Canadians' Anger Over Rogers Outage May Complicate Its Merger Hopes


By Divya Rajagopal
07/10/22

The Rogers Building, the green-topped corporate campus of Canadian media conglomerate Rogers Communications is seen in downtown Toronto, Ontario, Canada July 9, 2022. Photo: Reuters / CHRIS HELGREN

Rogers Communications complicated its chances of getting antitrust approval for a C$20 billion telecom merger after Friday's massive outage highlighted the perils of Canada's effective telecom monopoly and sparked a backlash against its industry dominance.

The Rogers network outage disrupted nearly every aspect of daily life, cutting banking, transport and government access for millions, and hitting the country's cashless payments system and Air Canada's call center.

Consumers and opposition politicians called on the government to allow more competition and enact policy changes to curb telecom companies' power. Rogers, BCE Inc and Telus Corp control 90% of the market share in Canada.

Smaller internet and wireless providers rely on their infrastructure network to deliver their own services.

"The reality is in Canada there is a serious monopoly of our telecommunications," New Democratic Party leader Jagmeet Singh said in a TikTok video as he launched a petition to halt Rogers' merger plans and "break up these monopolies".

"The impact of this outage makes it clear this monopoly cannot continue," he added.

Industry Minister Francois-Philippe Champagne, calling the outage "unacceptable", said on Sunday that he would meet with Rogers CEO Tony Staffieri and other industry executives to discuss improving the "reliability of networks across Canada." High cellphone bills have been a hot-button issue in recent Canadian elections.

The disruption in internet access, cell phone and landline phone connections meant some callers could not reach emergency services via 911 calls, police across Canada said.

"Because of the Rogers outage, millions of Canadians couldn't call 911 yesterday. Hospitals couldn't call in staff. There was no way to call families so that they could say goodbye to their loved ones at end of life," tweeted Amit Arya, director-at-large at the Canadian Society of Palliative Care Physicians.

Rogers, which blamed a router malfunction after maintenance for the disruption, said on Sunday it was aware that some customers were still facing disruptions. It did not comment on whether the outage could impact the merger proceedings.

Friday's outage came two days after Rogers held talks with Canada's antitrust authority to discuss possible remedies to its blocked C$20 billion ($15.34 billion) takeover of Shaw Communications.

Canada's competition bureau blocked the deal earlier this year, saying it would hamper competition in a country where telecom rates are some of the world's highest. The merger still awaits a final verdict.

The disruption could prompt the Competition Bureau, which generally assesses mergers based on their impact on price, to look more closely at other considerations such as quality and service, said consumer rights groups.

"It is a 'non-price effect' (argument) - that is, concentration of ownership and control of critical infrastructure making an ever more central point of failure to deliver basic services," said John Lawford, executive director of the Ottawa-based Public Interest Advocacy Centre (PIAC), which has argued against the merger at the Competition Bureau.

But Vass Bedner, Executive Director of the Public Policy program in McMaster University, said the outage was a separate issue from Rogers' merger plan.

"I don't think this issue will impact the merger because I am not sure how the Competition Bureau can account for risk of bigger outage," Bedner said.

University of Ottawa professor Michael Geist, who focuses on the internet and e-commerce law, said the outage "must be a wake-up for a government that has been asleep on digital policy."

"The blame for Friday's outage may lie with Rogers, but the government and (Canadian telecommunications regulator) should be held accountable for a failure to respond," he wrote on his blog.

The outage, which began around 4:30 a.m. ET (0830 GMT) on Friday before service was fully restored on Saturday, knocked out a quarter of Canada's observable internet connectivity, said the NetBlocks monitoring group.

The interruption was Rogers' second in 15 months with an external software upgrade knocking out service primarily to consumer clients last year.

 

Echoes of a Tragedy

BY CESAR CHELALAFacebook

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The death by a gunman of former Japanese Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe, is an eerie reminder of another tragic death in America, that of Robert Kennedy, whose consequences are felt even today. Both deaths demonstrate the fragility of democracy, and how only one person can alter the political landscape of a country.

The shots followed quickly: pat, pat, pat, pat! Seconds before it was a scene of jubilation: the crowd gathered at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles was celebrating Robert Kennedy’s victory in the California primary elections shouting: We want Bobby, we want Bobby! What had been an atmosphere of elation became suddenly a tragedy. It was exactly 10 minutes after midnight on June 5, 1968.

On the floor, holding a rosary of black beads with one hand while his other hand was held by Juan Romero, a hotel kitchen helper, lay the American Senator Robert Kennedy. He was the unquestionable star of the Democratic Party, with great chances of being next President of the United States. Sirhan Sirhan, a Jordanian with a gun still warm in his hand, was immediately arrested and charged with having shot Kennedy, killing him 25 hours later.

It was the end of Robert Kennedy’s life and the beginning of what remains a mystery: who really killed him. Almost 50 years later, in an unexpected turn of events, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said recently that he now doesn’t believe that Sirhan Sirhan murdered his father but there was probably a second gunman who did it. Although there is plenty of damning evidence against him, the hypothesis that Sirhan Sirhan was the murderer has many weaknesses.

On February 10, 2016, Paul Schrade, an official of United Automobile Workers (UAW) and personal friend of Bobby Kennedy who was next to him at the time of the shots that finished with his life, made new statements on the assassination of Kennedy in front of the Board of Prison Parole Richard J. Donovan in San Diego County, California.

Schrade’s testimony is fundamental because he seriously questions that Sirhan Sirhan has been the real murderer of Robert Kennedy, as is generally believed, and draws attention to the role of the CIA in that assassination. Moreover, Schrade believes that a second attacker is the true assassin of Kennedy.

In an emotional testimony, addressed both to Sirhan Sirhan, still in prison, and to the county authorities, Schrade said: “I was wounded when I was standing next to Senator Robert F. Kennedy, who had just won the Democrat primary California for the Presidency of the United States. Five of us survived our wounds. As history shows, Senator Kennedy was fatally wounded. The evidence clearly shows that you were not the murderer who killed Robert Kennedy. There is clear evidence that there was a second killer in the kitchen pantry that shot Kennedy. One of the shots -the fatal shot- hit Kennedy in the back of his neck. Two more shots hit him in the back. A fourth shot ran through the right sleeve of his coat and did no harm. I think those four shots were fired by a second killer behind Bob. You were never behind Bob, nor was his back exposed in your direction. Moreover, Sirhan, the evidence not only shows that you did not shoot Kennedy but you could not even do it … While Sirhan was in front of Bob Kennedy and his shots distracted attention, the other murderer secretly shot from behind and wounded him fatally. Bob died 25 hours later. ”

The same opinion that Sirhan Sirhan was in front of and not behind Kennedy – and therefore could not be the murderer since the lethal shots came from behind – was shared by Scott Enyart, a youth of then 15 years who was in the place of the murder by taking photos for the diary of his school. According to Enyart, he took three rolls of film. However, authorities said he only took a roll. In highly suspicious circumstances the Enyart rolls which were in the possession of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) disappeared or were stolen.

In his statement about the existence of a second assailant, Schrade cites the opinion of an audiology expert, Philip Van Praag, who heard the only recording of the time of the murder and concluded that two revolvers were fired at Kennedy. Van Praag also found a total of 13 shots on the tape despite the fact that Sirhan’s revolver had only eight bullets and that Sirhan had not been able to recharge his revolver. That opinion was later confirmed by other specialists in audiology.

To reinforce his version of the existence of a second attacker, Schrade cites the opinion of two kitchen helpers at the Ambassador Hotel: Karl Uecker and Edward Minasian, who were at the time near Kennedy. They stated that Sirhan was in front of him while the senator walked towards him and that Sirhan was still in front of Kennedy when he fired at him.

The Kennedy autopsy report also says that all the shots came from behind, a hypothesis supported by Thomas Noguchi, a Los Angeles County legal doctor. In addition, Schrade says, lawyers for the Los Angeles and Los Angeles County Police Departments knew two hours later that Kennedy was killed by a second person and that Sirhan was not and could not have been the killer.

If not Sirhan Sirhan, who was then the assassin of Robert Kennedy? In November 2006, the BBC news program presented an investigation by filmmaker Shane O ‘Sullivan where he claimed that several CIA officials were present the night of the bombing. Several former colleagues and associates of three men who appear in movies and photographs that night identified them as former CIA officers they had worked with in 1963 on JMWAVE anti-Castro radio station. Among them was David Morales, station’s Chief of Operations, known for his hatred of the family of assassinated President John Kennedy for what he considered his betrayal during the Bay of Pigs invasion.

On February 22, 2012, Sirhan’s attorneys, William Pepper and Laurie Dusek, filed a writ in the Los Angeles District Court saying a second person had shot Kennedy, fatally wounding him. It was the fourth time they had made that presentation. Strangely, Sirhan Sirhan always insisted that he did not remember anything of the event, which happened at a time when the CIA was carrying out numerous experiments of mental control.

An important hypothesis as to why the CIA might have been involved in this assassination is that, if elected president, Robert Kennedy had stated that he would thoroughly investigate the death of his brother John, and the CIA feared where those investigations might lead to.

As the political analyst Carlos Duguech says: “Magnicides are carefully prepared so that they will never be discovered.” In support of his assertion, the Los Angeles Police Department destroyed hundreds of documents which were important evidence to elucidate the case, further complicating the understanding of this tragedy. The death of Robert Kennedy opened a Pandora’s Box of possibilities, and a sweet illusion had come to a tragic end.

Dr. Cesar Chelala is a co-winner of the 1979 Overseas Press Club of America award for the article “Missing or Disappeared in Argentina: The Desperate Search for Thousands of Abducted Victims.”

No Time to Lose as Tunisia’s President Consolidates Authoritarian Turn

Europe Waits, Watches, Misses Opportunities

Isabelle Werenfels

SWP Comment 2022/C 41, 

16.06.2022, 

6 Pages
German
doi:10.18449/2022C41Research Areas

North Africa and Middle East
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LONG READ

In the space of just nine months, Tunisia’s President Kais Saied has centralised power and dismantled the institutions established by the young democracy since the revo­lu­tion of 2011. His new constitution establishing a “New Republic” will be put to a refer­endum on 25 July 2022. Saied’s plans have divided the nation, with growing resistance from political and civil society actors demanding the return to an inclusive and demo­cratic process. At the same time, the country is moving closer to default. Tunisia’s Euro­pean partners have invested heavily in democratisation and view the autocratic shift with concern. But they have failed to take meaningful action, and each new step by Saied makes it harder to reverse the path. In the interests of Tunisia’s stability, Europe should move decisively and employ the financial and diplomatic leverage it has due to Tunisia’s economic crisis.

There can no longer be any doubt that Tuni­sia’s President Kais Saied is leading his country back into authoritarianism. On 25 July 2021 – nearly two years after his elec­tion in October 2019 – he sacked the prime minister and suspended parliament; in September 2021 he also announced a partial suspension of the 2014 constitution. Since then he has ruled by decree. Saied has abolished the division of powers and brought central institutions of the fragile young democracy – such as the Supreme Judicial Council and the Independent High Authority for Elections (ISIE) – under his direct control. His assault on the judiciary is ongoing: In June 2022 he granted himself the power to dismiss judges summarily. Free­dom of expression remains relatively broad but is being successively rolled back; authoritarian traits are re-emerging, not only in the security apparatus. The president gives no press conferences and communi­cates principally via Facebook. His rhetoric is populist and divisive; political opponents are treated as traitors. Lacking a political base within the system Saied depends heavily on the security apparatus, and visited sev­eral military bases during Ramadan 2022. He also occasionally communicates impor­tant decisions from the interior ministry.

At the urging of external donors, Presi­dent Saied revealed his political roadmap in December 2021 after months of silence. It included an online survey on central politi­cal, social and economic topics that was conducted in early 2022. On the basis of its findings, hand-picked individuals and organisations are currently advising the president on the drafting of a new constitution, to be completed by the end of June. A referendum on 25 July 2022 will approve the new constitution. Parliamentary elec­tions have been announced for 17 December 2022. It is becoming apparent that Saied’s “democracy from below” will be a strongly presidential and authoritarian system. Political parties will be marginal­ised, for example by abolishing party lists in elec­tions. Saied has said he will not per­mit in­ter­national election observers for the ref­er­endum or for the parliamentary elec­tions.

Sketchy legitimacy – fragmented opposition

In an atmosphere of popular frustration with the political class, Saied’s measures initially met with enormous approval. The parliament was strongly fragmented and, by the time it was dissolved in March 2022, dysfunctional; the government was more or less paralysed, not least because the politi­cal parties were preoccupied with (internal) power struggles. Surveys published in Janu­ary 2021 found that a majority (61 percent) felt the parliament was superfluous and wanted a strong leader. An even larger majority (76 percent) believed their country needed “a leader that bends the rules if nec­essary to get things done”. Only 33 percent thought the country “should have a parlia­mentary political system where all parties compete freely”.

Surveys in spring 2022 continued to show strong approval for Saied, although trend­ing down. But his popularity has not trans­lated into mobilisation. Just 7.6 per­cent of the electorate participated in the digital survey on proposals for the referendum.

The low level of participation calls into question the legitimacy of Saied’s entire constitutional process. It is not unlikely that participation in the planned referendum will be modest, leaving the new sys­tem with weak legitimacy. The process could not be more different from the events of 2011 to 2014, when a constituent assem­bly approved the new democratic constitution – which was internationally regarded as exemplary – by a large majority. This time, the president and a small number of confidants are cooking up the new consti­tution behind closed doors.

Resistance to Saied’s course is mounting in civil society and the political class, with growing calls to boycott the referendum. But the organised opposition is fragmented. A National Salvation Front emerged in April 2022, encompassing the “Citizens Against the Coup” movement and a string of parties including the Islamist Ennahdha. The latter plays a strongly polarising role and is the president’s favourite bête noire. The objec­tive of the National Salvation Front is to reinstate the democratic process. That aim is shared by social democratic actors, such as the Attayar Party, that have refrained from joining, presumably in order to avoid association with Ennahdha.

The Parti destourien libre (PDL), founded by members of the former ruling party of deposed President Ben Ali, consistently leads the polls. The PDL criticises Saied’s actions, such as appointing an election commission that party leader Abir Moussi rightly regards as subservient to the president. But Moussi herself is no unconditional democrat, pro­posing a political system that excludes even moderate Islamists.

The most important counterweight to Saied is Noureddine Taboubi, secretary-general of the trade union confederation UGTT (Union Générale Tunisienne du Tra­vail), with more than one million members. On top of its mobilisation potential the UGTT possesses a political veto, because the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has made any new loan conditional on the UGTT and the employers’ organisation UTICA approv­ing the government’s reform agenda.

While UTICA holds its counsel, Taboubi has repeatedly criticised Saied’s “unilateralism” and demands an inclusive national dialogue. In response to pressure from the UGTT, Saied established the High National Advisory Committee for the New Republic chaired by a trusted constitutional law pro­fessor. The Advisory Committee is tasked with synthesising the findings of the eco­nomic / social affairs and legal advisory committees and the national dialogue. But the consultations involve only a handful of actors chosen by the president. Political parties are excluded, and it can be safely assumed that the discussions will have little if any influence on the constitution. The UGTT decided at the end of May 2022 to boycott the national dialogue, on the grounds that it was not inclusive and its outcomes had been decided in advance.

If the UGTT applies its full political weight to reviving democratic processes and structures that will have a great bearing on the process. That is the hope of the Tuni­sian opposition and external partners. But there are indications that the unions might instead choose to focus more on achieving socio-economic objectives: One central demand of its general strike in mid-June is to get the government to negotiate pay rises. Eventually, the UGTT could find itself in the same camp as Saied – and opposing the government and the IMF – on key (socio-)economic questions.

Economic assistance as leverage

The internal political escalation coincides with an economic crisis. Without a new IMF loan soon, Tunisia could face default and in the worst case – as the governor of its central bank has warned – a Lebanese or Venezuelan scenario.

Tunisia says it needs to borrow US$7 billion in 2022. According to the central bank, the rapidly rising prices for energy and cereals caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine leave Tunisia needing more than US$1.5 billion on top. Ratings agency Moody’s downgraded Tunisia from B3 to Caa1 in October 2021; Fitch followed suit in March 2022, from B- to CCC.

Financial assistance from the Gulf states, which Saied and his government have been allud­ing to since July 2021, has failed to materialise. It appears that Washington pressed them to hold off in order to avoid strengthening Saied’s position. The United States has also very rapidly reduced its own support, announcing a halving of its mili­tary assistance in April 2022. Washington has also sent clear diplomatic signals, with Secretary of State Antony Blinken omitting Tunisia from his Maghreb trip at the end of March 2022. Germany will not be providing macro-economic support until an IMF pro­gramme is in place.

The European Union (EU) on the other hand paid out €300 million of macro-finan­cial assistance at the end of May 2022. The new, considerably more generous, seven-year programme does not come up for approval until autumn 2022. Tunisia’s neigh­bour Algeria has also been supplying significant budget support.

The Tunisian government has drafted an economic reform programme, to which the IMF has responded positively. But official nego­tiations have yet to begin: The UGTT has already declared that it will not sign any agreement with the current government as required by the IMF.

It is also questionable whether the presi­dent unequivocally supports the government’s reform plan. He has repeatedly spoken out against austerity measures. In his presidency to date Saied has demonstrated little interest in or knowledge of economic matters. His decrees in this area have been anachronistic and centralistic: cam­paigns against so-called speculators, amnesties in corruption cases, promotion of cooperatives. But he has not come for­ward with any steps to prevent Tunisia from edging toward default.

Ultimately, Tunisia’s economic difficulties offer the only real leverage for Euro­pean partners. The members of the IMF Executive Board, which must approve all credits, include the US, Germany and France. This creates an opportunity to exercise bilateral pressure on Tunisia’s decision maker(s) – especially where an IMF agreement would normally trigger additional funding from partners like Germany.

Europa holds off: Conflicts of goals and wishful thinking

The EU and its member states have ex­pressed their concern over developments since 25 July 2021. But they have not shown any sign that they see themselves as parties that could take action.

The reasons for their reserve include firstly concern that, given the president’s initial strong public support, external inter­vention could provoke accusations of neo-colonial­ism. Or that the Union would expose itself to accusations of double standards: punishing Tunisia for its progress and criticising Saied more strongly than the incomparably more repressive Egyptian President Abdel Fatah al‑Sisi.

But the EU and its member states are also risking their reputation with their “hands off” approach. Firstly with all the Tunisian actors with whom they cooperated closely for a decade in the name of democratisation. But also with the region’s civil soci­eties, which saw Tunisia as a ray of hope. Tunisia is not the only place where Europe’s different treatment of refugees from the Global South and Ukraine provokes talk of double standards. Non-action on Tunisia’s authoritarian turn risks strengthening the impression that value-based policy and defence of freedom apply only within Europe and only to “white” neighbours.

Secondly, European reservations over con­ditioning or cutting financial assistance are partly rooted in fears that the Tunisian president could turn instead to non-West­ern actors such as China, the Gulf states, Turkey, Russia or even Iran. Indeed, Saied demonstrates little sympathy for the West. His Western partners had to work hard to persuade him to support the UN resolution condemning Russia for its invasion of Ukraine.

In fact, Tunisia is unlikely to turn away from Europe. It is improbable that Iran, Russia or Turkey would be willing or able to provide the kind of short-term financial resources Tunisia needs. Chinese funds tend to flow into infrastructure projects rather than directly into the state budget, with high rates of interest exacerbating the debt situation. Importantly, aid from most non-European actors is highly controversial domestically, and comes with its own price and conditions. While the Gulf states do not demand democracy or freedoms, they do want social and religious influence in return. For example the United Arab Emirates openly support Abir Moussi, who seeks a ban on Ennahdha. According to for­mer Tunisian officials, they also pressured Saied to dissolve Ennahdha and have its leadership arrested. Ultimately the eco­nomic situation is so dire that Tunisia will continue to need Western aid whether or not it receives support from the Gulf states.

Thirdly, Europe initially hoped that Saied’s popularity and determination would lead to more effective governance and fa­cili­tate overdue economic and administrative reforms. That turned out to be wishful think­ing. The underlying assumption, of a conflict of goals between democratisation and stability, is superficial. A non-inclusive and polarising political process is highly unlikely to create political and social sta­bility after ten years of democratisation. Instead the president’s aggressive rhetoric against political opponents deepens the divisions. And it has become quite clear that Saied cannot lead Tunisia out of its economic crisis, especially in the current difficult international environment. He is unlikely to tolerate a government pursuing an independent economic policy. Consequently the president’s policies are no basis for lasting stability.

If Saied’s popularity declines, an intervention by the armed forces cannot be excluded. It is an open question whether the objective would then be to restore the democratic order or – breaking with the tradition of the Tunisian military – a greater political role for the security forces. Saied’s demolition of democratic structures is especially problematic in relation to such a scenario.

No time to lose

The EU and its member states would be well advised to prepare for the president’s next moves. To date they have tended to respond spontaneously if at all. That needs to change, while remaining realistic about the possibilities. Ultimately the Tunisians themselves will have to agree on their future system. Nevertheless European actors need to develop a conception of how they wish to support inclusive processes and democracy-oriented dynamics.

One thing is certain: If Saied is able to force through his referendum – which must be assumed – it will be difficult to get rid of the new and likely strongly authoritarian system. The Venice Commission of the Council of Europe, of which Tunisia is a member, reported at the end of May 2022 that important (legal) preconditions for the constitutional process, and in particular for the referendum, remain unfulfilled. In the interest of greater demo­cratic legitimacy it suggests postponing the referendum and reinstating the old elec­toral commission. Saied responded imme­diately by threatening to suspend Tunisia’s membership.

Nevertheless, the EU and its member states should send decisive signals before the referendum is held and plan for the time thereafter. Specifically they should:

Coordinate the expectations of the most important partners – Brussels, Berlin, Paris, Rome, Madrid, Washington and the (remaining) G7 – without delay. What do they wish to communicate about legitimacy in the run-up to the referendum, and how publicly do they wish to do so? What consequences do the partners wish to float for the likely eventuality that the process lacks inclusion, transparency and/or legitimacy?


Intensify and consolidate channels of communication with the UGTT as a central actor. And continue to practice inclusiveness by engaging with as broad a spectrum of political and civil society actors as possible.


Avoid gestures that benefit Saied. It was right and important for the EU to swiftly provide €20 million to address rapidly rising prices of basic foodstuffs. But such measures should no longer be announc­ed in meetings with the president.


Critically review whether cooperation plays into the president’s authoritarian leanings. For example, in view of expanding surveillance and expansive plans to gather data via a digital identity card, support for digitalisation of public administration should be reconsidered.


Consider suspending all macro-financial support and cooperation with state entities (excepting critical infrastructure and green energy) if domestic political tensions escalate. Such a scenario could occur if Saied used the security appara­tus to impose his plans against resist­ance, or if the military took power.


Prepare instruments for worst-case sce­narios – such as massive internal unrest and/or humanitarian crisis – through which local NGOs and/or international organisations could supply assistance directly to the growing number of Tunisians in need. It would also make sense to involve dynamic private-sector actors more closely and give them greater sup­port.


A joint Tunisia trip by the foreign minis­ters of important partner states – for example Germany and France together with the US – would be conceivable. Its clear message should be that it is naturally up to the Tunisians to decide what kind of system they wish to live in. If the path Tunisians agree on among themselves turns out to be one of inclusion and freedom again they can continue to count on (potentially even more gener­ous) support and the prospect of expand­ing the availability of work visas. Such a message could counteract the accusation that Europe applies double standards and interferes in internal affairs, while having the potential to positively influence political dynamics in Tunisia.

Introspection warranted

Europe’s failure to respond decisively to Saied’s authoritarian turn raises fundamental questions concerning European policy towards Tunisia and other democratising states.

The first would be why over-optimistic scenarios are so frequently assumed. For instance, after Saied took office the attitude was to give him the benefit of the doubt. In future, it would make sense to pay greater heed to worst-case scenarios and think through the options in good time.

Another relevant aspect is that within the EU the European External Action Ser­vice (EEAS) possesses the best knowledge about local circumstances and political developments on the ground. But in the Union’s internal practice the EEAS’s influ­ence is rather limited when it comes to the funding instrument of the Neighbourhood Policy (NDICI), which is administered by the Commission. Saied will have been encouraged by the EU’s decision to make the €300 million macro-financial assistance payment in May 2022. The need to disburse earmarked funds within a certain period may have played a role here, with the resulting con­straints sometimes taking precedence over political considerations. Resolving such intra-European structural problems would also serve the interests of a policy of “do no harm”.

Opinions on the question of political con­ditionality diverge widely among the EU member states. Germany, the Netherlands and the Nordic states are not averse, while states like France, Italy, Spain and Hungary (which provides the commissioner for neigh­bourhood and enlargement) lean towards incentive structures that imply more rather than less funding.

The response of Western states to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine demonstrated the power of a determined and united stance in defence of freedom. The European partners would therefore be well advised to find the lowest common denominator and agree a shared narrative on future cooperation with a Tunisia sliding back into authoritarianism.

If they fail to achieve so, the German gov­ernment cannot hide behind the EU. If Tunisia’s president continues to promote de-democratisation and prevent good gov­ernance, the German-Tunisian reform partnership – which presupposes highly reform-motivated governments – will also be superfluous. In that case, Germany’s cooperation with the Tunisian government and official agencies will need to be fun­damentally reconsidered.


Dr. Isabelle Werenfels is Senior Fellow in the Africa and Middle East Research Division.

© Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2022

All rights reserved

This Comment reflects the author’s views.

SWP Comments are subject to internal peer review, fact-checking and copy-editing. For further information on our quality control pro­cedures, please visit the SWP website: https://www.swp-berlin.org/en/about-swp/ quality-management-for-swp-publications/

Teck tests carbon capture use and storage at Canadian operations
Cecilia Jamasmie | June 28, 2022 r

Trail Operations is one of the world’s largest fully integrated zinc and lead smelting and refining complexes. (Image courtesy of Teck Resources.)

Teck Resources (TSX: TECK.A | TECK.B) (NYSE: TECK), Canada’s largest diversified miner, has set a carbon capture utilization and storage (CCUS) pilot project at its metallurgical complex in southern British Columbia.


The CCUS plant, which is expected to start operating in the second half of 2023, supports the firm’s net-zero climate change strategy, Teck said. This includes the company’s goal of reducing carbon intensity at its operations by 33% by 2030 and achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.

“The pilot also provides us with a technical platform to assist our steelmaking coal customers in materially reducing the carbon intensity of their steel production,” president and chief executive, Don Lindsay, said in the statement.

The plant will capture carbon dioxide (CO2) from the acid plant flue gas at Teck’s Trail Operations at a rate of 3 tonnes per day. The project will also evaluate options for the utilization and/or storage of captured emissions at the smelting and refining complex.

The pilot carbon capture utilization and storage (CCUS) facility. 

(Image courtesy of Teck Resources.)

If successful, the facility could be scaled up to an industrial CCUS plant with the potential to capture over 100,000 tonnes of CO2 a year at Trail Operations, the equivalent emissions of more than 20,000 cars.

Part of the Vancouver-based company’s carbon reduction plan includes integrating electric, hybrid and hydrogen-fuelled vehicles into its operations. The diversified miner of copper, zinc, and metallurgical coal is also switching clean sources of energy to power its mining operations.

While its Canadian mines have access to low-carbon power – which reduces the carbon footprint of Teck’s B.C. operations, relative to other coal-producing mines – the firm’s assets in Chile still get much of their power from fossil fuels. By 2030, Teck aims to have its Chilean operations fully running on clean energy and expects to be halfway to that goal by 2025.

Rio Tinto, Corona Canada pilot country’s first specially-marked low carbon can

Staff Writer | June 29, 2022

Cheers. Image from Rio Tinto.

Rio Tinto announced, in partnership with Corona Canada, the launch of Canada’s first specially-marked, low carbon beverage can, manufactured by Ball Corporation.


The cans, now available through a pilot in Ontario, were made using aluminium from Rio Tinto and leveraging ELYSIS technology. As part of this limited release, 1.2 million cans were produced with a QR code to inspire consumers to learn more about the cans’ low carbon footprint.

This pilot is a step towards putting a fully traceable beverage can in the hands of consumers. In the future, Rio Tinto will leverage insights from its START initiative to allow consumers to use QR codes to see exactly how their products were made from mine to market – including sustainability data.

Currently, around 70% of the aluminium used in cans produced in North America is made with recycled aluminium. Pairing this recycled metal with Rio Tinto’s low-carbon aluminium – made with renewable hydropower – and metal produced using the direct greenhouse gas emissions free ELYSIS smelting technology reduces carbon emissions by more than 30%, the company said.

“Leveraging insights from START, we look forward to putting more information into the hands of consumers, so they can see how we are partnering with leading brands like Corona to help deliver more sustainable supply chains and products,” Rio Tinto’s Head of Sales and Marketing Tolga Egrilmezer said in a media statement.

“These specially-marked, low carbon beverage cans will showcase the responsibly produced aluminium Rio Tinto delivers, bringing together renewable hydropower and the innovation of zero carbon ELYSIS smelting technology.”

This launch builds on a Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2020 between Rio Tinto and Corona Canada’s parent company Anheuser-Busch InBev, to work with supply chain partners to bring AB InBev products to market in cans made from aluminium that meets industry-leading sustainability standards.

Can solar energy power coral growth? Research effort one of S'pore's initiatives to safeguard oceans

Coral microatoll at low tide in Sentosa on May 18, 2022.

 PHOTO: ST FILE


Audrey Tan
Assistant News Editor


SINGAPORE - Singapore is undertaking various initiatives to improve the health of the ocean, including a research effort that aims to study if solar energy can be used to power coral growth.

Dr Karenne Tun, a director at the National Parks Board's (NParks) National Biodiversity Centre, told The Straits Times last week that the project aims to test the feasibility of using very low voltage electrical currents to aid the growth of coral fragments in Singapore waters.

A healthy and diverse coral reef maintains and drives other beneficial ecological processes, she said. For example, a healthy reef can support healthy food webs and is also more resilient to harmful species invasions.

"Findings from this project will help facilitate coral restoration works in other marine areas with similar water sedimentation and light conditions," Dr Tun added.

The project is one of nine new initiatives that the Republic is undertaking to boost the health of the oceans.

The nine, which include efforts to reduce the carbon footprint of the emissions-intensive maritime sector and an environmental training course, were announced by Minister for Foreign Affairs Vivian Balakrishnan during the United Nations Ocean Conference in Portugal last month.

Singapore is a tiny island, a maritime city-state, whose history, people and economy are inseparable from the ocean, Dr Balakrishnan said then.


"Our survival, our prosperity depend on the oceans... The ocean provides food, jobs and livelihood. It enables global trade, and it plays a vital role in the climate systems and the water cycle, and is an important reservoir of biodiversity," he added.

Dr Balakrishnan said the conservation and sustainable use of the ocean must be conducted under the aegis of international law, and that such efforts should also be based on data and science.

Multilateral cooperation is needed to protect the health of the oceans, he added.

"While Singapore is tiny, we are doing our part," Dr Balakrishnan said, in announcing the Republic's new voluntary commitments to the United Nations.

Commitments made by countries during the conference are listed on the website of the UN's Department of Economic and Social Affairs.

Of the nine commitments Singapore is undertaking, three are environmental research projects.

Other than the coral research project, the other two initiatives include a $25 million Marine Climate Change Science programme, which was announced in March 2021 by the National Development Ministry; and a study on the sustainable management of marine fish populations by marine biologists at NParks and the National University of Singapore.

"Mapping the connectivity of fish populations can provide insights into the connectivity between marine habitats in Singapore and inform the sustainable management of fish larvae," Dr Tun said.

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Singapore has also committed to five new measures to reduce the environmental impact of the shipping industry.

"On the shipping front, we are spearheading a transition towards the supply of environmentally friendly ship fuel, and are actively involved in promoting green financing and building capacity in carbon accounting within the maritime industry," Dr Balakrishnan said.

"We are also incentivising shipowners to switch to energy-efficient technologies and low or zero-carbon fuels."

A spokesman for the Maritime and Port Authority of Singapore (MPA) said maritime decarbonisation is a global challenge requiring collective action, and that it is committed to working towards clean shipping and the protection of the marine environment.

"MPA works closely with stakeholders across the maritime value chain, complementing the efforts by the International Maritime Organisation, and based on a multilateral and coordinated approach to developing maritime decarbonisation solutions," she added.

This year, Singapore will also be conducting three courses - for government officials and policymakers from developing countries - on the international law of the sea, managing coastal biodiversity under urbanisation pressures, and environmental conservation and sustainability, under the Singapore Cooperation Programme, said Dr Balakrishnan.

The programme was launched in 1992 to share Singapore's development experience and extend technical assistance to fellow developing countries.

Israel said set to okay new Palestinian homes and 4G cell plans ahead of Biden visit

Key economic Israeli-Palestinian forum reportedly to be

 convened amid concerns Abbas could renew efforts for

 Israel to be tried at ICC

By TOI STAFF10 July 2022, 

A Palestinian boy walks while backdropped by his home village of Susiya in Area C of the West Bank on July 24, 2015. (AP/Nasser Nasser)

Israel will advance a stalled plan to approve the construction of some 1,000 new Palestinian homes and make several other gestures toward Ramallah ahead of the visit to the region this week of US President Joe Biden, according to a report Saturday.

The move to authorize the housing units had been planned for a number of months but was frozen amid the deadly terror wave earlier this year, the Kan public broadcaster reported.

The report was apparently referring to a May plan for Palestinian housing that was initially advanced as the government simultaneously greenlit projects for about 4,400 Jewish settlement homes, a move condemned at the time by the Biden administration.

According to Kan, Biden’s visit also means there will be moves made for progress on long-stalled plans to set up Palestinian 4G cellular networks.

Israeli officials tentatively greenlight 4G service for Palestinian cellular companies in November, but there has been little progress on the matter since then, reportedly due to pushback from the Israeli security establishment.

Israel maintains security control over the West Bank and Gaza, including over telecommunications.

US President Joe Biden arrives at Andrews Air Force Base after delivering remarks in Cleveland about the American Recovery Act, Wednesday, July 6, 2022, in Andrews Air Force Base, Md. (AP/Evan Vucci)

While Israel upgraded to 4G in 2013 and has since begun building super-fast 5G networks in urban centers, Palestinian companies in the West Bank still use 3G networks, which they received in 2018. In Gaza, Israel has only permitted 2G networks to operate within the enclave, which is ruled by the Hamas terror group.

Israel will also promote a meeting of the Joint Economic Committee (JEC), the report said. The forum was established under the Oslo Accords but last met in 2009. Israel has come under increasing pressure from the international community for the committee to meet to aid the strengthening of the Palestinian economy.

An unsourced report on Channel 12 news said that the Israeli security establishment was concerned that if Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas believes he has not secured any new assurances from Biden’s trip, he may renew efforts to have Israel tried for war crimes at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

However, the report said that there were “low” concerns that disappointment from Biden’s trip could lead to an uptick in violence.

Illustrative: Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas, March 27, 2022, in Ramallah. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin, Pool)

Biden is expected in Israel on Wednesday for a packed two-day visit that will also include a trip to the Palestinian Authority, followed by a visit to Saudi Arabia on Friday ahead of a meeting Saturday with Mideast leaders.

Biden will land at Ben Gurion Airport, where he will be greeted by Prime Minister Yair Lapid in an official welcome ceremony.

Over the following 24 hours, the US president will meet with Israeli officials, tour several Israeli security systems and visit the Yad Vashem Holocaust museum in Jerusalem.

On Friday morning, Biden will head to the Augusta Victoria Hospital on East Jerusalem’s Mount of Olives, according to an Israeli source familiar with the matter. It will be the first visit by a sitting US president to the largely Palestinian section of the capital outside of the Old City.

The Biden administration will use the opportunity to announce a significant funding initiative for the East Jerusalem Hospital Network, a senior Israeli official said, adding that the initiative has been pushed by US Ambassador to Israel Tom Nides. In addition to the new US funding, Biden will be announcing similar donations to the hospital network from several Gulf states, a Middle Eastern diplomat said.

Biden will then travel to Bethlehem for a meeting with Abbas. The atmosphere may be clouded by the announcement last week by the US that it did not find Israel to have intentionally killed Al Jazeera reporter Shireen Abu Akleh in clashes that broke out during an IDF raid in Jenin on May 11.

Biden will announce alongside Abbas a package of steps aimed at strengthening the PA, a senior US official told The Times of Israel. Some of these “deliverables” will be US initiatives and others will be Israeli ones that Biden will announce on behalf of Lapid, who prefers keeping some distance from the concessions.

Sudan Protesters Mark Eid Al-Adha at Anti-army Sit-in


Sudanese protesters take part in an anti-military sit-in in the capital Khartoum on Saturday, the Eid al-Adha holiday ASHRAF SHAZLY AFP

Asharq Al-Awsat
Sunday, 10 July, 2022 - 

Sudanese protesters celebrated Eid al-Adha among barricades on Saturday during a sit-in against military leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and his October coup.

Protesters have continued to press the army chief to resign, days after he vowed to make way for a civilian government -- an offer quickly rejected by the country's main civilian umbrella group as a "ruse".

Burhan's surprise move has been met with wide skepticism, and pro-democracy groups announced on Thursday the formation of a "revolutionary council" as protests held firm, AFP reported.

The sit-in continued in the capital's twin city of Omdurman Saturday, as an imam took over the microphone usually reserved for protest chants to deliver the Eid sermon.

Protester Ibrahim al-Haj told AFP after the prayer that demonstrators hope to show that "no matter what is happening in the country, our message is ongoing".

Burhan led a coup in October that derailed a transition to civilian rule, unleashing near-weekly protests and prompting key donors to freeze much-needed funding, sending Sudan deeper into economic crisis.

The protests against Burhan were reinvigorated on June 30, when tens of thousands gathered and nine people were killed by security forces, according to pro-democracy medics.

A total of 114 people have been killed in the crackdown by security forces against protesters since the October coup, the medics say.

Worshippers on Saturday held up flags showing the faces of protesters killed in the crackdown.

"We are committed to the martyrs' rights," Haj told AFP. "We are not going to forget our martyrs even for a day, no matter what."

Strandbeest skeleton art sculptures shock beachgoers in Netherlands

'Strandbeests' sculptures shock beach-going public. Video / Aurora Borealis Observatory via Facebook

9 Jul, 2022
news.com.au
By Kate Schneider

Tourists soaking up the sun at picturesque beaches in the Netherlands are being greeted by a "strange and scary" surprise.

A series of rare and eye-catching sculptures by Dutch artist and inventor Theo Jansen are being found at various beaches.

Artist and inventor Theo Jansen. Photo / Theo Jansen, Facebook

Said to be a fun fusion of art and engineering, the "Strandbeest" are kinetic sculptures that are like skeletons ... that move.

Made from yellow plastic tubes, they can walk on their own, getting energy from the wind.

Jansen has previously said of his creations: "I make skeletons that are able to walk on the wind, so they don't have to eat. Eventually I want to put these animals out in herds on the beaches, so they will live their own lives."

And so he did.

The sculptures have become so well-known that they were even featured in an episode of The Simpsons called The Nightmare After Krustmas with Theo Jansen as a cartoon character.

Many people are freaking out over a recent video and images posted online, saying they look straight out of a nightmare.

The video was posted by popular travel group Aurora Borealis Observatory on its Facebook page.

The kinetic sculptures are quite the sight. Photo / Theo Jansen, Facebo

Commenter Sue wrote: "Actually quite horrifying. I'd hate to be surprised by one of these crazy-looking thing

You Can’t Go Back: the San Francisco Mime Troupe’s 2022 Show

BY JONAH RASKIN

 JULY 8, 2022
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San Francisco Mime Troupe. Photo: Jonah Raskin.

After a hiatus of three years because of the pandemic, the San Francisco Mime Troupe launched its summer 2022 season with a lively production that was staged outdoors in Dolores Park on July 4th. A musical comedy that veers into melodrama and that offers rousing songs, pointed dialogue – and some speeches—Back to the Way Things Were is quintessential Mime Troupe theater.

The small but versatile cast invited the audience to reject nostalgia, stay in the present, no matter how anxiety-producing it might be, and fight like hell for social, economic and political changes that might be called revolutionary. The SFMT has delivered that same message with variations for decades, though this season, like every previous season, it presents topical and timely material. The cast references Tucker Carlson, Donald Trump, Barack Obama, abortion, surveillance, fast food, the homeless, the obfuscations of language and the privitization of just about everything in America today.

Lizzie Calogero and Norman Gee gave stellar performances, especially when they belted out the theme song, “Back to the Way Things Were.” At least one of the main characters expresses major illusions and wants to go back to a past that never really existed. But he changes his mind and realizes that a return to yesterday wouldn’t solve any of the multiple problems of the present day. The upbeat SFMT Band Members —Will Durkee, Jason Young and Daniel Savio, Mario’s son—energized the crowd and enlivened the songs.

By turns sad and funny, frightening and inspiring, the musical dramatizes the dialectic between victims and change agents. The characters are prisons of the past and the present day, but also capable of liberating themselves and those around them. Michael Gene Sullivan authored “Back to the Way Things Were” with help from Marie Cartier. Daniel Savio provided the music and the lyrics to the songs. Velina Brown, the director, kept the production on track. A “magic gun” adds a strong comic book element by sending the characters forward and backward in time and thereby propelling much of the plot.

A large appreciative audience cheered, booed, laughed and seemed to leave Dolores Park and then scatter to destinations all over the Bay Area, with a feeling that the afternoon had been well spent under a blue sky and with the SalesForce Tower looming in the distance—a reminder of corporate America.

By all means, see this production even if you have to travel to SF. It’s free – though it depends on donations and on grants— and it’s a living part of our extended cultural revolution that made the July 4^th crowd a tad uncomfortable without leaving anyone in a state of despair or hopelessness. It hit just the right balance.

Jonah Raskin is the author of Beat Blues, San Francisco, 1955.