10 women are murdered every day.

"Debanhi, I lend you my voice" and "We want justice," women shouted at a protest in Mexico City, following similar demonstrations in Monterrey.

"Young people are disappearing because of deeds, omission or indolence," political scientist Denise Dresser wrote in an editorial about the case entitled "mass grave."

"They are disappearing because society still discusses whether it was their fault, for going out alone and at dawn," she added.



- 'Many irregularities' -


Even before his daughter's body was found, Escobar's father had accused authorities of mistakes in the initial search and investigation, fueling media interest.

"This case has greater visibility because the media decided so," psychosocial support specialist Valeria Moscoso told AFP, lamenting that other victims had not received the same attention despite also speaking out.

On Wednesday, the Nuevo Leon Attorney General Gustavo Guerrero publicly dismissed two public prosecutors for "errors" and "omissions" in the case.

In one example, search teams visited the motel four times before finding the body.

"This is one of several irregularities that caused this emotion," activist Maria de la Luz Estrada told AFP.

Also on Wednesday, prosecutors released a video to try to construct a chronology of the events.

According to security camera footage, in the early hours of April 9, Escobar was wandering alone by the side of the road, before entering the motel compound and looking out of the window of an abandoned restaurant.

Earlier, the young woman had left a party after an argument with other people there, according to witnesses and images broadcast by the media.

She then took a taxi, whose driver worked for a ride-hailing app, but later got out for unknown reasons, according to several testimonies.

The driver has denied accusations of inappropriate behavior towards Escobar, and said that he took her photo by the side of the road to warn her friends after she left the vehicle.

"There are many hypotheses. We can't rule anything out," including the possibility of an accident, Guerrero told reporters.

Escobar's father also said the family was keeping an open mind about the investigation, having initially alleged an abduction and murder.

This year alone, 322 women have disappeared in Nuevo Leon, though prosecutors point out that 90 percent were found within 72 hours.

Last year, Mexico recorded 33,308 homicides nationwide, and around 10 percent of the victims were women, according to official figures.

Around 1,000 of them were categorized as femicides -- killings of women because of their gender -- though some activists consider the real number to be much higher.

Many cases share a similar pattern to Escobar's: "the authorities' indolence, the complicity, the limited investigation capacity, the victim-blaming, the criminalization of families and the impunity for attackers," Moscoso said.

st-jg-dr/mdl/to



WIDE ANGLE: THE HORROR OF FOUND FOOTAGE

Sarah Baker
Published April 24, 2022
Dina Shihabi as Melody Pendras in Archive 81 | Clifton Prescod/Netflix

In 1999, the low-budget The Blair Witch Project changed the way horror film was shot, with its use of “found footage”: a technique that up until then was largely seen in cult films.

The innovative use of “real” footage created a trend that continues to influence film and TV, with Netflix capitalising on the attractions of found footage horror with its critically acclaimed Archive 81.

Archive 81 pushes the style further, creating an innovative form that changes the use of found footage. The show is broad in its use of horror, the narrative covering a demonic cult, a pan-dimensional god called Kaelego and supernatural mystery that bends space and time. It is the use of found footage that cements the various horror/thriller themes in the program.

The eight-part TV series was adapted from the popular 2016 horror podcast of the same name, created by Dan Powell and Marc Sollinger. The story is centred on Dan Turn (Mamoudou Athie), a film archivist hired to restore a collection of old video tapes that previously belonged to PhD student Melody Pendras (Dina Shihabi), whose story begins in 1994. She was recording an archaeological documentary investigating the strange occurrences in the Viser apartment building, which was built over an old mansion that burned down in the 1920s.

Horror films’ love affair with the ‘found footage’ technique is taken a step further with Netflix’s critically acclaimed show Archive 81

The footage Melody collects is of an unexplained and tragic fire that happened in Dan’s youth, killing his entire family, which connects the two stories in a continuous interweaving of past and present time. As Dan becomes increasingly desperate to satisfy his own desire for resolution about his family’s death, Archive 81 blurs the timeline between past and present, pulling the audience into the narrative through the intertwining use of found footage.

Found footage and archival horror


While found footage in horror is not new, the genre has been in decline in recent years. The 1980 cult horror Cannibal Holocaust was often claimed to be the first example of found footage in horror, while the Blair Witch Project (1999) popularised found footage as a powerful cinematic device.

For many, the Blair Witch Project presented horror through the lens of the real, captured with the new portable video recording devices of the time, and with a sense of low-res, indie-feeling horror. This style of presentation was linked to the new way of promoting film in the internet age, with one of the strongest online marketing campaigns ever made. In 1999, its promotion through the internet and word of mouth was a trailblazer in using the online space.

Hype was created through targeted uncertainty among the public, deliberately confusing potential movie viewers about whether the story was fiction or documentary. Was the footage real? Were the people featured actually dead? The marketing only served to create more uncertainty — even to the point of the filmmakers handing out missing persons leaflets.

The Blair Witch Project cemented found footage in the horror genre, with other films such as Paranormal Activity following in its footsteps.

In found footage, it is the characters who “record” the drama in amateur style, which is shaky and uneven at times, lending a sense of realness that other horror does not have. That sense of realness is enhanced because the footage documents the narrative, the growth in suspense, terror and horror.

Cloverfield (2008) was praised by critics for its cinéma vérité-style narrative. It earned $172 million worldwide with an initial budget of only $25 million. The film, ostensibly developed from footage from a personal camcorder, includes cuts to older, saved footage of the lives of the characters, before a catastrophic disaster hits.

Form and narrative


In Archive 81, the use of found footage is used to innovate form and narrative. Using both found footage and conventional cinema techniques, it blends these seamlessly, moving the story forward and back in time.

The series almost fetishises old recording technologies — from Hi-8 videotapes, to 8mm and 16mm prints, to equipment as obscure as the Fisher-Price PIXL 2000 camera.

Archive 81 is a successful new entry to the horror genre and uses the found footage to set up a dual narrative that eventually connects together. In this way, Archive 81 pushes the found footage horror sub-genre further than previous examples, with its complicated and narratively enthralling shifts in time.

It creates an unconventional viewing experience for horror fans — one that will no doubt spawn more new ways of using found footage in future horror films.

The writer is a senior lecturer of Communication Studies at the Auckland University of Technology in New Zealand
Republished from The Conversation


Published in Dawn, ICON, April 24th, 2022

Hate propaganda in India
Modi opponents labelled 'anti-national'

Aggressive propaganda is increasingly distorting public debate in India. Government agencies tolerate and sometimes even promote Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu chauvinism. Those daring to criticise the government face intimidation, harassment and suppression. By Arfa Khanum Sherwani

In December 2021, leading Hindu supremacists met for a three-day conclave in the north Indian town of Haridwar. One demand raised was that Muslims in India be treated in the same way as Myanmar’s Rohingya minority. It was a blatant call to genocidal action. After all, the Rohingya were murdered in pogroms, villages were burned down and masses had to flee the country. The message spelt out in Haridwar was that Hindus should perpetrate bloodshed in order to entrench their lifestyle in India. Hate speech of this kind must be taken seriously, in view of the country's dark track record of pogroms.

It is illegal to stir communal hatred in India. Nonetheless, the authorities did not intervene even after the nature of what the extremists had discussed in Haridwar became known. As nationwide outrage at the news grew, the police finally arrested some participants, but it is unlikely they will be punished. Yati Narsinghanand, the mastermind of the meeting, was granted bail in February.

By contrast, non-violent government critics often languish in jail for years before a trial even starts. One current example is Umar Khalid, a prominent student activist who became a face of the protest movement against the anti-secular Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019/2020, in which Muslim women played leading roles.

Khalid has been detained since September 2020 and is accused of having instigated riots in Delhi. The charge is absurd because the "riots" were actually an anti-Muslim pogrom. Dozens of people were killed; mosques were torched. Two thirds of those who died were Muslims. After perpetrating acts of violence, Hindutva fanatics can mostly expect impunity, but state action against dissidents is usually very harsh. As with Khalid, the latter are often accused of violating India's draconian anti-terror law UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevention Act).


Sowing hate reaps violence: in February 2020, riots against Muslims in New Delhi saw dozens of people die and hundreds injured. India has a long history of anti-Islamic violence, which is why it is illegal to sow discord between religious communities. Yet the authorities do not intervene when radical Hindu nationalists spread hate propaganda. In December last year, there was a three-day top-level meeting of Hindu chauvinist forces in Haridwar in northern India. One of the demands was that the Muslim community in India be treated like the Rohingya in Myanmar. This amounted to a blatant call tor genocide

Unconstitutional ideology

The ideology of Hindu dominance is called Hindutva. Modi’s party, the BJP, belongs to a network of organisations that insists that India must be a Hindu nation. The organisation at the heart of this movement is the RSS, which was inspired by Italy’s fascists in the 1920s. International observers tend to underestimate the totalitarian aspirations of Hindutva proponents.

The RSS is mostly intolerant of any worldview other than its own. The RSS and its network equate "the nation" with "Hindus", yet mainly focus only on the upper castes. Minorities do not figure and are expected to simply accept the social order the RSS wants. Its approach to governance is at times undemocratic and at times authoritarian. The Hindutva right longs to gain total control of India’s institutions and resents being challenged, as it was by the farmers' movement or the movement against the national citizenship law. BJP-controlled state agencies often respond with UAPA charges, accusing opponents of terrorism.

Hindutva ideology is fundamentally incompatible with India’s secular constitution, according to which no religious community may be oppressed or marginalised. Modi himself is a member of the RSS. He is known for his right-wing authoritarianism and his unwillingness to disown supporters who perpetrate violence.

To a large extent, mainstream media have caved in to his government. Commercial TV stations in particular make a point of multiplying its aggressive propaganda. These channels do not have a reputation for fact-checking and generally accept everything the government says at face value.








Controversial citizenship law reform: those protesting against the reform must expect harsh sanctions from the state, like student Umar Khalid, a prominent activist who became a face of the protest movement against the anti-secular Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019/2020, in which Muslim women played leading roles. Khalid has been detained since September 2020 and is accused of having instigated riots in Delhi. The charge is absurd because the "riots" were actually an anti-Muslim pogrom. Dozens of people were killed; mosques were torched. Two thirds of those who died were Muslims. After perpetrating acts of violence, Hindutva fanatics can mostly expect impunity, but state action against dissidents is usually very harsh


Social media manipulation

At the same time, Hindutva trolls spread hate on social-media platforms. Anyone who dares to disagree with the Modi government is called "anti-national", "treasonous", or a "terrorist". As the independent website The Wire, for which I work, recently revealed, the trolls use an app called Tek Fog to co-ordinate their action and to make disinformation go viral. To a considerable degree, Tek Fog manipulates digital media by technological means. The multinational corporations who own the platforms hardly intervene. They have shown on several occasions that pleasing the government is more important to them than promoting democratic discourse. Moreover, they do not really pay any attention to languages other than English.

The result is that Hindu supremacists appear more numerous and stronger online than they actually are in Indian society. In more ways than one, Facebook and Twitter have allowed themselves to become machines that spread hatred, misused to intimidate anyone who opposes the majoritarian agenda.

Targeted persons include social activists, human-rights defenders, members of opposition parties, lawyers and journalists. I myself have been exposed for a long time. Indeed, I am now on the list of the 10 Indian women who are most attacked on social media. Death and rape threats occur regularly.

Last year, the Hindu supremacists launched an app called Bulli Bai on which they staged fake auctions of Muslim women, using real photos and names. Due to public pressure, the app was taken down again, but it certainly served its purpose of harassing and intimidating the minority community.

 

Oppressed minorities

Minorities feel the impact in their daily lives. At the end of February, Muslim schoolgirls and students were barred from entering their educational institutions in the southern Indian state of Karnataka if they wore the Muslim headscarf. A court had passed an interim order permitting colleges to implement dress codes that were already in place. That order was misinterpreted, so all over the state, Muslim girls and young women were suddenly prevented from attending class. Karnataka’s Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai belongs to Modi’s BJP.

Recently, Hindutva mobs have also regularly disrupted Friday prayers in Gurgaon, the Delhi suburb, which has officially been renamed Gurugram. The hooligans demanded that Muslims pray indoors, though everyone knows that the mosques are too small and too few to accommodate all the faithful on Fridays. At Christmas, Christian communities in southern India were attacked in a similar way.

Things are probably worst in Kashmir. The region was previously India's only Muslim-majority state, but the Modi government dismantled its relative autonomy and put it under central rule in 2019. Repression is rife. In February, the arrest of Fahad Shah, the editor of the independent website The Kashmir Walla, made international headlines. The New York Times spoke of "harassment and intimidation", while The Guardian stated that "a crackdown on the press in Indian-administered Kashmir continues to escalate". Indian democracy needs more attention of this kind.

Arfa Khanum Sherwani

© D+C | Development & Cooperation 2022

Arfa Khanum Sherwani is managing editor of the independent online newspaper The Wire