Unexploded landmines continue to kill and maim indiscriminately in Syria’s northeast
It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Thursday, April 07, 2022
Ukrainian journalist Victoria Roshchina was on her way to Mariupol when she was taken captive. She recounts her ordeal here
05 Apr 2022
BY VICTORIA ROSHCHINA
I was in Zaporizhzhia on the morning of 12 March. I wanted to get to Mariupol to write an article; I thought that I had to tell the truth from the blocked city. It was my initiative.
I found out that a humanitarian convoy was going to Mariupol. I went to the assembly point but the convoy had already left. I contacted the authorities and asked them if I could catch it up. They replied that I could try. I did not find a personal driver, so I left with another convoy heading to Polohy. We caught up the Mariupol convoy near Vasylivka, and I continued with them.
I came across the occupiers’ first checkpoint in Vasylivka. Russian soldiers thoroughly checked me. They made me unzip my coat and show the contents of my bag. They found a camera and asked if I was a journalist. I confirmed this. They told me that I had no business in Mariupol and that I should return to Zaporizhzhia. They inspected my phone and camera and found nothing. I asked permission to continue with the column. The occupiers did not mind. We stopped overnight in Berdyansk.
We continued our way in the morning but we were stopped near the city limits and we were told to wait for permission. We were waiting for two or three hours by a crossroads where the roads to Mangush, Energodar and Vasylivka go. Rumours started to spread that we wouldn’t be allowed to move.
Cars passed by and a woman from the convoy told us that she had found some local guys who were willing to drive us to Mariupol. When we arrived at the agreed place, the car was no longer there. The Russian military told us to wait and started talking with us.
I stepped aside. I was thinking of returning to the convoy but a Russian soldier approached me and asked me to show him my phone. He told me that he had instructions from above to check me.
He asked if I was a journalist. I did not lie as it could make things even worse. He asked to show him my WhatsApp account and he saw the contact of the security services of Zaporizhzhia. There was a message with a request to publish a video of a Russian soldier who had swapped sides to join Ukraine.
Some other soldiers began to interrogate me. Then they spoke with Metropolitan Luka [a priest of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church]. Luka and other clerics were leading the convoy. When they returned, they said I had to go with them. I was put into a prison van accompanied by four Chechen paramilitaries who took me to the Berdyansk district administration office.
I was met by people dressed in black and wearing balaclavas. They seemed to be very young, less than 30 years old. They started to interrogate me, searching me and inspecting my phone and documents. They told me that I was not a journalist but a spy and a propagandist which I denied. It lasted for an hour. Then, one of them said: “Everything is clear with you”. I realised later they were from the Russian security services, the FSB.
One of the men in balaclavas brought in his commander. When I asked him who he was, he replied: “I am the man. You have two options: you either go to a jail for women or to a Dagestani military base.” I asked them what that meant. They did not explain. Then two men grabbed me, put a blindfold over my eyes and took me out of the room. I was crying, explaining that I was a journalist, that people would be looking for me, and that they would not get away with it. They took me to the local office of the SBU, the Ukrainian Security Service.
I was met by Chechens and Dagestanis who put me in a tiny room with a chair, a table and a window which they closed and told me not to approach it. They brought a blanket on which I slept on the floor. It was light and warm there. I was taken out only to the bathroom. Almost all my stuff was taken. When I asked when they would let me go, they answered, “When Kyiv is taken”. They added “Luka is in charge of the convoy and he refused to take you”.
From time to time, I was interrogated by Russian occupiers.
“We have no conscience. The law does not exist for us,” the FSB guys said. “Ukraine does not exist anymore.”
They repeated this every day.
“If we bury you somewhere here, no one will ever find out. You will be lost forever,” they said.
I had no fear. I knew they were trying to break me. But I felt desperate because I knew nothing about the outside world, and I was not able to do my job.
“We do not fucking care that you are a woman and a journalist,” they shouted.
But I knew the fact that I was a journalist restrained them.
At some point Chechens joined in with the daily moral pressure of the FSB guys. They guarded me and tried to convince me to cooperate.
“They are serious. They won’t let you go for nothing. You’d better to cooperate with them because you are so young. Otherwise, you will stay here forever,” they said.
They added: “We are the power. They are the brains.”
They brought me some food, but I refused. The first days I ate my remaining supplies from Zaporizhzhia. When it was finished, I took nothing but sweet tea. I felt my energy leave me. It was difficult just to get on my feet. During the last visit of the FSB men, I was not able to stand. But I continued to demand my release. When I cried too loud, one of the Chechens hit me and told me that I wasn’t at home, and I should watch my tone.
There were a few empathetic men among them, nevertheless. They came to ask if I was OK, asked me to eat something and begged me not to kill myself.
I asked to be allowed to make a call. They refused. Afterwards, the FSB told me that there would be a neutral interview and then I would be released. I insisted that I wouldn’t lie. They agreed. They brought a camera after a while. They had a prepared text with them, and they demanded I read it. I did not agree with the wording “high probability of having saved her life”. Eventually I agreed to shoot the video and they dropped the previous demands regarding full support of Russian actions and accusations against Ukraine.
Once the video was completed, they took me to another place. It was the local jail in Berdyansk. They refused to return my phone and camera as they considered them “propaganda tools”.
I spent the night in a room with a Russian soldier, who was supposed to guard me. The electricity and heating were cut off during the night. It was very cold. With my flashlight I counted the hours until morning. The soldier told me that the people who had interrogated me were from FSB. He was afraid that I would kill him during the night. He asked me whether I considered them as occupiers. Then he put the Ukrainian flag and the national emblem near me and said: “This is to calm you down. You see, we did not destroy them.”
In the morning, they blindfolded me again. Then they took me out of the jail and showed me the direction to go. I reached the closest bus station and went to the location of an evacuation convoy. I left with them the next day to territory controlled by Ukraine.
I am sincerely grateful to everyone who put in their efforts to find me and release me.
Since filing this report on her detention, Victoria Roshchina has disappeared. It is believed she may have again tried to reach Mariupol.
This account was first published by independent Ukrainian news channel hromadske and is published here in English for the first time.
Apr 5, 2022
Like previous disruptions to the global economy, Russia’s war in Ukraine has highlighted the fallacy of relying on markets alone to mitigate risks and strengthen countries’ resilience. Neoliberalism has failed yet another test and must finally be replaced by a new economic vision based on new values.
NEW YORK – The fallout from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reminded us of the unforeseeable disruptions constantly confronting the global economy. We have been taught this lesson many times. No one could have predicted the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, and few anticipated the 2008 financial crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, or Donald Trump’s election, which resulted in the United States turning toward protectionism and nationalism. Even those who did anticipate these crises could not have said with any precision when they would occur.
Each of these events has had enormous macroeconomic consequences. The pandemic called our attention to our seemingly robust economies’ lack of resilience. America, the superpower, could not even produce simple products like masks and other protective gear, let alone more sophisticated items like tests and ventilators. The crisis reinforced our understanding of economic fragility, reprising one of the lessons of the global financial crisis, when the bankruptcy of just one firm, Lehman Brothers, triggered the near-collapse of the entire global financial system.
Similarly, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine is aggravating an already-worrisome increase in food and energy prices, with potentially severe ramifications for many developing countries and emerging markets, especially those whose debts have soared during the pandemic. Europe, too, is acutely vulnerable, owing to its reliance on Russian gas – a resource from which major economies like Germany cannot quickly or inexpensively wean themselves. Many are rightly worried that such dependence is tempering the response to Russia’s egregious actions.
This particular development was foreseeable. More than 15 years ago, in Making Globalization Work, I asked, “Does each country simply accept [security] risks as part of the price we face for a more efficient global economy? Does Europe simply say that if Russia is the cheapest provider of gas, then we should buy from Russia regardless of the implications for its security…?” Unfortunately, Europe’s answer was to ignore obvious dangers in the pursuit of short-run profits.
Underlying the current lack of resilience is the fundamental failure of neoliberalism and the policy framework it underpins. Markets on their own are short-sighted, and the financialization of the economy has made them even more so. They do not fully account for key risks – especially those that seem distant – even when the consequences can be enormous. Moreover, market participants know that when risks are systemic – as was the case in all the crises listed above – policymakers cannot idly stand by and watch.
Precisely because markets do not account fully for such risks, there will be too little investment in resilience, and the costs to society end up being even higher. The commonly proposed solution is to “price” risk, by forcing firms to bear more of the consequences of their actions. The same logic also dictates that we price negative externalities like greenhouse-gas emissions. Without a price on carbon, there will be too much pollution, too much fossil-fuel use, and too little green investment and innovation.
But pricing risk is far more difficult than pricing carbon. And while other options – industrial policies and regulations – can move an economy in the right direction, the neoliberal “rules of the game” have made interventions to enhance resilience more difficult. Neoliberalism is predicated on a fanciful vision of rational firms seeking to maximize their long-run profits in a context of perfectly efficient markets. Under the neoliberal globalization regime, firms are supposed to buy from the cheapest source, and if individual firms fail to account appropriately for the risk of being dependent on Russian gas, governments are not supposed to intervene.
True, the World Trade Organization framework includes a national-security exemption that European authorities could have invoked to justify interventions to limit their dependence on Russian gas. But for many years, the German government seemed to be an active promoter of economic interdependence. The charitable interpretation of Germany’s position is that it hoped commerce would tame Russia. But there has long been a whiff of corruption, personified by Gerhard Schröder, the German chancellor who presided over critical stages of his country’s deepening entanglement with Russia and then went to work for Gazprom, the Russian state-owned gas giant.
The challenge now is to establish appropriate global norms by which to distinguish rank protectionism from legitimate responses to dependency and security concerns, and to develop corresponding systemic domestic policies. This will require multilateral deliberation and careful policy design to prevent bad-faith moves like Trump’s use of “national security” concerns to justify tariffs on Canadian automobiles and steel.
But the point is not merely to tweak the neoliberal trade framework. During the pandemic, thousands died unnecessarily because WTO intellectual-property rules inhibited the production of vaccines in many parts of the world. As the virus continued to spread, it acquired new mutations, making it more contagious and resistant to the first generation of vaccines.
Clearly, there has been too much focus on the security of IP, and too little on the security of our economy. We need to start rethinking globalization and its rules. We have paid a high price for the current orthodoxy. Hope now lies in heeding the lessons of this century’s big shocks.
JOSEPH E. STIGLITZ
Writing for PS since 2001
Joseph E. Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in economics and University Professor at Columbia University, is a former chief economist of the World Bank (1997-2000), chair of the US President’s Council of Economic Advisers, and co-chair of the High-Level Commission on Carbon Prices. He is a member of the Independent Commission for the Reform of International Corporate Taxation and was lead author of the 1995 IPCC Climate Assessment.
NATIONALIZE UTILITIES
Puerto Rico power outage plunges over
1 million into darkness
CANCEL THE DEBT
STATEHOOD OR INDEPENDENCE
More than 1 million customers in Puerto Rico remained without electricity on Thursday after a fire at a main power plant caused the biggest blackout so far this year across the US territory, forcing it to cancel classes and shutter government offices.
The blackout also left some 160,000 customers without water and snarled traffic across the island of 3.2 million people, where the roar of generators and smell of diesel filled the air.
Those who could not afford generators and have medical conditions such as diabetes, which depends on refrigerated insulin, worried about how much longer they would be without power.
Luma, the company that took over transmission and distribution from Puerto Rico’s Electric Power Authority last year, said the blackout could have been caused by a circuit-breaker failure on Wednesday at the Costa Sur generation plant – one of four main plants on the island.
“The system is being restored little by little,” said Kevin Acevedo, a vice-president of Luma, adding that the company is trying to complete the work within 24 hours. “The people of Puerto Rico have to understand that it’s a system with a lot of years. Bringing back Puerto Rico‘s system is a delicate and complicated process.”
Luma said the exact cause of the interruption was unknown. “It’s going to require an exhaustive investigation,” Acevedo said, adding that that the equipment whose failure sparked the fire had been properly maintained.
Officials said at least three generation units were back online by Thursday, with crews working to restore more. The outage occurred two months before the Atlantic hurricane season starts, worrying many about the condition of Puerto Rico’s electrical grid.
“Yes, the system is fragile, no one is denying that, but we’re prepared,” Acevedo said.
Police officers were stationed at main intersections to help direct traffic on Thursday while health officials checked in at hospitals to ensure generators were still running.
The outage further enraged Puerto Ricans already frustrated with an electricity system razed by Hurricane Maria in 2017. Emergency repairs were made at the time, but reconstruction efforts have not yet started, and power company officials blame ageing, ill-maintained infrastructure for the ongoing outages.
A series of strong earthquakes that struck southern Puerto Rico where the Costa Sur plant is located also had damaged it.
The Electric Power Authority also is trying to restructure $9bn worth of public debt to emerge from a lengthy bankruptcy. The company has struggled for decades with corruption, mismanagement and a lack of maintenance.
In June last year, a large fire at a substation in the capital of San Juan left hundreds of thousands without power. Another fire at a power plant in September 2016 sparked an island-wide blackout.
AMERIKA MURDER INC.
Sacramento massacre shows rising dangers of handguns converted into automatic weapons
As state and federal authorities continue to piece together how so many people were killed and wounded in Sunday's shooting in downtown Sacramento, their attention has turned to a small, seemingly innocuous culprit: A gun accessory that quickly and cheaply turns many handguns into weapons capable of spraying dozens of rounds with a single pull of the trigger.
At least one of the guns police say were recovered from the massacre that left six people dead and twice as many injured had been modified with a so-called "auto-sear" or "switch" to boost its firepower. The conversion devices are illegal, and authorities say they are turning up at crime scenes across the U.S. with alarming frequency.
Semiautomatic handguns and rifles require shooters to pull the trigger each time they want to fire a bullet. When retrofitted with a switch, however, these types of weapons become fully automatic and can fire hundreds of rounds per minute, according to Dr. Garen Wintemute, an emergency room doctor at UC-Davis who studies gun use. Switches, which are small cube-shaped attachements that afix to a gun's firing mechanism, can be readily purchased on illicit websites or made with a 3-D printer.
“Basically, what a ... switch does is let you put a machine gun in your pocket or on your belt,” said Wintemute, director the California Firearms Violence Research Center at the university. In a scenario where crowds are present, as in Sacramento, a gun with a switch paired with a magazine that holds a large number of bullets can easily result in greater bloodshed, he said.
The switch devices are classified as machine guns by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), and possessing one is a federal offense. And yet, Wintemute says, instructions for installing one on a gun can be found online and require little to no technical expertise.
The ATF, the federal agency responsible for regulating guns in the U.S., seized about 1,500 weapons modified with switches in 2021, compared to about 300 in 2020, said agency spokeswoman Ginger Colbrun. The sharp jump, Colbrun noted, was part of a longer upward trend in the number of weapons found with switches.
On Wednesday, Sacramento police said that a preliminary investigation suggested at least five shooters may have been involved Sunday in unleashing the fusillade of bullets that struck 18 people, six of them fatally. Amid the carnage along K Street in the shadow of California's Capitol, Sacramento police detectives found a stolen gun that had been “converted to a weapon capable of automatic gunfire." The discovery confirmed suspicions authorities had developed after hearing audio recordings of the shooting on social media that revealed the distinct sound of rounds firing off at rapid speed. Officials estimate at least 100 shots were fired.
Police said in a statement that while they hadn't yet established a motive, "it is increasingly clear that gang violence is at the center of this tragedy."
Handguns retrofitted with switches have surfaced at other California crime scenes. Gunmen used them in the deadly shooting of federal guards in Oakland in 2020, as did gang members in the killing of four people in Fresno the year before.
And in November 2019, members of the Mongolian Boys Society gang sneaked into a backyard party in Fresno and opened fire. Sixteen people were shot and four died in that incident, which was believed to be retaliation for a prior shooting by a rival gang. Fresno police later recovered a handgun used in the shooting that was outfitted with a switch, as well as two ammunition magazines that each held 30 bullets
The power and deadly potential of automatic weapons have set them apart in American's fascination with guns since gangland mobsters wielded Tommy submachine guns in the early decades of the 1900s. Two of those guns killed seven people in the 1929 St. Valentines Day Massacre on Chicago's North Side. Within a few years, the federal government severely restricted access to machine guns or automatic weapons, requiring special permits from the ATF for a person to possess any fully automatic weapon. California law allows ownership of these so-called "dangerous weapons" only with permits.
In November 2021, a federal appeals court upheld the state's ban on gun magazines that hold 10 or more bullets, saying restrictions on their size do not interfere with the right to self-defense.
There are no such restrictions on owning most semiautomatic weapons and Ed Obayashi, a veteran Northern California sheriff deputy and police force expert, said the switches needed to convert them to machine guns can be bought for "as cheap as $10 or $15."
"And while some will tell you a person needs a workshop [to make a switch], the reality these days is someone could learn to do this off YouTube," Obayashi said. "If a guy doesn't know how to put together a jigsaw puzzle, they know someone who can for a price."
Obayashi said the most common switch device in circulation is known as the Glock switch, a device that turns the popular Austrian company's handguns into automatic weapons.
Adding so much firepower onto a weapon not designed for it makes it difficult for people to shoot accurately, increasingly the likelihood that bystanders or other unintended targets could be shot as bullets spray in many directions, experts said.
“It’s kind of like a ‘spray and pray,’” said Det. Pat Hoffman of the Los Angeles Police Department’s gun unit, which is part of a federal gun trafficking task force that in recent years has seized hundreds of the devices at international mail centers. “There’s so many rounds coming out at such a high velocity in such a small amount of time.”
Converter switches, which are often the size of a coin and consist of three parts, are mostly manufactured overseas. Several recent cases shed light on how they come into the possession of criminals.
In 2019, the ATF working with other agencies learned of 4,000 converter switches smuggled into the U.S using deceptive labeling that described them as tools. After intercepting a suspicious package at the Los Angeles International Airport port of entry, investigators eventually tracked down 3,000 of the devices. One of the people who received some of the converters was a Pacoima man, whom LAPD investigators found with five switches and parts of unlicensed rifles inside his home after he accidentally shot himself in 2019.
The switches are predominantly shipped to the region from China, said the LAPD's Hoffman. Customs enforcement officials know the international regions where the devices are made, and how much they weigh, and have gotten “very, very good” at identifying shipments of switches even when the packaging suggests the contents are something entirely different, Hoffman said.
Still, some devices get through screenings, and they also can be built at home using 3-D printers. Hoffman said the LAPD sees them from time to time in the field, but not in large numbers. He did not have exact figures.
Authorities say the devices — which go by many other names including "trigger sears" and “giggle switches” — have grown in popularity amid a rise in “ghost guns,” untraceable firearms that are manufactured or built at home with kits available for sale online. Sometimes, they are attached to guns with ammunition drums or magazines that hold dozens of bullets.
The devices are also gaining popularity among the growing number of white supremacists and far-right extremists who increasingly see the need to arm themselves for what they perceive to be a looming civil war, according to federal prosecutors and court records.
Members of the boogaloo movement, a loose collection of extremists who espouse the violent overthrow of the U.S. government, have used auto sears in shootings and sold them to undercover agents.
Matthew Chen, an alleged member of a local boogaloo affiliate, the Cali Bois, who was indicted in February on illegal weapons charges, allegedly bragged to an undercover FBI agent that he had bought six auto sears and was willing to sell them. Then on Jan. 20, Chen met with the undercover FBI agent in a Pomona park parking lot and sold him an auto sear for $250, according to an affidavit. Chen invited the agent to his Pomona apartment, where he showed a video of him shooting fully automatic weapons in the desert.
This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times .