David Montgomery Hart And The Moroccan Rif: Anthropology, Segmentarity, And Intellectual Legacy – Analysis
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Abstract
This essay examines the work and intellectual legacy of David Montgomery Hart (1927–2001), an American anthropologist whose fieldwork in the Moroccan Rif, conducted primarily between 1952 and the 1970s, constitutes one of the most substantial contributions to Maghrebi anthropology of the twentieth century (Chtatou, 2016; Ramírez & López García, 2002). Drawing on his monumental monograph The Aith Waryaghar of the Moroccan Rif (1976), the essay traces Hart’s intellectual formation, his ethnographic method founded on prolonged immersion, and his deployment of the segmentary model to analyse Riffian tribal organisation. It then examines the theoretical controversy opened by Henry Munson Jr. (1989), who contests the relevance of the segmentary lineage model as applied to the Rif, and analyses Hart’s rejoinder and Ernest Gellner’s positions (1969, 1981) in this structuring debate for the anthropology of the Maghreb. The essay concludes with an assessment of the legacy of Hart’s work in contemporary Amazigh studies and in the cultural history of the Rif.
1. Introduction: An Anthropologist Confronting the Rif
The history of the anthropology of northern Morocco is, in many respects, the history of a passionate engagement between foreign scholars and a human territory of extraordinary complexity. Among these scholars, David Montgomery Hart occupies a singular position: not simply because he devoted several decades to the study of Riffian tribes, but because the depth of his immersion, the scope of his documentation, and the rigour — sometimes contested — of his theoretical framework produced a corpus of rare density in North African studies (Chtatou, 2016). Born on 18 May 1927 in Philadelphia and died on 22 May 2001 in Garrucha, Spain, Hart lived between two worlds: the American academic world in which he had trained, and the Rif and southern Spain where he had made his home and found his vocation.
The Rif, a mountain massif in northern Morocco running along the Mediterranean from Tangier to the Moulouya, constitutes an anthropological terrain of exceptional richness. It is a space where armed resistance, embodied by the Rif War (1921–1926) and the figure of Abd el-Krim al-Khattabi, coexists with an elaborate tribal organisation, customary legal practices rooted in Amazigh tradition, and a vibrant oral culture (Pennell, 1986). When Hart began his fieldwork there in 1952, he inherited a tradition inaugurated by Carleton S. Coon, whose monograph Tribes of the Rif, published in 1931, had laid the first foundations of American Riffian ethnography (Coon, 1931). Hart would surpass this precedent, both in the duration of his commitment and in the sophistication of his approach to social structures.
This essay proposes to analyse Hart’s work in its threefold dimension: biographical and methodological first, examining his training, his fieldwork methods, and his insertion into the academic networks of his era; theoretical next, with the examination of his recourse to the segmentary lineage model and the debates it generated (Munson, 1989; Hart, 1989); and patrimonial finally, with an evaluation of the legacy left by his work in Amazigh studies and contemporary Maghrebi anthropology (Ramírez & López García, 2002). In so doing, the essay endeavours to situate Hart not only within the North African anthropological landscape, but also within the broader epistemological context of social anthropology in the second half of the twentieth century.
2. Intellectual Formation and Academic Context
2.1. From Philadelphia to the Rif: The Career of a Fieldwork Ethnographer
David Montgomery Hart completed his doctoral studies at the University of Pennsylvania under the supervision of Carleton S. Coon (1904–1981), one of the most influential — and, with time, most controversial — figures in twentieth-century American anthropology. Coon was the author of Tribes of the Rif (1931), a monograph whose publication had coincided with the final phases of Riffian resistance to the Spanish protectorate and which constituted, despite its methodological limitations stemming from an anthropology still marked by typological assumptions, the first serious ethnographic synthesis on the Amazigh populations of northern Morocco. For Hart, studying under Coon meant inheriting both a subject matter — the Berbers of the Maghreb — and an intellectual style: that of the fieldwork ethnographer who goes into direct contact with the populations, far from libraries and abstract models (Chtatou, 2016).
Hart began his fieldwork in the Rif in 1952, at the age of twenty-five. He would gradually settle among the Ait Waryaghar, the most important tribal confederation of the central Rif, whose territory extends around Al Hoceima. This initial immersion lasted several consecutive years; Hart would return regularly to the region throughout his career, totalling approximately eleven years of effective presence in the Rif (Chtatou, 2016; Ramírez & López García, 2002). He also taught at the Institute of Sociology of the University of Mohammed V in Rabat during part of this period, enabling him to maintain an institutional Moroccan anchorage while pursuing his fieldwork.
What distinguishes Hart from many of his contemporaries is his remarkable linguistic mastery. Hart was fluent in Tarifit (the variety of Tamazight spoken in the Rif), Moroccan Arabic, Classical Arabic, as well as Spanish, French, and German (Chtatou, 2016). This polyglottism was not incidental: it conditioned the quality of his access to oral sources and to the ethnographic literature produced in various European languages on northern Morocco. His ability to read Spanish and French archives directly, while conducting interviews in Tarifit, allowed him to cross-reference sources of a radically different nature and to produce analyses of exceptional documentary density (Joffé & Pennell, 1991).
Hart is often described as an anthropologist of the ‘old school’ — an expression taken up by Akbar Ahmed in his preface to Islam in Tribal Societies (Ahmed & Hart, 1984). This expression designates a manner of practising anthropology that makes prolonged presence in the field, participant observation, and mastery of local languages the sine qua non conditions of all valid knowledge. In this perspective, Hart aligns himself with the lineage of the great ethnographers of the twentieth century — Evans-Pritchard in the Sudan (1940), Malinowski in Melanesia, Barth in Iran — who defined the standards of the ethnographic monograph through total immersion. This intellectual lineage explains both the strengths and the limitations of his work: it guarantees its factual richness and documentary authenticity, while exposing it to critiques of a theoretical paradigm — segmentarity — that would prove more fragile than anticipated.
2.2. Hart in the North African Anthropological Landscape
To understand Hart’s place, it is necessary to situate him within an academic field where several major figures were working simultaneously on Morocco. Ernest Gellner (1925–1995) began his fieldwork in the High Atlas in 1954, producing Saints of the Atlas (1969), a monograph that would become the theoretical reference for the segmentary model applied to the Maghreb. Clifford Geertz, working in Sefrou in the Middle Atlas, developed an interpretive anthropology centred on systems of cultural meaning (Geertz, 1968). Paul Rabinow (1977) and Vincent Crapanzano (1980) would introduce in subsequent years a postmodern reflexivity that would call into question the epistemological foundations of classical ethnography. Dale Eickelman (1976) worked on popular Islam and the sociology of Quranic education.
In this panorama, Hart occupies a particular position: he is the specialist of the Rif, that northern region often marginalised in the major syntheses on Morocco, which more readily focus on the imperial cities of the centre or on the Berber High Atlas (Chtatou, 2016). His work fills a considerable gap in the anthropological literature, and does so with a documentary exhaustiveness that his contemporaries unanimously acknowledge, even when contesting his interpretations. Together with Carleton S. Coon and Ernest Gellner, Hart is generally considered one of the foreign scholars who contributed most to the anthropological knowledge of the Moroccan Rif (Chtatou, 2016; Joffé & Pennell, 1991).
Hart maintained an intensive correspondence with his colleagues that constitutes in itself an academic object. Gellner noted that Hart had developed and perfected a distinctive literary form: the long ethnographic letter (Laâbi & López García, 2020). This correspondence, totalling more than ten thousand pages exchanged notably with Ross E. Dunn, was entrusted to the National Archives of Morocco, attesting to its value as a historical and anthropological source of the first order. This intensive epistolary practice reveals a conception of anthropological knowledge not as a finished and systematic product, but as a permanent dialogue, an accumulation of details that resist theoretical reduction (Laâbi & López García, 2020).
3. The Ethnographic Work: Documenting the Tribal Rif
3.1. The Aith Waryaghar of the Moroccan Rif (1976): A Monumental Monograph
The centrepiece of Hart’s work is unquestionably The Aith Waryaghar of the Moroccan Rif: An Ethnography and History, published in 1976 in the Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology series (No. 55) by the University of Arizona Press for the Wenner-Gren Foundation (Hart, 1976). With its 556 pages and its double title — ethnography and history — the work deliberately situates itself at the junction of two disciplines. Hart does not limit himself to describing Riffian society synchronically, as if it existed outside of time: he interweaves ethnographic data from his fieldwork with a long-term historical reconstruction, drawing on Spanish and French colonial sources, oral traditions collected from his Riffian interlocutors, and the work of his predecessors, foremost among them Coon (1931).
The structure of the work reflects Hart’s intellectual preoccupations (Hart, 1976). It devotes entire chapters to the segmentary organisation of lineages (tiqbaylin, ighs, adrum), to customary law practices (izerf), to the institutions of arbitration and conflict management such as the liff (ritual alliance), to agricultural and pastoral practices, to life-cycle ceremonies, to religion and its local expressions, and of course to the history of Riffian resistance. This ethnographic encyclopaedism is both the strength and the limitation of the work: it makes it an inexhaustible reference source for all scholars working on the Rif, while sometimes obscuring a central and coherent theoretical argument (Munson, 1989).
The academic reception of the work was unanimously positive regarding the quality of the documentation. E. G. H. Joffé, in a review published in the Journal of African History in 1977, praised the exceptional richness of the ethnographic material assembled by Hart (Joffé, 1977). The Arabic translation of the work, produced by Mohammed Ouniba, Abdelmajid Azouzi, and Abdelhamid Rais, and published by the SMDN in the Netherlands in 2007, attests to its reach beyond Anglo-Saxon academic circles and its importance for Riffian communities themselves (Chtatou, 2016).
3.2. Other Works: Dadda ‘Atta, the Tribe, and Rural Society
Alongside his work on the Rif, Hart conducted research on other Amazigh tribal societies in Morocco. His work Dadda ‘Atta and His Forty Grandsons, published in 1981, extends his tribal comparativism to the Grand Atlas and the northern Sahara (Hart, 1981). The Ait ‘Atta, a tribal confederation of pre-Saharan Morocco, present structural similarities with the Ait Waryaghar while differing in their transhumance patterns and forms of political organisation. This comparative work is of great importance for evaluating the segmentary model, as it allows Hart to extend his conclusions beyond the Rif alone (Munson, 1993).
His volume Tribe and Society in Rural Morocco (Hart, 2000) assembles articles published over several decades and reflects the thematic diversity of his interests: from kinship systems to vengeance practices, from the structure of periodic markets to forms of tribal leadership. As early as 1967, Hart had published in the Revue de l’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée a foundational article entitled ‘Segmentary Systems and the Role of Five Fifths in Tribal Morocco’, which laid the theoretical bases of his reflection on segmentarity (Hart, 1967). One should also mention his comparative contributions on Pashtun tribes in Pakistan and Afghanistan, conducted in collaboration with Akbar S. Ahmed (Ahmed & Hart, 1984), which reveal a theoretical ambition extending beyond the Moroccan framework alone.
4. The Ethnographic Method: Immersion and Participant Observation
Hart’s method is that of classical ethnography as defined by Malinowski and Evans-Pritchard (Evans-Pritchard, 1940): prolonged presence, mastery of the language, participant observation, systematic collection of life narratives and oral traditions, cross-referencing of data from different sources. This approach is extraordinarily demanding in its execution: it requires a tolerance for uncertainty, a capacity to inhabit between two cultures, and a working discipline that transforms the researcher’s daily experience into documentary data (Rabinow, 1977).
Hart lived with Riffian families, shared their meals, attended their festivals and ceremonies, and accompanied the men on their movements and agricultural activities. He collected genealogies — those fundamental instruments of tribal memory that allow the reconstruction of kinship ties, matrimonial alliances, and land rights over several generations (Hart, 1976). This genealogical collection, tedious and technically difficult owing to orthographic variations in Berber proper names and the fluidity of tribal identities, constitutes one of the most enduring contributions of his work (Chtatou, 2016).
His wife, Ursula Kingsmill Hart, also played an important role in fieldwork, particularly in gaining access to female spaces that were closed to Hart as a man. Her book Behind the Courtyard Door, published in 1994, offers a complementary perspective on the lives of Riffian women, a dimension that Hart’s masculine ethnography could not fully grasp (Hart, U. K., 1994). This conjugal collaboration in the field constitutes a rare example of anthropological research conducted jointly in societies with strong gender segregation.
Hart also produced detailed reports, often very long, addressed to colleagues and correspondents, in which he recorded his daily observations, ongoing reflections, and unresolved questions — what Gellner called the ethnographic letter (Laâbi & López García, 2020). This hybrid form, between field diary and academic correspondence, reveals a particular intellectual temperament: that of a scholar who thinks through accumulation and cross-referencing, more at ease in detailed ethnographic narration than in the construction of abstract and falsifiable models.
The question of the objectivity of Hart’s gaze on the Rif deserves to be raised. Like any ethnographer, Hart was not a neutral observer: he carried an American academic training of the 1950s, a personal interest in tribal societies, and a deep affinity for Riffian culture that is apparent in his writings (Chtatou, 2016). The postcolonial critique of anthropology — as it developed from the 1980s onward (Rabinow, 1977) — would invite an examination of the conditions of production of Hartian knowledge: who speaks on whose behalf, and within what framework of colonial or postcolonial power? This questioning does not disqualify Hart’s work, but enriches its critical reading.
5. Tribal Segmentarity: Model, Application, and Controversies
5.1. The Segmentary Model and Its Theoretical Origins
The model of tribal segmentarity, as applied by Hart to the Rif, has its origins in British social anthropology of the 1940s, particularly in Evans-Pritchard’s work on the Nuer of the southern Sudan. In The Nuer (Evans-Pritchard, 1940) and African Political Systems (Evans-Pritchard & Fortes, 1940), Evans-Pritchard described a type of political organisation characteristic of stateless societies: groups organise themselves into nested segmentary lineages, such that units that oppose one another at a given level form coalitions against a common enemy at a higher level. This principle of complementary opposition — often summarised in the formula ‘I against my brother, my brother and I against our cousin, my cousin and I against the stranger’ — allows for the regulation of conflicts and alliances in tribal societies without permanent central authority.
This model had been adapted to the North African context by Robert Montagne in the 1930s, notably in Les Berbères et le Makhzen dans le Sud du Maroc (Montagne, 1930). But it was Ernest Gellner who formulated its most ambitious version in Saints of the Atlas (1969), where he analyses Berber society in the central High Atlas as a paradigmatic example of segmentary organisation, showing how saints (igurramen) serve as necessary arbiters between segments in unstable equilibrium. For Gellner (1981), the segmentary model is not merely an empirical description but an analytical tool for understanding the political dynamics of Islamic tribal societies in general.
Hart had begun applying the segmentary model to the Rif independently of Gellner, from the very beginning of his fieldwork in 1952. His 1967 article in the Revue de l’Occident Musulman (Hart, 1967) establishes the theoretical bases for the Riffian case. The collective edition Islam in Tribal Societies (Ahmed & Hart, 1984) illustrates the intellectual convergence between Hart and Gellner while demonstrating their comparative ambitions. For Hart, the Ait Waryaghar exhibited a clearly articulated segmentary structure, with levels of organisation ranging from the nuclear family (akham) to the lineage (adrum), the clan (ighs), and the tribe (taqbilt), these units nesting according to a logic of opposition and alliance (Hart, 1976, pp. 69–103).
5.2. Munson’s Critique: Segments or Factions?
The most serious and thoroughly documented challenge to Hart’s application of the segmentary model came from Henry Munson Jr. in an article that has become a classic of North African anthropology: ‘On the Irrelevance of the Segmentary Lineage Model in the Moroccan Rif’, published in American Anthropologist (Munson, 1989). Munson’s argument is both empirical and theoretical.
On the empirical level, Munson argues that Hart misread his own data (Munson, 1989, p. 390). Re-reading carefully the 1976 monograph and the colonial sources on which Hart relied, Munson finds that violence in the pre-colonial Rif typically involved brothers and brothers’ sons competing for inherited land — a resource controlled by individuals, not by lineages. What Hart interpreted as a system of segmentary lineages was in reality, according to Munson, a network of cross-cutting factions cutting across genealogical lines. The observed alliances did not follow the nested opposition principle predicted by the model, but rather responded to logics of clientelism, individual land competition, and political opportunism (Munson, 1989, pp. 392–396).
On the theoretical level, Munson inscribes himself within a broader critique of the segmentary model developing in the anthropology of the 1980s: scholars such as Philip Carl Salzman and Emrys Peters had pointed out that the model, despite its formal elegance, tended to project a normative structure onto social realities that were far more fluid and contingent. The segmentary model, according to this critique, is less a description of tribal reality than an ideological representation produced by the actors themselves to legitimate their alliances — what Bourdieu would call a ‘native theory’ of social practice (Munson, 1989, pp. 386–389).
Munson adds a further argument concerning the role of the Makhzen in the pre-colonial Rif. Hart, he argues, had greatly underestimated the political impact of the Moroccan state on the Rif, presenting the tribes as autonomous entities whose dynamics could be analysed independently of their relation to the state (Munson, 1989, pp. 397–398). This critique connects to broader debates about the nature of pre-colonial Morocco, notably the work of Abdallah Laroui, who had contested the image of a bled es-siba (dissidence territory) fundamentally separate from the bled el-makhzen (territory under state control). In his later work, Munson (1993, 1995) extended this critique to the entire Gellnerian corpus, demonstrating that the empirical contradictions identified in the Rif applied equally to other regions of Morocco.
5.3. Hart’s Rejoinder and the Transcendence of the Model
Hart responded to Munson in a ‘Rejoinder’ published in the same issue of American Anthropologist (Hart, 1989), defending his reading of the Riffian data while conceding certain points. The response reveals an anthropologist more at ease in ethnographic description than in theoretical jousting: he insists on the irreplaceable value of fieldwork data and expresses a deep mistrust of abstract models that, in his view, fail to account for the complexity of the real. His formulation is revealing: he affirms that ethnography is, or was, the real heart of socio-cultural anthropology, and that anthropological theory is but a facade compared with ethnographic facts (Hart, 1989, p. 768).
This position — which one might describe as militant anti-theorism — is both the manifestation of a certain intellectual honesty and a real conceptual limitation. Hart implicitly acknowledges that the richness of his fieldwork data exceeds the capacity of the segmentary model to order it satisfactorily. In his 1993 article (Hart, 1993), ‘Faulty Models of North African and Middle Eastern Tribal Structures’, Hart himself revises the most mechanical applications of the segmentary model, drawing closer to Munson’s criticisms. This revision represents a remarkable example of intellectual probity: few anthropologists of his generation accepted so publicly to revise their fundamental interpretive framework (Ramírez & López García, 2002).
Gellner, for his part, maintained until his death in 1995 the validity of the segmentary model, reformulating it more sophisticatedly in Muslim Society (1981). The Hart-Munson-Gellner controversy thus constitutes one of the most fertile debates in Maghrebi anthropology of the second half of the twentieth century (Tobolka, 2003), mobilising fundamental questions about the relation between theoretical models and empirical data, between structure and agency, between synchrony and history. It prefigures the postmodern debates on ethnographic representation and anticipates the postcolonial critiques of the structuralist tradition in anthropology.
6. Hart and the Rif War: History and Memory
An often-neglected aspect of Hart’s work is his treatment of the Rif War (1921–1926) and the figure of Abd el-Krim al-Khattabi. Hart was not only an ethnographer of the tribal present: he was also a historian attentive to the ways in which this recent past — and particularly this war of exceptional importance for Riffian collective memory — structured the collective representations and political identities of the populations he studied (Hart, 1976, pp. 369–430). His data on the Riffian oral tradition relating to the Rif War constitute an irreplaceable source for historians of that period (Pennell, 1986).
The Rif War, in which the Ait Waryaghar played a central role under the leadership of Abd el-Krim al-Khattabi, had been the first modern asymmetric guerrilla war to inflict a significant military defeat on a European colonial power — Spain, at the disaster of Annual in 1921 (Pennell, 1986, pp. 112–134). The French intervention in 1925 and Abd el-Krim’s surrender in 1926 brought to an end the brief experiment of the Republic of the Rif. For Hart, this recent history was not merely contextual background: it was constitutive of the political identity and social organisation of the Ait Waryaghar he observed in the 1950s and 1960s (Hart, 1976).
Hart’s research on the Rif War is conducted in dialogue with the work of C. R. Pennell, whose A Country with a Government and a Flag (1986) constitutes the standard historical synthesis. Pennell and Hart share an interest in the institutional dimension of the Republic of the Rif — Abd el-Krim’s government as a proto-state experiment — and in the transformations that the war imposed on traditional tribal structures (Joffé & Pennell, 1991). The tension between segmentary tribal organisation and state-building, at the heart of the Riffian experience of the early twentieth century, is precisely the problematic knot that Hart seeks to untangle through his ethnography.
7. Legacy and Intellectual Posterity
7.1. Hart in Contemporary Amazigh Studies
The death of David Hart in May 2001 prompted numerous tributes in academic and Amazigh circles, reflecting the dual dimension of his legacy: scientific on one side, human and political on the other (Chtatou, 2016). The collective volume Antropología y Antropólogos en Marruecos, coordinated by Ángeles Ramírez and Bernabé López García (2002), assembled contributions from scholars in several countries to assess his work. This volume attests to Hart’s international recognition as a founding figure of contemporary Riffian anthropology.
Within Riffian communities themselves, and more broadly within the Amazigh movement, Hart is generally perceived as an ally and sympathetic witness to a culture long marginalised by the Moroccan and Spanish states (Chtatou, 2016). His documentation of Riffian customary institutions — the liff, the izerf, forms of tribal arbitration — provided an ethnographic argument against colonial and nationalist representations that denied the complexity and dignity of Riffian civilisation (Hart, 1976; Chtatou, 2016). The Arabic translation of his monograph, published by a Riffian association in the Netherlands in 2007, constitutes a powerful act of symbolic reappropriation: the descendants of the populations studied by Hart now have access, in their own language, to the documentation he produced on their ancestors.
Reflection on the postcolonial dimension of Hart’s anthropology is necessarily nuanced. On one hand, his work participates in an academic tradition that sometimes reproduced essentialising representations of so-called ‘tribal’ societies (Rabinow, 1977). On the other hand, Hart himself resisted certain of the most reductive tendencies of colonial anthropology. His sympathy for Riffian populations, his refusal to present them as mere objects of study, and his commitment to preserving documentation of their culture testify to a research ethics that transcends the academic framework (Chtatou, 2016; Ramírez & López García, 2002)
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7.2. Influence on Subsequent Generations
The influence of Hart on the scholars who succeeded him in the study of the Rif and Amazigh societies is difficult to overestimate. The monograph on the Ait Waryaghar (Hart, 1976) remains, fifty years after its publication, the indispensable reference for anyone wishing to study the social organisation, history, and culture of the tribes of the central Rif. It is cited in works of history, sociology, customary law, linguistics, and gender studies dealing with the contemporary Rif, attesting to a rare interdisciplinary reach (Chtatou, 2016; Joffé & Pennell, 1991).
Scholars who worked on the Rif after Hart — whether C. R. Pennell (1986) for history, or Mena Lafkioui for Berber linguistics — often define themselves in relation to him, either deepening certain of his analyses or correcting them on the basis of new data or new theoretical perspectives (Ramírez & López García, 2002). This position of foundational reference is the clearest sign of the durability of his legacy.
One should also mention the importance of Hart’s correspondence, preserved in the National Archives of Morocco (Laâbi & López García, 2020). These ten thousand pages of letters constitute an exceptional archive not only for the history of North African anthropology, but also for the social and cultural history of the Rif in the second half of the twentieth century. Their systematic study remains largely undone and promises significant discoveries. Clifford Geertz, in his posthumous tribute to Hart, placed him at the centre of the romantic image that each generation of anthropologists working in Morocco forms of Moroccan fieldwork: the exulting ethnographer, present body and soul in the field of inquiry (cited in Ramírez & López García, 2002, p. 12).
8. Conclusion: An Ambiguous and Indispensable Legacy
The work of David Montgomery Hart is simultaneously a monument and a contested one. A monument, because it constitutes the most complete ethnographic documentation ever produced on the tribal societies of the Moroccan Rif, the fruit of several decades of immersion conducted with remarkable rigour and intellectual generosity (Chtatou, 2016; Joffé & Pennell, 1991). Contested, because the theoretical framework organising it — the segmentary lineage model — proved insufficient to account for the complexity of Riffian social and political dynamics, as the debate with Munson clearly established (Munson, 1989; Hart, 1989).
This ambivalence is not unique to Hart: it characterises a large part of classical twentieth-century ethnography, caught in the tension between the demand for empirical presence and the temptation of theoretical elegance (Rabinow, 1977). What Hart illustrates with particular clarity is the risk of over-theorisation: when the richness of fieldwork data is filtered through a model that is too powerful and too closed, it emerges impoverished, reduced to examples of a pre-existing structure rather than expanded into a new understanding of the social world (Munson, 1989; Hart, 1993).
The post-1989 shift in Hart — his critical retreat from the segmentary model in his 1993 article (Hart, 1993) — is, from this perspective, exemplary of a rare intellectual probity. It suggests that a fieldwork anthropologist of Hart’s calibre always retains, at bottom, the primacy of observation over theory. This priority is perhaps the most enduring lesson he leaves us: in the human sciences, data resist models, and it is in this resistance that the possibility of an advance in knowledge resides (Ramírez & López García, 2002).
For Amazigh and Riffian anthropology in particular, Hart remains an indispensable figure, not despite his limitations but alongside them. His work has opened a space of knowledge about a region long invisible in international academic production (Chtatou, 2016), and continues to feed research in disciplines as diverse as history, linguistics, law, sociology, and cultural studies. Hart’s posterity is that of a founder: he laid the foundations, traced the first maps of an intellectual territory that other explorers have come to complete, correct, and enrich (Ramírez & López García, 2002; Joffé & Pennell, 1991).
The profound attachment Hart showed for the Rif and its inhabitants — to the point of maintaining a repeated presence there for half a century — transcends the framework of an academic relationship (Chtatou, 2016). It testifies to a form of anthropology that has not yet entirely disappeared: one in which research is inseparable from personal commitment, from a relationship of affection and respect for the societies studied. It is this commitment, as much as his erudition, that makes David Montgomery Hart an irreplaceable figure in the history of knowledge of northern Morocco.
References
Primary Sources — Works by David Montgomery HartHart, D. M. (1967). Segmentary systems and the role of five fifths in tribal Morocco. Revue de l’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée, 3, 65–95.
Hart, D. M. (1970). Conflicting models of a Berber tribal structure in the Moroccan Rif: The segmentary and alliance system of the Aith Waryaghar. Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Méditerranée, 7(1), 93–99. https://doi.org/10.3406/remmm.1970.1060
Hart, D. M. (1976). The Aith Waryaghar of the Moroccan Rif: An ethnography and history (Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 55). University of Arizona Press for Wenner-Gren Foundation.
Hart, D. M. (1981). Dadda ‘Atta and his forty grandsons: The socio-political organisation of the Ait ‘Atta of southern Morocco. Middle East and North African Studies Press.
Hart, D. M. (1984). Segmentary systems and the role of five fifths in tribal Morocco. In A. S. Ahmed & D. M. Hart (Eds.), Islam in tribal societies: From the Atlas to the Indus (pp. 66–105). Routledge.
Hart, D. M. (1989). Rejoinder to Henry Munson Jr. on the irrelevance of the segmentary lineage model in the Moroccan Rif. American Anthropologist, 91(3), 765–769. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1989.91.3.02a00230
Hart, D. M. (1993). Faulty models of North African and Middle Eastern tribal structures. Revue des Mondes Musulmans et de la Méditerranée, 68(1), 225–238. https://doi.org/10.3406/remmm.1993.1580
Hart, D. M. (2000). Tribe and society in rural Morocco. Frank Cass.
Hart, U. K. (1994). Behind the courtyard door: The daily life of tribeswomen in northern Morocco. Ipswich Press.
Critical Studies and Theoretical DebateAhmed, A. S., & Hart, D. M. (Eds.). (1984). Islam in tribal societies: From the Atlas to the Indus. Routledge.
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1940). The Nuer: A description of the modes of livelihood and political institutions of a Nilotic people. Oxford University Press.
Evans-Pritchard, E. E., & Fortes, M. (Eds.). (1940). African political systems. Oxford University Press for International African Institute.
Gellner, E. (1969). Saints of the Atlas. Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Gellner, E. (1981). Muslim society. Cambridge University Press.
Joffé, E. G. H. (1977). [Review of The Aith Waryaghar of the Moroccan Rif: An ethnography and history, by D. M. Hart]. The Journal of African History, 18(4), 626–628. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021853700015772
Joffé, E. G. H., & Pennell, C. R. (Eds.). (1991). Tribe and state: Essays in honour of David Montgomery Hart. Menas Press.
Montagne, R. (1930). Les Berbères et le Makhzen dans le Sud du Maroc [The Berbers and the Makhzen in southern Morocco]. Félix Alcan.
Munson, H., Jr. (1989). On the irrelevance of the segmentary lineage model in the Moroccan Rif. American Anthropologist, 91(2), 386–400. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1989.91.2.02a00070
Munson, H., Jr. (1993). Rethinking Gellner’s segmentary analysis of Morocco’s Ait ‘Atta. Man (New Series), 28(2), 267–280. https://doi.org/10.2307/2803413
Munson, H., Jr. (1995). Segmentation: Reality or myth? Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.), 1(4), 821–832. https://doi.org/10.2307/3034789
Pennell, C. R. (1986). A country with a government and a flag: The Rif War in Morocco 1921–1926. Menas Press.
Tobolka, R. (2003). Gellner and Geertz in Morocco: A segmentary debate. Sociostudies. https://www.sociostudies.org/journal/articles/140489/
Precursors and Disciplinary ContextCoon, C. S. (1931). Tribes of the Rif (Harvard African Studies, Vol. IX). Peabody Museum, Harvard University.
Crapanzano, V. (1980). Tuhami: Portrait of a Moroccan. University of Chicago Press.
Eickelman, D. F. (1976). Moroccan Islam: Tradition and society in a pilgrimage center. University of Texas Press.
Geertz, C. (1968). Islam observed: Religious development in Morocco and Indonesia. University of Chicago Press.
Rabinow, P. (1977). Reflections on fieldwork in Morocco. University of California Press.
Biographical Notes, Tributes, and Online Sources
Chtatou, M. (2016, July 15). David Montgomery Hart: Un amour du Rif sans limite [David Montgomery Hart: A boundless love of the Rif]. Le Monde Amazigh. https://amadalamazigh.press.ma/fr/david-montgomery-hart-un-amour-du-rif-sans-limite/
Chtatou, M. (2020). Encounters with American anthropologists in Morocco. Hespéris-Tamuda, LV(2), 321–360. https://www.hesperis-tamuda.com/Downloads/2020/fascicule-2/13.pdf
Laâbi, J., & López García, B. (2020). The ethnographic letter: David Hart’s North African ethnography revisited. Hespéris-Tamuda, LV(2), 361–400. https://www.hesperis-tamuda.com/Downloads/2020/fascicule-2/18.pdf
Ramírez, Á., & López García, B. (Eds.). (2002). Antropología y antropólogos en Marruecos: Homenaje a David M. Hart [Anthropology and anthropologists in Morocco: Homage to David M. Hart]. Bellaterra.
The Journal of North African Studies. (2001). David Montgomery Hart: An obituary [Special issue], 6(2). https://doi.org/10.1080/13629380108718431
