Saturday, December 16, 2023


Israel bombards northern and southern Gaza, many reported dead


Updated Sat, December 16, 2023 at 6:11 AM MST·5 min read
By Nidal al-Mughrabi, Ibraheem, Abu and Mustafa

CAIRO/GAZA (Reuters) -Israeli forces bombarded targets across Gaza on Saturday including a YMCA building, with dozens of Palestinians reported killed or wounded, despite a renewed U.S. call to scale down the campaign and focus on Hamas leaders.

In Khan Younis in the south, Palestinian health officials said the Nasser Hospital had received 20 Palestinians killed in air strikes overnight, in addition to dozens of wounded, including women and children.

Palestinian health officials also said Israeli strikes on Gaza City in the north had hit the YMCA headquarters, which is sheltering hundreds of displaced people and reported several dead and wounded.

The official WAFA news agency said at least three dozen people had been killed in strikes on three houses in the Jabalia refugee camp, which health officials were unable to confirm. Gaza's health ministry has said Israel's ground offensive and the targeting of medical facilities have made it hard to gather information about casualties in northern Gaza.

Rescue workers believed some casualties remained buried under the rubble in some of those areas.

Gaza residents also reported intense overnight fighting and bombardment in Sheijaia, Sheikh Radwan, Zeitoun, Tuffah and Beit Hanoun in the north, and in the centre, east and north of Khan Younis.

"The Gaza Strip turned into a ball of fire overnight, we could hear explosions and gunshots echoing from all directions," Ahmed, 45, an electrician and father of six, told Reuters from a shelter in central Gaza.

U.S. URGES ISRAEL TO NARROW ITS CAMPAIGN

President Joe Biden's national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, brought a message to Israel on Thursday and Friday to scale down the campaign and transition to more narrowly targeted operations against Hamas leaders, U.S. officials said.

During the visit, Israeli officials publicly emphasised that they would continue the war until they eradicate Hamas. Washington appeared to acknowledge disagreement, as Sullivan said the timing was under "intensive discussion" between the allies.

An Israeli military official said three hostages killed mistakenly in Gaza by Israeli forces had been holding up a white flag, according to an initial inquiry.

The incident happened in an area of intense combat where Hamas militants operate in civilian attire and use deception tactics, the official said, but the hostages were fired upon against Israel's rules of engagement.

Israel, which said it recovered the bodies of three other hostages killed by Hamas, believes around 20 of more than 130 hostages still held in Gaza are dead.

The Israeli military said on Saturday that it had bombed a building in Jabalia from the air after its forces came under fire and Hamas militants were seen on the roof. It was unclear if the building was one of those that WAFA said had been hit.

The military also said it had killed militants holed up in two school buildings in Gaza City, and raided apartments in Khan Younis stocked with weapons, uncovering what it described as underground infrastructure used by Hamas, the militant group that runs Gaza and that Israel has vowed to destroy.

"Every day the situation gets worse. Food gets less, water gets worse, only death, fear and destruction get greater," said Samira, 40, a mother of four, who is displaced in Rafah, near the southern border with Egypt.

"I can't handle the children anymore. They're terrified and so am I. Every night we think it might be our last night. The bombing doesn’t stop," she told Reuters by phone.

With intense fighting across the Gaza Strip and aid organisations warning of a humanitarian catastrophe, the United States has said Israel risks losing international support with "indiscriminate" air strikes.

In a surprise cross-border attack on Oct. 7, Hamas militants rampaged through Israeli towns, killing 1,200 people and capturing 240 hostages. Israel's counterattack has killed close to 19,000 people, according to Gaza health authorities, with thousands more feared buried under rubble.

COMBAT INTENSIFIES

Combat has intensified in the past two weeks since the collapse of a week-long truce that had allowed dozens of hostages to be released in exchange for Palestinian prisoners.

Israeli and Qatari officials were set to meet in Norway on Saturday in an effort to revive talks about the release of hostages in Gaza in return for a ceasefire and the freeing of Palestinian prisoners held by Israel, the Wall Street Journal reported.

In signs of the wider ramifications of the conflict, Yemen's Iranian-backed Houthis said they had attacked the Israeli Red Sea resort of Eilat with a swarm of drones, one of several drone incidents reported in the region on Saturday.

Most of Gaza's 2.3 million people have been driven from their homes over the past two months, many several times.

After Sullivan left, Israel said it would open the Kerem Shalom crossing, the main road link into Gaza, for aid shipments for the first time in the war, allowing in 200 trucks per day.

The U.N. relief agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, said it had taken 1.4 million people into its facilities, now so overcrowded that there were 486 people for every toilet in its shelters in Rafah.

Around 1,000 refugees have been wounded in those shelters since Oct. 7 and at least 288 killed, along with 135 UNRWA workers, the agency said.

Tensions have also soared in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, where Israeli forces detained 16 Palestinians overnight, according to the Palestinian Prisoners' Association, taking the number of arrests there since Oct. 7 to 4,520.

(Reporting by Nidal al-Mughrabi in Cairo and Shani and Fadi Shana in Gaza, Henriette Chacar, Ari Rabinovitch and Frank Jack Daniel in Jerusalem, Andrea Shalal, Jeff Mason and Eric Beech in Washington; Writing by Michael Perry, Kevin Liffey and Giles Elgood; Editing by William Mallard, Tom Hogue and Andrew Heavens)

What is Israel trying to achieve in its brutal Gaza war?

Sam Fellman
BUSINESS INSIDER
Sat, December 16, 2023

Images of the aftermath of Israeli airstrikes in Gaza capture similar scenes: Crowds of Palestinians gathering outdoors to stare at the craters where their roads had been, at the heaps of rubble that minutes or hours before had been their houses, apartment buildings, shops, schools, and mosques.

After more than two months of war, the tiny enclave resembles the shattered European and Japanese cities of World War II. Researchers estimate that at least a third of Gaza's housing is damaged or destroyed. Already over 18,700 Palestinians are dead and 50,500 injured, according to the Hamas-run Health Ministry, and roughly 90% of the population have fled their homes and face food shortages, no electricity, sanitation problems in overcrowded homes and shelters, and spreading disease.

Israeli society has mobilized to support the war and is largely united in the conviction that Hamas, the terror group that launched a murderous rampage from Gaza on October 7, must never again be allowed to threaten Israel. That paramount goal justifies and necessitates the use of maximum force. If Israeli leaders have a theory of what comes after, it is that Israel's retaliatory fury can serve as a wrecking ball to create the rubble from which a new social and political order in Gaza can arise.

But there are few signs Israel can achieve anything like this, and a growing chorus of international leaders and military experts are warning that Israel is pursuing a half-baked strategy that is forged from a national trauma and premised on a flawed assumption — that massive air power and ground battles can defeat a militancy that blends into the population. In fact, these experts say, it's much more likely that these tactics will simply create more enemy combatants and play directly into Hamas' hands.

Hamas' "very identity is based on the destruction of Israel and not working with Israel, so the notion that collective punishment is going to convince the population of Gaza to push Hamas to come to the negotiating table with Israel is just not going to happen," said Paul Poast, a University of Chicago professor specializing in international security. "If anything, they're able to use these very actions to say, 'Look, this is who we're dealing with. We're dealing with Israel. We've long told you that they don't care about you as people, and look.'"

A spokesperson for the Israel Defense Forces told BI in a statement: "In response to Hamas' barbaric attacks, the IDF is operating to dismantle Hamas military and administrative capabilities. In stark contrast to Hamas' intentional attacks on Israeli men, women and children, the IDF follows international law and takes feasible precautions to mitigate civilian harm." The IDF has said that the elevated level of Palestinian casualties are due to Hamas using them as human shields.

So far, Israel's efforts are not bearing much fruit. Hamas's top leaders remain at large, hiding in their extensive tunnels or among the 1.9 million refugees who have fled the violence. Israel's military estimates it has killed 5,000 Hamas militants, or just about 16% of Hamas' armed wing.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed that "we will continue to the end" on Wednesday, the day it was disclosed that nine Israeli troops died in an urban ambush; the IDF has lost at least 444 troops in the 10/7 attacks and the ground invasion. Israel's defense minister said Thursday that "it is not easy to destroy" Hamas' infrastructure and that Israel needs months more for its war.

One of the US' most influential former diplomats to the Middle East believes the conflict is likely to continue for at least three to four more weeks.

"There's a certain tension in objectives even from our own standpoint," said former Ambassador Dennis Ross, the lead envoy for peace negotiations in two US administrations, in a Tuesday phone call from Israel. "On the one hand, we want the Israelis to get this over as soon as possible. On the other hand, we want them to limit the way that they're doing it."

Asked if the military destruction of Hamas is achievable, Ross told BI: "I think the Israelis are going to do it, period. And in the end, whether they will do it on a timeline that we want — I don't know yet."


Palestinians stand on the edge of a crater after an Israeli strike in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on December 3, 2023.Said Khatib/Getty Images

The bombing 'trap'

Israeli leaders frequently use World War II, which saw massive civilian casualties in bombing campaigns against large cities like Dresden, Berlin and Toyko, as a reference point in justifying a bombing campaign that struck 22,000 targets in the war's first two months. Historians call it "strategic bombing" — the practice of systematically striking a nation's economy and urban areas to try to damage its ability to wage war.

Netanyahu's office said in late October that accepting a ceasefire with Hamas was akin to the US's refusal to do so "after the bombing of Pearl Harbor," the surprise 1941 attack by Imperial Japan that plunged America into war. Similarly, Netanyahu parried questions about rising civilian deaths by referencing a WWII British raid that bombed a school in Nazi-occupied Copenhagen.

Biden appears to have gotten similar treatment. He said Netanyahu told him in a private discussion: "You carpet bombed Germany, you dropped the atom bomb, a lot of civilians died."

"Hamas conducted the massacre in a way that even the Nazis did not allow themselves to do," former Israeli ambassador Ido Aharoni told BI in a phone interview. "The Nazis were trying to hide their crimes. We don't have footage of Jews dying in the gas chambers, but Hamas did it enthusiastically, and they recorded themselves and they shared it with the world."

Aharoni, a career diplomat who is now a senior faculty member at Tel Aviv University, said that Israel must use its full force to shatter Hamas so it can never again threaten Israel, and if this imperative requires leveling swaths of Gaza and straining the access of its two million residents to food and water, then that's what is going to happen.

"What do you do philosophically when you deal with an enemy that doesn't value life? It's a big philosophical debate. So 10/7 helped us to rewrite the rules of how we fight Hamas. And we made a decision in this philosophical debate that we need to go all the way to take them out. And if the collateral damage is going to be dramatic, just as the collateral damage in Germany and just the collateral damage in Japan was dramatic, then so be it."

Aharoni continued: "It's unreasonable to expect Israel to go to war and expect Israel not to win the war at the same time."


U.S. Troops of the 3rd Armored Division, 1st U.S. Army, advance through the ruins of the city of Cologne, Germany on Mar. 8, 1945. Cologne was one of the German cities the Allies targeted in their strategic bombing campaign.AP Photo

The bombing campaign against Hamas-run Gaza is on pace proportionally with the destruction delivered in the strategic bombing of Nazi Germany. Yet our collective hazy memories of the so-called "Good War" may obscure the fact that, at best, the Allied strategic bombing of Germany didn't work — it likely led to the death of more Allied troops.

The common fallacy of the so-called "bomb the shit out of them" approach is that enough death and destruction creates a breaking point where the populace cracks and refuses to support its government or overthrows it. In Nazi Germany, for example, the Allies pursued a devastating bombing campaign against 92 cities and towns with the aim of fomenting dissent against dictator Adolf Hitler and degrading Germany's will to fight.

"That never happened, and the Wehrmacht fought hard all the way to the very end," said Robert Pape, a University of Chicago professor and scholar of military power. "There's really no case to make that the killing of German civilians in World War II by the Allied bombing hastened the end of the war. It did not produce political effects and, if anything, it stiffened the morale of the German fighters."

Pape is the author of "Bombing to Win," a landmark study of 40 strategic bombing campaigns in the 20th Century. Pape's research identified what he called an air power "trap" of mistaken thinking by military leaders, who often believe massive bombardment leads those bombed to capitulate.

"When you bomb the civilians, the local population gets more angry and more fearful at the same time," Pape said. "And what they're fearful of is being then occupied militarily by this country and military force that bombed them so mercilessly."

Nazi Germany's defeat may also be instructive for Israel's goal of a post-war Gaza free of Hamas, which the Israeli prime minister has vowed to "eliminate." The military defeat of the Nazis required a naval blockade, air power, and enormous armies closing in on Germany from two sides — and in its wake only about 200 of the top Nazi leaders were tried, leaving many responsible for atrocities untouched. Many Nazi Party members held positions of authority in postwar Germany, including 25 cabinet ministers and a chancellor. In other words, the new government was hardly de-Nazified.

Massive bombardment has had a checkered track record in the wars since. For instance, Poast, the University of Chicago professor and a colleague of Pape, said Israel's campaign in some ways resembles the US's expansion of strategic bombing into Laos and Cambodia, which ultimately failed to strangle North Vietnam and the Vietcong's supply lines and came at an estimated cost of hundreds of thousands of civilian lives.

Smoke rises after bombing of Israeli forces with warplanes in Gaza City, October 7, 2023. Another munition can be seen falling toward a target.
Momen Faiz/NurPhoto via Getty Images

'Pumped up'


Israel faces long odds. Very few terror groups are defeated purely by military force; it's many times more likely they become part of a legitimate political process — an outcome that Israel has ruled out. In the throes of its war, Israel has struggled to define who will rule Gaza in Hamas' absence, or persuade its residents why this would be any better for them.

Aharoni, the former Israeli ambassador, said that the time for Israeli leaders to lay out that roadmap is only once Hamas' leaders are killed and its forces defeated. He said the end of the military campaign will likely spell the end of the Netanyahu government as well, but for now "the Israeli public is pumped up, united, high spirits. Everybody wants to help. I've never seen anything like it. The entire society is galvanized."

Even under mounting international pressure, the war is almost certain to continue. The thought of Hamas remaining in power, if diminished, is untenable to Israelis, an estimated quarter million of whom fled their homes after 10/7 and have not returned.

"If Hamas still looks like it's able to fire rockets into Israel, that's not an outcome that Israelis are going to accept," said Ross, the veteran US diplomat and peace negotiator who's also a distinguished fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Residents and civil defense teams search for victims in the rubble of Israeli attacks on the Jabalia Camp in Gaza on Dec. 6, 2023.
Mahmoud Sabbah/Getty Images

'Payback' time


Another clear motive in Israel's war also motivated the strategic bombings of World War II — vengeance. Israel has an entire category of targets chosen for their significance to Hamas and whose destruction inflicts "tactical and mental damage," an anonymous Israeli military intelligence officer told the magazine IsraelDefense; the Israeli left-wing outlet +972 Magazine and the Hebrew language news site Local Call have reported that the IDF has expanded its targeting and tolerance of civilian casualties. Israel relies on an AI-driven target factory that is able to rapidly produce recommended targets, as BI's Jake Epstein has reported, and its air force is dropping both unguided munitions and 2,000-pound guided munitions that can be expected to bring death and destruction beyond their targets in Gaza's dense urban environment. Targeting videos publicized by the Israeli Air Force show it shattering buildings in Gaza it claims were used by Hamas, including their homes.


חיל-האוויר בשיתוף פעולה עם לוחמי חטיבת הצנחנים תקפו אמש (ב׳) בתים של מחבלי נ'חבה, וחיסלו מחבלים מארגון הטרור חמאס שהיוו איום במרחב על כוחות צה"ל. כחלק מהפעילות הלוחמים איתרו והשמידו רקטות בחצר של בית בצפון הרצועה. pic.twitter.com/R8dso1o6Ae

— Israeli Air Force (@IAFsite) December 5, 2023


Israel's intelligence minister has argued that Palestinians who wish to leave Gaza should be resettled in other countries, a move that would further erode Palestinian claims for a state of their own. For these reasons, Palestinians who flee the Israeli onslaught into Egypt fear they won't be able to return.

Collective punishment may serve to instill fear towards deterrence from a future attack, but in an ongoing campaign it often has the adverse effect of steeling an opponent's will to resist. In 1940, Nazi bombers blasted London and other British cities, but the Battle of Britain backfired. It failed to stall Britain's industries critical to the war and actually strengthened the public's will to fight.

"The British wanted payback," said Pape. Britain's air plans for Germany from the 1930s had focused solely on striking German economic centers, Pape said. But after the blitz, British leaders added population centers to their targets and began to bomb them with a goal of killing 900,000 German civilians. Over the next three years, Allied bombers would damage or destroy an average of half of the buildings in the 92 cities and towns targeted. And yet that campaign also failed to achieve its aims.

Rage is also an essential element for Israel's sworn enemy. Hamas relies on perceptions that Israel cannot be collaborated with, that it is a deadly enemy of Palestinians that must be destroyed by force, and that its civilians are legitimate targets. A recent poll shows that Hamas' support has risen in Gaza and soared in the West Bank since the 10/7 terror attacks.

The challenge for Israel is that this ideology is fueled by the hatred for Israelis that's simmering across Gaza and the West Bank.

"That's why Hamas is actually so willing to have civilian casualties occur in Gaza," said Pape, who has also studied the demographics and motivations of suicide bombers. "It's because each time Israeli bombs kill Palestinians, those Palestinians have family. They have friends who are ripe recruits for Hamas in the future."

He added: "The real issue here is that very likely Israel is creating more terrorists than it's killing."


Israel warns Gaza war could last 'several months' despite US pressure to wind it down

Jitendra Joshi
EVENING STANDARD
Fri, December 15, 2023 

Israel warns Gaza war could last 'several months' despite US pressure to wind it down

Israel’s defence minister said the devastating war in Gaza is set to last “several months”, defying US pressure to wind it down soon in favour of more targeted operations against Hamas.

The comments by Yoav Gallant came despite Joe Biden urging Israeli restraint in a conflict that has killed nearly 19,000 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, according to the Hamas-run health ministry.

“I want them to be focused on how to save civilian lives,” the US president said when asked if he wants Israel to scale down its operations by the end of the month. “Not stop going after Hamas, but be more careful.”

The US is supplying Israel with crucial military aid and diplomatic backing at the United Nations, but has been sounding the alarm about the civilian toll in Gaza. Mr Biden’s national security adviser Jake Sullivan held talks with Israeli leaders to discuss a timetable for winding down major combat.

White House National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said Mr Sullivan talked with Israeli premier Benjamin Netanyahu about moving to "lower intensity operations" sometime "in the near future".

But Mr Gallant said Hamas had been building military infrastructure in Gaza for more than a decade leading up to its deadly rampage across southern Israel on October 7, "and it is not easy to destroy them”.

“It will require a period of time,” he said. "It will last more than several months, but we will win, and we will destroy them.”

After his talks with the top US official, Mr Netanyahu said Israel was "more determined than ever to continue fighting until Hamas is eliminated - until complete victory".

Mr Sullivan was heading on Friday to the West Bank to meet Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. The prime minister of the Palestinian Authority, Mohammed Shtayyeh, said it was time for the United States to deal more firmly with Israel, including on a two-state solution to the long-running conflict after Mr Netanyahu and other Israeli officials ruled that out this week.

"Now that the United States has talked the talk, we want Washington to walk the walk," Mr Shtayyeh said in an interview with the Associated Press. "If the United States cannot deliver Israel, who can?"

Israeli officials pointed to a broader alleged threat from Hamas after seven people were arrested in Denmark, Germany and the Netherlands on suspicion of planning attacks on Jewish institutions in Europe.

Three of the suspects detained in Berlin and another in Rotterdam are longstanding members of Hamas with close links to the leadership of its military branch, according to German prosecutors. Hamas denied any link.

One of the men in Berlin, Lebanon-born Abdelhamid Al A, had been assigned by Hamas leaders with sourcing weapons in readiness for potential terrorist attacks against Jewish institutions, the prosecutors said.

On Friday morning, communications still appeared to be down across Gaza after heavy Israeli airstrikes and tank shelling overnight. Areas targeted for bombardment included parts of the border city of Rafah, where many Palestinians have congregated after fleeing the fighting elsewhere.

Late on Thursday, eight US cities saw protests led by a Jewish group demanding a ceasefire, on the eighth night of Hanukkah.

Streets and bridges were blocked in Washington and Philadelphia as demonstrators held signs reading: "Let Gaza Live" and "Not in our name





Al Jazeera cameraman dies after Israeli attack in southern Gaza, network says
WHERE ISRAEL TOLD EVERYONE TO GO TO BE SAFE

Abeer Salmam, Kareem Khadder and Lucas Lilieholm, CNN
Sat, December 16, 2023 at 3:59 AM MST·5 min read

An Al Jazeera journalist has died after being badly injured during an Israeli attack in southern Gaza and then forced to wait five hours for medical attention, the network said on Friday.

Camera operator Samer Abu Daqqa died of wounds sustained in the attack, the Qatar-based network said, adding that he was bleeding for hours before medical personnel could reach him due to heavy shelling in the city.

Hundreds gathered in southern Gaza to mourn Abu Daqqa on Saturday as his body was laid to rest on Saturday, with his mother Umm Maher, sobbing as she knelt down to pray over her son’s grave.

Al Jazeera correspondent and Gaza bureau chief Wael Dahdouh was also injured in the attack, the Qatar-based news network said in a statement to CNN on Friday.

Dahdouh was eventually evacuated to a hospital, but Abu Daqqa’s injury was too severe to survive, according to Walid Alomari, Al Jazeera’s bureau chief for Jerusalem and the West Bank. “Too many in Gaza bleed and die because ambulances can’t reach them,” he said.

The network went on to accuse Israel of “systematically targeting and killing Al Jazeera journalists and their families.”

A statement called on the international community to take “immediate action to hold the Israeli government and military accountable.”

CNN cannot independently verify the allegations. CNN has reached out to the Israeli military for comment but has not immediately heard back.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) data, Abu Daqqa is the first Al Jazeera journalist to have been killed in the latest Israel-Hamas conflict since October 7.

Four other Al Jazeera journalists were injured, CPJ says, including three in southern Lebanon and Dahdouh, who had also lost his wife, daughter, son and grandson in an Israeli attack on Khan Younis late October.
Under fire

Abu Daqqa and Dahdouh were on assignment in the southern city of Khan Younis when they came under fire.

Dahdouh later recounted the moments leading up to the incident. He said it took place when they were heading back to an ambulance belonging to the Palestinian Civil Defense after they were done filming in an area of Khan Younis that was hard to reach.

“Suddenly, something happened, a big thing, I couldn’t tell what it was, I only felt something big happened and pushed me to the ground, the helmet fell and the microphone,” Dahdouh told Al Jazeera while on a hospital bed before being informed his colleague had lost his life.

“I saw there was an intense bleeding from my shoulder and arm, and I realized if I stayed, I will be bleeding there in that location, and no one will reach me,” he added.

Dahdouh said he was able to reach Civil Defense staff hundreds of meters away but was unable to help Abu Daqqa, fearing they would be targetted.

Al Jazeera said on air that Abu Daqqa was bleeding for five hours and no-one could reach to him due to the situation around him.

At least 17 others were killed and dozens of others were injured early Friday morning after artillery fire struck the city’s Haifa school and a residential home in the area.

Three civil defense workers in Gaza whose rescue efforts at the school were being covered by the al Jazeera team were also killed, according to the Hamas-controlled Ministry of Interior.

CNN has reached out to the Israel Defense Forces for comment on its military operations in the area.

On Saturday, the body of Abu Daqqa, wrapped in a white cloth, was carried on the shoulders of the assembled crowd from Al-Nasser Medical complex in Khan Younis to a nearby cemetery. On his chest were the press vest and helmet he had been wearing when he was wounded.

Mourners gather around the body of Al Jazeera cameraman Abu Daqqa on Saturday. - Ahmad Hasaballah/Getty Images

Friends and relatives attended the funeral. - Bassam Masoud/Reuters

The funeral was attended by friends, family and colleagues, many of them wearing their press vests. Abu Daqqa’s wife and children live in Belgium.

Khan Younis has been heavily bombarded by the Israeli military since a fragile truce between Hamas and Israel broke down on 1 December.

As of December 15, preliminary investigations by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) found at least 64 journalists and media workers were among the thousands killed in Gaza since Israel’s siege began on October 7, following Hamas’ deadly terror attacks.

The majority of journalists killed in this war have been Palestinians, alongside four Israeli and three Lebanese members of the press, according to CPJ. Thirteen journalists have also been reported injured, 13 are missing, and 19 have reportedly been arrested, the organization said.

CPJ said Friday it was alarmed by the drone strike that killed Abu Daqqa and wounded Dahdouh and called on “international authorities to independently investigate the attack and hold those responsible to account.”

Speaking to Al Jazeera, CPJ President Jodie Ginsberg reiterated a call for the protection of journalists and emphasized the importance of their work in Gaza, which she called an “unprecedented” challenge.

“We’re really only left with Gaza journalists doing this really important documentation work,” she said.

Abu Daqqa’s colleagues have been paying tribute to his bravery following his death, with Al Jazeera investigative reporter Tamer Al-Mishal describing him as “professional” and “a great cameraman and editor [who] doesn’t fear anything.”

“I spoke to him a few days ago and told him ‘Why don’t you join your family abroad?’ And he told me they will be back soon when this war is over,” Al-Mishal said.

Abu Daqqa had decided not to leave Gaza, Al-Mishal added, noting that the cameraman had worked for more than 20 years for Al Jazeera.

Hiba Akila, another colleague of Abu Daqqa, remembered him as a cheerful co-worker.

“Samer was not only an optimistic, joyful person who loved life, but he was also a journalist who upholds his journalistic mission, always giving us a boost whenever we felt pain and desperation,” said the Al Jazeera correspondent in a broken voice as she reported live from Rafah on Friday night.

“When we were supporting and comforting Samer that soon he will meet his family, he would say, ‘I will not go to them, they will come here, and we will be together in Gaza,’” she added.

Al Jazeera Journalist Bleeds To Death After Israeli Strike In Gaza, Outlet Says

Lydia O'Connor
Fri, December 15, 2023 


The news outlet Al Jazeera said Friday that one of its camera operators, Samer Abudaqa, was killed by an Israeli strike in Gaza and left for hours bleeding to death.

Abudaqa was reporting with his colleague Wael Dahdouh at a school turned shelter in Khan Younis, a city in southern Gaza, on Friday when they were hit by the strike. Dahdouh is being treated for minor injuries from shrapnel.

In a statement, the Qatar-based network said it condemns the attack “in the strongest terms” and “holds Israel accountable for systematically targeting and killing Al Jazeera journalists and their families.”

The network described a brutal end to Abudaqa’s life.

Al Jazeera Arabic journalist Samer Abu Daqa has been killed, and his colleague Wael al-Dahdouh was wounded in an Israeli attack in Gaza's Khan Younis https://t.co/ARxWAoA2WMpic.twitter.com/EBc2yAe8WB 
— Al Jazeera English (@AJEnglish) December 15, 2023

“Following Samer’s injury, he was left to bleed to death for over 5 hours, as Israeli forces prevented ambulances and rescue workers from reaching him, denying the much-needed emergency treatment,” Al Jazeera said in a statement.

In audio shared by the network, one of his colleagues recounted through tears how hard it was for Abudaqa to be away from his family during the Israel-Hamas war.

“Samer’s wife and kids were in Belgium,” Al Jazeera journalist Youmna ElSayed said. “Just before the war, he was able to go to Belgium for the first time and see his kids and wife for the first time after six years. When he returned and the war started, he was relieved that at least his kids and wife were not in Gaza to live through all this horror and terror. And he was just waiting for the war to end so that he can go to them.”

She continued: “There’s nothing to describe our pain. Samer was really a special person to all of us, and a very good friend.”


Smoke rises from Israeli air strikes on the city of Khan Younis, Gaza, on Friday.


Smoke rises from Israeli air strikes on the city of Khan Younis, Gaza, on Friday.

The International Federation of Journalists also denounced the deadly strike, saying, “We condemn the attack and reiterate our demand that journalists’ lives must be safeguarded.”

Abudaqa is now one of more than 90 media workers killed on the job this year, according to the IFJ’s count, with at least 68 of them dying while covering the Israel-Hamas war since the Oct. 7 attack on the country.

Khan Younis, the second-largest city in Gaza, has become the epicenter of the conflict in recent weeks, despite it being one of the main areas where Palestinians are fleeing for safety. One analysis of satellite data showed that approximately 20% of structures in Khan Younis had likely been damaged or destroyed by Monday.

The Israel Defense Forces say that’s because the “entire leadership of the Hamas terrorist organization — both military and political — proliferated in the area.”

Palestinian officials say that Israeli forces have killed nearly 19,000 people in Gaza, nearly half of them children. Israeli officials say that over 1,100 people died in Hamas’ October attack on the country.



Al Jazeera Journalist Whose Family Was Killed in Airstrike Is Wounded in Gaza. Another Has Died

Mallory Moench
TIME
Sat, December 16, 2023

Al Jazeera correspondent Wael Al-Dahdouh bids a heart-wrenching farewell to his wife, son, and daughter during their funeral service in the heart of Gaza's Nuseirat camp on Oct. 26, 2023. Credit - Mohammed Zaanoun—Middle East Images/AFP/Getty Images

One Al Jazeera journalist has died and another is wounded after what is believed was an Israeli missile attack at a school in Khan Younis in southern Gaza on Friday.

Gaza bureau chief Wael Dahdouh was injured, but Al Jazeera confirmed the death of cameraperson Samer Abudaqa. Dahdouh, whose wife, son, daughter and grandson were killed in an airstrike in October, was wounded by shrapnel in his upper arm and rushed to receive medical care at Nasser Hospital.

Around 6:30 p.m. local time, an ambulance was dispatched for Abudaqa after it received approval from Israeli forces, but it had to turn back because rubble blocked the road, the news outlet reported. Arrangements were being made to get a bulldozer to clear the path as of 7:30 p.m., but by the time medical teams got to him, he had died.

Abudaqa was the father of four children and was a resident of Abasan al-Kabira near Khan Younis.

Dahdouh, who returned to broadcasting on Saturday, with bandages on his arm and hand, said that he and Abudawa were with civil defense rescuers who were working to evacuate a family after their house was bombed when Dahdouh heard an explosion that knocked him out.

Three civil defense team members were also killed at the school, according to the Palestinian Interior Ministry. Ramy Budair, a journalist with the Palestinian New Press agency, was also killed.

In a Friday afternoon press release, the Committee to Protect Journalists said it was “deeply saddened” by the news and called “on international authorities to conduct an independent investigation into the attack to hold the perpetrators to account.”

In an emailed response to TIME, the Israel Defense Forces said that it “takes all operationally feasible measures to protect both civilians and journalists. The IDF has never, and will never, deliberately target journalists. Given the ongoing exchanges of fire, remaining in an active combat zone has inherent risks. The IDF will continue to counter threats while persisting to mitigate harm to civilians.”

Al Jazeera correspondent Wael Al-Dahdouh receives medical treatment at Nasser Hospital after being wounded in Khan Yunis, Gaza on December 15, 2023.
Hani Alshaer—Anadolu/Getty Images

On Oct. 25, Dahdouh received the news while on air that his immediate family was killed when the home they were sheltering in was hit by an airstrike. He returned to work just days later.

Attacks on another journalist were also reported on Friday by the Times of Israel. Video footage shows border police officers beating Palestinian photojournalist Mustafa Haruf with his gun in East Jerusalem. Haruf was then continuously kicked in his head and body and is heard crying out in pain.

Haruf says that he was attacked after leaving a prayer protest in Wadi Joz, which Israeli forces later separated.

Border police said that it suspended the officers seen beating Haruf in the video, and is opening an investigation into the attack, the Times of Israel adds. An earlier statement by police indicated that journalists in the area refused to evacuate.

Friday’s incident underscored the war's deadly toll on Gazan journalists, who are striving to survive the same dangers and deprivations they’re covering. Since Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, killing 1,200 people and taking more than 200 hostage, Israeli’s airstrike campaign and ground offensive in Gaza has killed more than 18,000 people, the Hamas-run health ministry said.

Read More: Palestinian Journalists Offer a Rare Glimpse Into Life in Gaza. But for How Long?


A man carries the vest worn by veteran Al-Jazeera correspondent Wael Al-Dahdouh (not pictured) when he was injured. AFP/Getty Images

At least 63 journalists and media workers have also died as of Dec. 15, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported. The grim tally includes the deadliest month for journalist deaths in a conflict since the organization began gathering data in 1992.

Nonprofits have pushed for more protections for the press. The International Federation of Journalists said it was “deeply shocked” to hear about Friday’s injuries. “We condemn the attack and reiterate our demand that journalists’ lives must be safeguarded,” it said in a post on X.

In one of the first press deaths of the war, a Reuters video journalist was killed in Lebanon on Oct. 13. A Reporters Without Borders investigation claimed the journalists’ vehicle, with its clear press marking, was targeted. The IDF told TIME on Nov. 4 that the incident was under review. The day before the journalist's death, they had requested that the U.N.'s peacekeeping force verify there were no civilians in the combat zone. They added that entering combat zones “creates a real and immediate danger to civilian lives." On that day, the IDF used tank and artillery fire in response to a missile that hit Israel's security fence, the statement said.

Other journalists from Al Jazeera, whose headquarters are in Qatar, have been injured or killed previously while covering Israel-Palestinian conflict. Last year, a U.N. body determined that Israeli forces shot and killed Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh in the West Bank, not indiscriminate firing by armed Palestinians as initially claimed by Israeli authorities, the international agency said.

Additional reporting by Solcyré Burga




Relatives of the Al Jazeera cameraman, Samer Abu Daqqa, who was killed during an Israeli airstrike, mourn over his body, during his funeral in the town of Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip. Saturday, Dec. 16, 2023. 
(AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman)










WEST BANK
Israeli military opens probe after videos show Israeli forces killing 2 Palestinians at close range

JULIA FRANKEL
Updated Fri, December 15, 2023 

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israel on Friday said it was opening a military police investigation into the killing of two Palestinians in the West Bank after an Israeli human rights group posted videos that appeared to show Israeli troops killing the men — one who was incapacitated and the second unarmed — during a military raid in a West Bank refugee camp.

The B’Tselem human rights group accused the army of carrying out a pair of “illegal executions.”

The security camera videos show two Israeli military vehicles pursuing a group of Palestinians in the Faraa refugee camp in the northern West Bank. One man, who appears to be holding a red canister, is gunned down by soldiers. B'Tselem identified the man as 25 year-old Rami Jundob.

The military jeep then approaches Jundob as he lies bleeding on the ground and fires multiple shots at him until he is still. Soldiers then approach a man identified by B'Tselem as 36-year-old Thaar Shahin as he cowers underneath the hood of a car. They shoot at him from close range.

Btselem said that Shahin was killed instantly and Jundob died of his wounds the next day.

Israel's military said its military police unit opened an investigation into the Dec. 8 shootings “on the suspicion that during the incident, shots were fired not in accordance with the law.” It said that the findings would be referred to a military prosecutor, an indication that criminal charges could be filed.

Israel rarely prosecutes such cases, and human rights groups say soldiers rarely receive serious punishments even if wrongdoing is found. In a high-profile case, an Israeli soldier was convicted of manslaughter and served a reduced nine-month sentence in jail after shooting a badly wounded Palestinian who was lying on the ground in 2016.

The army recently opened an investigation into a soldier who shot and killed an Israeli man who had just killed a pair of Palestinian attackers at a Jerusalem bus stop. The soldier apparently suspected the Israeli was also an assailant — despite kneeling on the ground, raising his hands and opening his shirt to show he wasn't a threat. The shooting underscored what critics say is an epidemic of excessive force by Israeli soldiers, police and armed citizens against suspected Palestinian attackers.

In a separate incident Friday, police said they had suspended officers caught on video beating up a Palestinian photojournalist in east Jerusalem. The photojournalist was identified on social media as Mustafa Haruf, who works for the Turkish news agency Anadolu.

In the video, one officer approaches Haruf and strikes him with the butt of his gun while another officer pushes him against a car. One points his gun at Haruf and another pulls him to the ground in a headlock. An officer kneels on Haruf's body, the other officer kicking Haruf repeatedly in the head as he screams in pain.

Other officers stand by, watching and pushing back shocked onlookers.

“The Border Police Command views the conduct of these officers as inconsistent with the values of the force,” the police said in a statement as it announced the suspensions of the officers and an investigation.

Both incidents come as tensions in the West Bank and east Jerusalem have been inflamed by the war between Israel and Hamas, with Israelis on edge and bracing for further attacks. Palestinians and human rights groups have long accused Israeli forces of using excessive force and skirting accountability.

Since the outbreak of war, violence in the West Bank from Israeli forces and settlers has reached record levels. Since Oct. 7, 287 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry. That's the deadliest year on record in the West Bank in 18 years, it said.


Multi-day Israeli raid kills 11 in West Bank: ministry
AFP
Thu, December 14, 2023 

An Israeli army patrol car blocks off one of the entrance roads to Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank as troops press a raid that has killed 11 Palestinians since Tuesday (MARCO LONGARI)


Israeli forces killed 11 people in a multi-day raid in the occupied West Bank, the Palestinian health ministry said Thursday.

The latest death was a 17-year-old boy who the ministry said was shot in the chest by the Israeli army in Jenin.

In addition to 11 killed by Israeli forces, Palestinian health officials said a sick 13-year-old boy also died after Israeli forces prevented him from reaching hospital.

Israeli troops launched their incursion into the northern city of Jenin and its refugee camp early Tuesday and were still present on Thursday afternoon.

The military said Wednesday that Israeli forces had seized dozens of weapons and dismantled multiple bomb-making laboratories.

Four soldiers were wounded in "controlled explosions" or by friendly fire, the army said Wednesday without commenting on the Palestinian casualties.

Speaking Thursday at the site where an Israeli drone strike killed three people, a resident told AFP the trio were unarmed civilians.


At a home damaged during the ongoing raid, a boy said Israeli soldiers stole money, gold and mobile phones.

Israel has occupied the West Bank since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, and in recent months troops have carried out repeated deadly raids on Jenin, with the casualties including militants and children.

Jenin camp is home to more than 23,000 people, according to the United Nations, and militants have a strong presence there.

The Islamist group Hamas -- which Israel is battling in the Gaza Strip -- on Wednesday called the Jenin raid a "desperate attempt to extinguish the flame of resistance".

More than 280 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces or settlers in the West Bank since the war in Gaza erupted on October 7, health officials say.

Over the same period, 18,787 people have been killed in the Israeli offensive on Gaza according to the health ministry in the Hamas-run territory.

The war broke out with an attack by Hamas militants on southern Israel, which Israeli officials say killed around 1,200 people.

Most of those killed in both Israel and the Palestinian territories have been civilians.
How American citizens are leading rise of ‘settler violence’ on Palestinian lands

Chris McGreal in New York
THE GUARDIAN
Fri, December 15, 2023 

Photograph: Thomas Coex/AFP/Getty Images

Washington’s ban on travel to the US by extremist Jewish settlers who attack Palestinians in the West Bank has one gaping loophole.

American citizens have been at the forefront of the rise of settler violence in the occupied territories, and the ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from their land, but as US passport holders they cannot be barred from their own country.

Many of the estimated 60,000 Americans living in the West Bank outside of occupied East Jerusalem moved to settlements for the lifestyle and have little to do with the Palestinians on whose land they live. But a core of ideologically driven US citizens were at the forefront of building religious settlements on land expropriated from Palestinians while others have led the rise of what has been described as “settler terrorism”.

The US announced the travel restrictions as settler violence against unarmed Palestinians escalated in the wake of the Hamas cross-border attack in October, including shootings, the destruction of Arab homes and entire communities driven out at gunpoint. The UN estimates that about 500 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank this year including dozens of children. While Israel claims many of the dead were associated with armed Palestinian groups, the UN said the army frequently works with settlers attacking Arab civilians.

Related: ‘A new Nakba’: settler violence forces Palestinians out of West Bank villages

Hadar Susskind, president of Americans for Peace Now, said these settlers militias draw inspiration from two Americans infamous as the godfathers of the campaign of violence against ordinary Palestinians.

An American doctor from Brooklyn, Baruch Goldstein, murdered 29 Muslim worshippers in the West Bank city of Hebron in 1994. Goldstein was a follower of another American, Rabbi Meir Kahane, founder of the far-right religious Kach party that was eventually banned in Israel and the US under anti-terrorism laws.

“If you asked who are the most prominent examples of literally murderous violent settler extremism, the two answers are Goldstein and Kahane. Those people are the prophets of the settler movement,” said Susskind.

“Earlier this year I led a trip to Israel and Palestine. We went to Hebron and stopped in Meir Kahane park where they have a shrine to Baruch Goldstein. His grave is there. It’s shocking that they have a public park named after an American whose party was declared so racist that it was not allowed to be in the Knesset, a person who espoused violence and hatred. And then a shrine to Baruch Goldstein who took those lessons from Kahane and actualised them in murdering a group of people at prayer.”

The spokesperson for the Hebron settlers who maintain the memorials to Kahane and Goldstein was for many years an American from New Jersey, David Wilder.

Americans account for only about 15% of the total settler population in the West Bank and East Jerusalem but their influence outweighs their numbers.

Sara Hirschhorn, author of a study of Jewish American settlers, City on a Hilltop, said they were distinguished from many other Jewish immigrants who make “aliyah” to Israel and live the other side of the “green line” between Israel and the West Bank.

“Typically we describe American aliyah as an aliyah of choice because these aren’t immigrants like, say, today’s Ukrainians coming to Israel fleeing war or those fleeing persecution or poverty. Rather Americans are looking to fulfil a set of ideological, religious or lifestyle values that they find in Israel and particularly over the green line,” she said.

“Some of them wanted the lifestyle they lived in New Jersey which was not the lifestyle of Israel 20 or 30 years ago but they built it in the settlements.”

Hirschhorn said the bulk of American Jews arrived in the decade or so after the 1967 war and the start of the occupation of the West Bank. They were founders of settlements such as Efrat and Tekoa built on confiscated Palestinian land. She said many were Democrats who regarded the settlement project as enlightened.

“They brought with them a set of progressive values and tactics that they didn’t see themselves as leaving behind when they came to Israel. Rather they saw themselves applying the toolkit of the left in the United States, of the social movements of the 60s and 70s. They hoped that these settlements really would be a city on a hill as a shining beacon to the rest of the world. This is really the way Americans saw their project in the occupied territories,” she said.

That delusion was stripped away by the outbreak of the first intifada in 1987, the Palestinian uprising against occupation and the expropriation of their land, when the immigrants could no longer avoid confronting the reality of the settlement project. Hirschhorn calls it “a moment of reckoning” for American settlers.

Related: ‘These are biblical lands promised to us’: Jewish settlers in West Bank hope Gaza conflict will help their cause

“They had to make certain choices about what direction they could go in. Could they continue to live in the occupied territories with a progressive set of values? Some chose to leave at that moment, some chose to abandon their progressive values, some chose to try to live with a sense of cognitive dissonance after the first intifada,” she said.

“There have been several watershed moments where the rubber has met the road when it comes to progressive values and settler realities. The peace process itself in the 1990s saw hardening of opinion amongst the settler movement who saw their own future in danger.”

Hirschhorn estimates that another 100,000 American settlers live in occupied East Jerusalem and the settlement blocs immediately around the city. They have been instrumental in the takeover of Arab homes through well-funded settler organisations.

Later American arrivals were often Orthodox Jews who included Goldstein. But while some responded to the intifada with their own violence, US citizens were also at the forefront of selling the settlement movement to the rest of the world.

“We see Americans using their skills, both the English language but also their deep ability to connect with western audiences over vocabulary and values, to really radically transform the public relations of the Israeli settler movement to market and justify the project to western audiences,” she said.

Hirschhorn said that in turn has had an important impact on Israeli politics with American settlers serving in key roles including chief of staff to prime ministers and top aides to members of the Israeli parliament.

“As much of Israeli politics has become increasingly Americanised, you see these figures making very significant appearances. So they certainly have an impact on Israeli domestic policy even if it’s not always as visible to everyone

Lucy Williamson: Hamas support soars in West Bank - but full uprising can still be avoided


Lucy Williamson - BBC News, Jerusalem
Fri, December 15, 2023 

The Israel Gaza Briefings - Lucy Williamson


There was speculation over whether another uprising was brewing in the West Bank, even before the Hamas attacks on Israel in October.

Frequent raids by the Israeli army, emboldened by a hard-right Israeli government - following deadly attacks by Palestinians, and violent attacks on Palestinians by settlers - had already increased pressure on Palestinians there.

Since the war in Gaza, those pressures have spiralled: Israeli raids into West Bank towns have become more frequent and more forceful, and many families are suffering economically after Israel withheld tax revenues used to pay public servants in the West Bank, and banned Palestinian workers from entering Israel too.

Smoke and fire rises from a Palestinian house in the Jenin refugee camp after it was targeted by the Israeli army on 13 December

There is anger at almost 20,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza, and support for Hamas is rising.

But despite all this, calls by the armed group for an uprising in the West Bank over the past couple of months have come and gone.
Popular mood

Support for Hamas - and armed resistance more generally - has risen sharply since the war in Gaza began.

An opinion poll by the Centre for Policy and Survey Research in Ramallah found that support for Hamas in the West Bank had more than tripled. Meanwhile, support for the West Bank's ruling party, Fatah, had dropped significantly. More than 90% of respondents thought Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas should resign.

But it seems that support for armed resistance, and disillusion with politics, is not translating into action on the ground.

Palestinian inspects the damage inside a destroyed house in the Jenin refugee camp after it was targeted by the Israeli army on 13 December

Since the war began, weekly demonstrations have been held in West Bank cities. The slogans chanted there are against Israel - but also against the Palestinian Authority. But they're usually held in city centres where there is much less risk of confrontation with Israeli soldiers, rather than at checkpoints - as happened during the last Palestinian uprising in the early 2000s.

And the numbers turning out for these weekly demonstrations are smaller than they were during previous moments of tension.

"People hesitate to come when Hamas calls for demonstrations, because there is a clear security price to be paid from the Israeli response," said Raed Debiy, a political scientist and youth leader in Fatah.

But they also don't come when Fatah calls for them, Debiy says, because "people have lost hope in political parties".

Destruction in Jenin after the Israeli army operation
Hamas

As the actions of Israel's army in the West Bank have become harsher, and the Palestinian security services more efficient, many people fear that becoming an active member of a militant group could make them a target for arrest or assassination.

More than 270 people have been killed by Israeli forces in the West Bank since Hamas attacked Israel on 7 October - including 70 children - according to the UN. That's more than half the total number killed this year.

Four Israelis - including three from the armed forces - have been killed by Palestinians there in the same period.

An operation to arrest Palestinian gunmen in the Jenin refugee camp this week lasted several days, with frequent bursts of heavy gunfire, rocket attacks and air strikes. Hundreds of people were detained, with 60 of them handed over to the security services for further questioning.

An ambulance trying to reach Jenin Hospital is stopped for search by the Israeli forces

The Israeli army has also been trying to destroy infrastructure used by armed groups.

This time, it claimed to have found more than a dozen underground tunnel shafts in the camp, as well as facilities for making explosives and "observation control rooms" to monitor Israeli forces.

One young man from the camp, who was among those detained this week and released after questioning, said the reason people ignored calls by Hamas to rise up in solidarity was that the group did not supply the West Bank with enough equipment to fight the Israeli army.

"Hamas in the West Bank has not done a good job of organising itself over the last decade," said Khalil Shikaki, head of the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research in Ramallah.

"The Israelis have been arresting a lot of their members. Hamas is just incapable right now in the West Bank of mobilising and organising an eruption of violence that would be sustainable."

But previous uprisings here did not rely on Hamas. The second intifada (uprising), which began in 2000, was led by members of the West Bank's ruling party, Fatah.
The role of Fatah

The current leader of Fatah, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, is widely seen as trying to avoid an escalation in violence against Israel - a major shift in position from his predecessor, Yasser Arafat.

His security services co-operate with Israel to arrest members of armed groups - something that is widely criticised by Palestinians.

Sabri Saidam, a member of Fatah's Central Committee, denies that the party's position is at odds with public feeling in the territory, or that the Palestinian Authority (PA) is somehow avoiding a fight.

"To say that Fatah is in control and keeping the calm, [it's] as if you are hinting that there is a forceful implementation of a state of calm," he said. "Nobody is forcing anything on anyone."

"People in the West Bank know that Netanyahu is throwing down bait, through persistent attacks every night against the people of Palestine regardless of their political affiliation - because he wants to provoke the Palestinians into a confrontational mood that he will use as an excuse to escalate the situation."

The US is pushing Israel to allow a "revitalised" PA to govern Gaza once the war there ends. Israel has so far said it will not consider it.

But the chance to govern a unified Palestinian bloc for the first time since 2006 is another incentive for the Fatah-dominated PA to prove its credentials and stop the situation in the West Bank from spiralling out of control.

"It's very clear that Fatah don't want any intifada," explained Raed Debiy, the party youth leader. "They are still very keen to keep the status quo. But the grassroots of Fatah will not be controlled forever. How can you stay silent under daily assassination, daily invasion, daily violation of settlers - this will definitely lead to explosion."
Possible sparks

In 2000, the spark for the second intifada was a visit by then-Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon to a contested holy site in Jerusalem, known to Muslims as the al-Aqsa compound and to Jews at the Temple Mount.

Sharon's visit happened amid smouldering Palestinian frustration at the failure of the Oslo peace process - and, Dr Shikaki says, was "exploited" by Fatah's young guard to launch the uprising.

A small event like this could still trigger something significant, but the situation has shifted since 2000.

Now, far-right ministers in the Israeli government visit the compound, and make inflammatory claims about Israeli control of the site, without triggering a major response - at least not in the West Bank.

"We told the American administration many times that the pressure would definitely lead to some sort of reaction," said the senior Fatah leader, Sabri Saidam. "But no-one anticipated that the reaction would come from Gaza."

A map illustration showing the wider region of Israel, the occupied West Bank, Gaza, Tel Aviv and Jordan. Gaza and the occupied West Bank are highlighted in red, and show the locations of Jenin, Jerusalem and Nablus.

Where the West Bank goes from here depends partly on what follows the war in Gaza.

That transition is likely to be a precarious time for the West Bank, with hopes of a unified Palestinian leadership - possibly opening the door to talks on a future Palestinian state - clashing with the opposition of Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu.

And lifting restrictions imposed by Israel after the attacks - separating Palestinian and settler vehicles on some roads, for example - could prompt a spike in friction.

But a sustained uprising, of the kind seen two decades ago, will likely require a change in the policy of the West Bank's main political movement - and possibly even a change in its leader.

"It seems Fatah remains critical for an uprising to happen," Dr Shikaki told me. "And as long as Fatah and the security services are not directly involved in the preparation for such an intifada, it seems highly unlikely we'll see one emerging.

"I don't yet see Fatah or the security services on the verge of a turning point," he continued. "But we're moving in that direction."

Others point to the dwindling faith in Palestinian politics to provide peace, a state, or just a better life.

"If we had anything on the political agenda, things could go quiet," Raed Debiy told me. "But I'm not sure with this right-wing [Israeli] government whether there is anything solid on the table - so the only scenario I see is explosion. It's just a matter of time."

More from the Israel Gaza briefings

The status quo is smashed. The future is messy and dangerous

Bowen: US sets clearer red lines for Israel as ceasefire ends


The polls are clear: While at war with Israel, Hamas defeated Abbas and Fatah

Stephan Miller
Fri, December 15, 2023 

The polls are clear: While at war with Israel, Hamas defeated Abbas and Fatah

Fewer things are more certain to drive the news cycle in Brussels, Washington DC or Jerusalem than a new poll, yet not enough attention has been given to Israeli and Palestinian polling since the 7 October Hamas massacre in Israel.

Policymakers need to understand what the public thinks "beyond the beltway" or "outside the Tel Aviv bubble".

In developing foreign policy goals for the day after the Israel-Hamas war, the US and European allies simply can’t ignore what Israelis and Palestinians really think.

Recent polling shows that Palestinians are long done with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and are now ready for Hamas leadership in both Gaza and the West Bank, while Israelis are certain of the need to eliminate the Hamas terrorist organisation once and for all — militarily and politically.
Toppling Hamas priority number one, Israelis say

The million-dollar question for policymakers about the Israel-Hamas war is: who will govern Gaza at the end of it?

Israeli and Palestinian public opinion couldn’t be more divergent, and this chasm in public opinion reveals a deeper challenge for the future of the region.

A survey of the Israeli public (including Jews and Arabs) conducted between 19-20 November by the independent Israel Democracy Institute asked: “On a scale from 1=not at all important to 5=very important, how would you grade the importance of [...] toppling the Hamas regime in Gaza and destroying its political and military infrastructures?”

The vast majority of the Israeli public (75%) said it was “very important” to topple the Hamas regime in Gaza, including a near-universal 87% of Israeli Jews.


Israeli troops are seen near the Gaza Strip border, December 2023 - AP Photo/Ohad Zwigenberg

The vast majority of the Israeli public (75%) said it was “very important” to topple the Hamas regime in Gaza, including a near-universal 87% of Israeli Jews.

This is understandable not only because of the 7 October massacre but also based on Hamas' founding charter, which calls for the death of Jews (Article 7) and jihad as the solution for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Article 13).

Israel Hamas war: US and Israel agree conflict will take months to reach conclusion


EU mulls sanctioning violent Israeli settlers, tougher restrictions on Hamas

Yet for Hamas, support from Palestinians has only risen since the 7 October massacre. In fact, Hamas is now perceived as the most deserving group to lead Palestinians.
Among Palestinians, Hamas' popularity skyrockets

The independent Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR) conducted a survey of Palestinians across the West Bank and Gaza from 6-9 September and again from 22 November through 2 December.

When asked in September “who was most deserving to represent and lead the Palestinian people,” just 27% said Hamas, 24% said Abbas’ party Fatah, and 44% said neither.

As of this month, a majority (54%) say Hamas, with 13% saying Fatah, and 26% saying neither.



Hamas' support isn’t exclusively due to the war it launched against Israel. The sheer hatred of President Abbas amongst Palestinians can’t be ignored.

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas walks towards the podium to address the 78th session of the United Nations General Assembly, September 2023 - AP Photo/Craig Ruttle

Hamas' support isn’t exclusively due to the war it launched against Israel. The sheer hatred of President Abbas amongst Palestinians can’t be ignored.

Between 76% and 80% of Palestinians consistently said they were “dissatisfied” with Abbas’ performance as PA President in polls conducted in March, June, and September of this year. The number of Palestinians dissatisfied with Abbas rose to 85% this month.

Similarly, between 77% and 80% of Palestinians said Abbas should resign from office in March, June and September of this year. Today, 88% of Palestinians demand his resignation while 12% say he should remain in office.
Fatah no more

Which leads to the most alarming and obvious finding. The Palestinian Authority is the internationally recognised organisation that represents the Palestinian people and serves as the governing authority of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza.

Prior to the 7 October massacre, in a hypothetical election for president of the Palestinian Authority between incumbent Abbas and Hamas Chairman Ismail Haniyeh, Abbas would have lost to Haniyeh, 37% to 58%.

Now, polling released this month shows a landslide victory for Hamas Chairman Ismail Haniyeh, earning 78% of the vote to Abbas’ 16%.

Mahmoud Abbas, who is 82, re-elected as Palestinian president

Thus the challenge to Gaza’s future governance is clear: Israelis are set on destroying Hamas militarily and politically while Palestinians are set on elevating it.

When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed earlier this week to block Abbas from gaining control of Gaza after the war, he was repeating what the Palestinian public already believes: Mahmoud Abbas is not the answer to Gaza’s future.

Stephan Miller is an American-Israeli Emmy, Pollie, and SABRE award-winning admaker and pollster, and partner at CreoStrat. He has worked for Democratic campaigns in the US for president, Senate, governor and mayor, as well as for the Israeli centrist Kulanu party, the Israeli Labour Party, and former Mayor of Jerusalem Nir Barkat, among others.

Is Israel’s War in Gaza Strengthening Hamas?
SLATE
Fred Kaplan
Fri, December 15, 2023


A new poll shows that Palestinian support for Hamas has grown significantly in the West Bank since the war with Israel began 10 weeks ago. The finding suggests that the stated goal of Israel’s invasion and bombing of Gaza—to destroy Hamas as a political and military force that can never again threaten Israel as it did on Oct. 7, murdering 1,200 Jews—may be unachievable. And even if many militant leaders and fighters are killed, the death and destruction inflicted by Israel’s army and air force may just be strengthening Hamas in the future.

More than 18,000 Palestinians have been killed in the war so far, according to the Gaza Health Ministry (the number includes an unknown number of militant fighters), and almost 1.9 million civilians—80 percent of Gaza’s population—have been displaced from their homes.

According to the poll, which was released on Wednesday, support for Hamas among Palestinians in Gaza has risen since September from 38 percent to 42 percent. Among Palestinians in the West Bank, it has surged from 12 percent to 44 percent. (The poll of 1,231 Palestinians was taken by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research between Nov. 22 and Dec. 2 and is said to have a 4 percent margin of error.)

Israelis may take some assurance from the finding that less than half of the Palestinians in the territories support Hamas—and that this support has risen hardly at all in Gaza, which Hamas controls. In fact, the findings lend some credence to anecdotal reports that many Gazans blame Hamas at least as much as Israel for their present plight. The pollsters also add: “It is worth noting that support for Hamas usually rises temporarily during or immediately after a war and then returns to the previous level several months after the end of the war.”

Even so, the sharp rise of pro-Hamas sentiment in the West Bank is alarming. Hamas has no official standing in those territories; the Palestinians there are relatively moderate. Fatah, the ruling party of the Palestinian Authority, which is headquartered there, has long recognized the right of Israel to exist.

The new poll suggests that a peaceful settlement will be much harder to reach. Fatah’s leader, Mahmoud Abbas, is widely viewed as decrepit, corrupt, and ineffectual—92 percent of West Bankers surveyed want him to resign (up 10 percent since September). Rising support for Hamas’ more militant approach may be a response to the drastic spurt of violence—murders, beatings, and burnings of property—committed by Jewish settlers against longtime Palestinian residents. Biden has recently imposed a visa ban on some of these violent settlers, but Netanyahu has done nothing. The ultranationalist minister of national security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, who oversees the Israeli police in the West Bank, has even distributed rifles to the extremist settlers. (Some of the rifles may have come from the United States, which is why Biden has stopped the latest pending delivery.)

The war, which has sparked massive protests around the world, is straining U.S.–Israeli relations, even among the Jewish state’s otherwise strong supporters. President Joe Biden, while upholding Israel’s right to self-defense, has urged Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu many times to minimize civilian casualties. U.S. national security adviser Jake Sullivan, meeting in Jerusalem on Thursday, told Defense Minister Yoav Gallant that Israel had to wrap up the “high-intensity” phase of the war in a matter of “weeks.” Gallant replied that defeating Hamas would take “more than a few months.” U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken warned Israeli officials earlier this month that international support—already diminishing—might not last as long as months.

In what may be the most eyebrow-raising indicator of tensions between the two countries, Democratic Rep. Steve Cohen, a Jewish lawmaker and prominent supporter of Israel who has close ties with Biden, tweeted on Thursday, “Netanyahu has gone way too far,” and “the bombing must be greatly limited or Israel will be without its last real friend, the USA & Joe Biden. The President is finished with Bibi’s Putin-like no holds barred war.”

At least so far, Israeli leaders seem to be waving off the pressure. Perhaps they don’t take it seriously. Except for halting the delivery of 20,000 M16 rifles, Biden has done nothing to stem the flow of larger weapons to Israel; nor has he scaled back the $14 billion worth of additional military aid that he requested last month along with $60 billion in various forms of aid for Ukraine.

In a statement released after the meeting with Sullivan, Netanyahu said that Israel will continue fighting “until victory and the achievement of the common goals, which are, first and foremost, the elimination of Hamas, the release of all the hostages, the dismantling of Hamas’ military capabilities, and the end of its rule in Gaza.”

No one, least of all Netanyahu, has explained how Israel can achieve all of those goals without killing many tens of thousands more Palestinian civilians—or how they can achieve those goals at all.

Biden has endorsed a two-state solution and has hopes that a revived Palestinian Authority might govern Gaza after Hamas is ousted. Netanyahu doesn’t want a two-state solution and doesn’t want to cede the security of Gaza to any Palestinians. This is yet another reason for his insistence on continuing—even stepping up—the war. It is also aggravating tensions—even threatening a rupture—between Jerusalem and Washington.

Biden said at a private gathering on Tuesday night that the far-right members of Netanyahu’s government have to go. But when it comes to the goals of the war in Gaza, there seems to be little space between Netanyahu and the two voting members of his unity war cabinet—Defense Minister Gallant and former Deputy Prime Minister Benny Gantz—who are centrists. Netanyahu is almost certain to lose power in the next election, whenever that takes place—but even if he were somehow to leave office now, Israel’s war policy is unlikely to change much.

That being the case, what happens next? If Israel keeps up the “high-intensity” phase of the war not for weeks, as Biden has requested, but for “several months,” as Gallant insists, what, if anything, does Biden do?

And what happens to the 135 remaining hostages in Gaza, some of whom may be in Hamas’ tunnels, some of which Israeli troops are starting to flood with seawater? Some Israelis, especially the families of hostages, are urging Netanyahu to secure their release, no matter what compromises in the war this might require. Politics within Israel are on the verge of rupturing, too.