Saturday, June 13, 2026

Different Characteristics Of Innovation In China And The United States – Analysis

June 13, 2026 
 Anbound
By Yang Xite

Recently, the story of a group of young Chinese footballers has sent shockwaves through the Chinese football community. Dong Lu, a former journalist, took a group of teens to Europe to compete in youth tournaments. Across Italy, they went head-to-head with the youth academies of established European clubs like Everton and Fiorentina. In contrast to the usual narrative surrounding China’s national team, these boys were not defeated. Instead, they won match after match, charging through the brackets to ultimately capture the tournament “championship” of amateur competitions. Even more fascinatingly, the team’s young talent, Li Haoyan, caught the eye of European scouts and officially signed with Barcelona’s La Masia U15 academy, making him the first Chinese teen in history to formally enter its ranks. La Masia is the cradle of global football icons like Lionel Messi, Xavi Hernández, and Andrés Iniesta. For a Chinese child to gain admission is proof in itself that, by the metrics of the European youth training system, he has what it takes, and that Dong Lu’s success is sound.

The reason this story is so captivating is not only because it is a rare piece of heartening news for Chinese football. Instead, it also exposes the deepest, most systemic flaws of the sport in China. For a long time, Chinese football has spent immense capital, built countless training bases, drafted endless blueprints, and convened innumerable meetings to produce concepts and ideas. Yet, the project that has finally offered a glimmer of genuine hope is one completely outside the official institutions, spearheaded by an outsider journalist.

As a former journalist, Dong Lu is far from being a conventional professional coach. In fact, establishment insiders have repeatedly targeted him, fixating on his lack of a formal coaching license. The irony, however, is that he led these teens into European grassroots youth tournaments, where the organizers do not really look at official certificates. Instead, they focus on how the youths actually play, whether the tournament is well-run, and whether everyone respects the rules. Under those exact conditions, this group of Chinese kids played hard and brought home trophies. Critics who obsess over bureaucratic licensing have attempted to disrupt live broadcasts through reporting to the authorities, yet this only creates the impression that procedural technicalities are being weaponized to target grassroots vitality. Such behavior is unseemly and does not encourage the pluralistic experimentations that the Chinese football world so desperately needs.


This reflects a broader pattern in China where those who do not really perform are from the orthodox establishment, while those who actually get things done find themselves micro-managed as targets of regulatory scrutiny. The former more often than not turn regulations, laws, and compliance into exclusionary tools, transforming credentials and certifications into barriers to entry for their exclusive circles. Under this kind of order, collective decay is deemed compliant, while individual achievement must be penalized. Such a system does not foster national progress. Rather, it entrenches vested interests through grassroots fragmentation, protecting the privileges of the few by dismantling the potential of the whole.

The true significance of Dong Lu’s case lies not in whether it is flawless, but in how it bypassed the highly inefficient traditional pathways of Chinese football. By leveraging grassroots organization, market-driven communication, and overseas competition, it has forged a uniquely Chinese path of innovation. It shares a similar logic with the Jiangsu Football City League, which enjoyed explosive popularity before leveling off. Neither was a carefully engineered project born in an institutional boardroom, as both sprouted organically from grassroots demand and public sentiment. The only difference is that while the Jiangsu Football City League’s momentum remained largely at the level of viral internet sensation, Dong Lu’s team could carry far greater weight if they can successfully crystallize a sustainable mechanism for player development.


This is true for football and for sports in general, but it is also the case for the economic sphere. More often than not, the most vibrant forces in China do not emerge from meticulously structured top-down planning, but rather from the fringes of the system, the cracks in the market, and grassroots experimentation. This is the defining characteristic of “Chinese-style innovation”. By contrast, “American-style innovation” relies on technological integration. It thrives on a peerless reservoir of technology and talent. Elon Musk can achieve monumental feats simply by drawing upon these ready resources. Meanwhile, China’s elite institutions like Tsinghua and Peking University rely on importing professors back from the U.S., possessing little foundational technology of their own. These professors struggle to write original papers, occasionally resorting to academic fraud just to get by. Therefore, completely unlike its American counterpart, Chinese-style innovation has always depended on breaking through from the periphery, overtaking on corners, and deeply mining latent potential. This means there is an entirely different path dependency, where success is driven not by scale or rigid order, but by the agility and boldness of “Chinese Elon Musks”.

The Chinese system undoubtedly has its strengths. It excels at mobilizing immense resources for major national undertakings, demonstrating powerful organizational and mobilization capabilities across infrastructure, industrial supply chains, social coordination, and national strategy. When the strategy is sound and the direction is right, it can project formidable strategic influence on the global stage and elevate China’s standing. However, the approach of mobilizing the whole nation for major projects cannot be universally applied, nor should it be used to lock down specific domains under official pretexts. The central government has never suggested that anyone can deploy state-level mobilization at a whim, let alone invoke national efforts without delivering meaningful results. Too often, the process of mobilization merely fragments into bureaucratic powers over approvals, resource allocation, certification, and interpretation. When it comes to major projects, at time there will be challenges and shifting external conditions. Over time, genuine Chinese-style innovation diminishes in the face of these institutional walls. While there are breakthroughs in American-style innovation, the Chinese counterpart frequently reverts to national mobilization, yet whether the next major breakthrough will actually materialize remains entirely uncertain.


Such is the major difference between the American and the Chinese-style innovation. Historically, Chinese-style innovation manifests primarily as institutional innovation, which is a practical outcome driven by a culture and spirit of breaking through barriers.

China is full of highly capable minds. Though individuals may not match the singular profile of an Elon Musk, their collective efforts create a massive force where quantity breeds scale, and scale builds systemic momentum capable of achieving extraordinary things. The bottleneck in the current economic climate is not a lack of innovative ideas among Chinese people, but rather that many ideas are deterred by institutional boundaries before they can ever be validated. It is not that Chinese entrepreneurs lack ingenuity, but that they must expend immense energy navigating policy, securing approvals, managing relationships, and ensuring they do not step out of line. Consequently, whenever Chinese-style innovation manages to break free from these institutional constraints, the market invariably finds a way, proving that the grassroots possess no shortage of talent and businesses possess no shortage of creativity.

ANBOUND’s founder, Kung Chan, suggests that the core of Chinese-style innovation often lies not in playing by the book but in allowing a certain number of people to think outside the box. The very essence of reform is to break away from established scripts. If everyone follows the standard playbook, strategic direction becomes meaningless, as routine compliance would suffice to avoid major errors.

Of course, breaking away from conventional scripts does not mean abandoning rules entirely. The real question is whether rules are designed to unleash productivity or to constrain it, which gets to the heart of the tension between deregulation and control. For the Chinese young footballers competing in Europe, matters involving safety, minor protection, contractual rights, and financial transparency naturally fall under the necessity of being controlled. However, if their achievements and the broader exploration of grassroots youth training are dismissed simply because Dong Lu lacks a conventional coaching certificate, that points to a failure of deregulation, indeed a deeply narrow-minded approach.

The same applies to the economic domain. The pressures currently facing the Chinese economy cannot be resolved simply by having more meetings or issuing more official documents. Local government budgets are strained, the real estate market is undergoing adjustments, platform debt pressures are mounting, consumer recovery remains sluggish, and corporate profit margins are being squeezed, all while the external trade environment is fraught with uncertainty. Under these circumstances, the force capable of truly revitalizing the Chinese economy remains the corporate sector, particularly private enterprises. China’s ability to maintain resilient export strength despite a high exchange rate, intense external competition, and geopolitical pressures is not the result of administrative directives. It is driven by countless private enterprises fighting tooth and nail for every single order in the global marketplace. They slash costs, optimize manufacturing processes, chase down clients, pivot to alternative markets, pioneer cross-border e-commerce, and restructure supply chains. While these efforts may not seem grand or high-tech on paper, they constitute the genuine lifeblood of economic vitality.


If this vitality is forced into a rigid institutional mold that demands everyone to operate under the same template, the same bureaucratic processes, and the same official rhetoric, then the economy will gradually lose its resilience due to excessive control and a lack of freedom. This balance between control and deregulation is precisely what Mr. Kung Chan addressed in his previous conceptualization of “Structural Socialism”. It is not a simplistic debate over whether more government involvement or more market participation is inherently better. Rather, it focuses on the developmental structure of the entire economic entity. It addresses which areas require concentrated state power and which require open competition. This is about which sectors demand a state-backed safety net and which should be left to market trial-and-error, and which stages require unified rules versus those that allow local governments and enterprises to explore on their own. When this type of structure is properly established, productivity can be unleashed on a massive scale. Conversely, if this structure is flawed, even the most abundant resources will simply be wasted within the bureaucracy.

All in all, the defining element of Chinese-style innovation is its willingness to deviate from conventions. Naturally, those who rely entirely on usual rules to maintain their positions will find this unsettling. When an outsider wins by ignoring the script, it exposes the fact that the established playbook is far from inviolable. When those outside the circle succeed, the monopoly of those within it begins to fracture. This holds true for football, for sports, and for the broader trajectory of economic development.


Final analysis conclusion:


The key to innovation in China is not only technical breakthroughs, but also whether the developmental structure can truly open up. By building an adaptive socio-economic architecture, China can resolve the tension between control and deregulation, clarify its institutional boundaries, and allow its true productive forces to fully flourish.


Yang Xite is a Research Fellow at ANBOUND, an independent think tank.

About Anbound
Anbound Consulting (Anbound) is an independent Think Tank with the headquarter based in Beijing. Established in 1993, Anbound specializes in public policy research, and enjoys a professional reputation in the areas of strategic forecasting, policy solutions and risk analysis. Anbound's research findings are widely recognized and create a deep interest within public media, academics and experts who are also providing consulting service to the State Council of China.
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China-ASEAN Blue Economy Common Market: Pursuing Maritime Cooperation And Ocean Governance In The Evolving Global Geopolitical Landscape – Analysis

June 13, 2026 
By Rommel C. Banlaoi


Building a China–ASEAN Blue Economy Common Market is a strategic, developmental, and geopolitical endeavor, as it directly addresses issues of maritime cooperation and ocean governance in shaping the future of Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The seas serve as lifelines for trade, energy, and connectivity, and their sustainable management is essential to regional prosperity. By advancing collaborative frameworks in fisheries, shipping, marine conservation, and disaster response, China and ASEAN, through the Blue Economy Common Market, can transform the ocean into a shared domain of peace and development.

The Asia-Pacific has emerged as the epicenter of global power competition. Maritime disputes, freedom of navigation, and resource exploitation underscore the urgent need for cooperative governance mechanisms. We are living in an era of strategic uncertainty shaped by a major power transition and the contest for influence across critical sea lanes. The global order is no longer unipolar as it is evolving into a multipolar, fluid, and contested system driven by the phenomenal rise of China, India, and other emerging powers.

In this shifting landscape, a Blue Economy Common Market, anchored in maritime cooperation and ocean governance, could serve as a stabilizing force, offering a vision of shared prosperity amid geopolitical flux.

Great Power Rivalry

The United States and China are now locked in a rivalry that spans trade, technology, security, and ideology. The European Union and other major powers are also asserting influence. Regional organizations like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are striving to maintain centrality amidst many regional security challenges in both traditional and non-traditional fields.

Economically, global growth is slowing as a consequence of US-Iran War. Supply chains are being restructured because of various regional trade arrangements like the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA). Technological bifurcation is accelerating due to US-China major power competition. The COVID-19 pandemic already exposed global vulnerabilities in logistics. Now, climate change and energy transitions are reshaping industries worldwide.

Maritime cooperation and ocean governance in Southeast Asia through the Blue Economy Common Market present both urgent risks and transformative opportunities. Fragmentation and great power competition threaten to destabilize the region, while environmental pressures such as overfishing and climate change compound these challenges. These overlapping risks underscore the need for collective action and highlight the vulnerability of Southeast Asia’s maritime domain to both geopolitical and ecological stressors.

Yet ASEAN’s centrality offers a way to stability, enabling the bloc to act as a convenor that promotes dialogue, integration, and sustainable development. Through initiatives like the Blue Economy Common Market, ASEAN can transform contested maritime spaces into cooperative zones, harmonizing regulations, fostering joint research, and advancing ocean industries. In doing so, ASEAN, in collaboration with China, strengthens resilience, protects ecosystems, and positions itself as a global leader in ocean governance.

Impacts of the Blue Economy Common Market

The China–ASEAN Blue Economy Common Market represents a transformative vision for maritime cooperation, where nations treat ocean resources as shared endowments requiring protection and sustainable use. By integrating industries such as fisheries, shipping, tourism, and renewable energy, the initiative seeks to diversify regional economies beyond traditional manufacturing. This diversification not only strengthens resilience but also fosters innovation in marine biotechnology, aquaculture, and green shipping technologies.

The Common Market’s emphasis on supply chain stability is important. By encouraging joint investment in ports, shipping networks, and digital maritime infrastructure, the framework builds shared capacity to withstand future shocks. Whether disruptions arise from geopolitical tensions or global crises, coordinated maritime connectivity ensures smoother trade flows and greater resilience. This collective approach transforms vulnerabilities into opportunities for stronger regional integration.

Finally, the initiative advances a deeper sense of interdependence between China and ASEAN, reinforcing a vision of a shared future in the Indo-Pacific. By incorporating cooperation into ocean governance and economic development, the Common Market strengthens trust, reduces conflict potential, and promotes collective security. In doing so, it positions maritime cooperation not merely as an economic strategy but as a cornerstone of sustainable development and long-term regional stability.

Challenges Ahead

However, the journey forward is full of challenges because of several interrelated factors.

Geopolitical rivalries, particularly the intensifying U.S.–China competition, may cast the Common Market as a strategic alignment, which in turn could invite counterbalancing measures from other global powers. Economic uncertainties also loom large, as inflation, energy transitions, and technological decoupling threaten to disrupt maritime industries and undermine stability. Environmental pressures add another layer of complexity, with climate change and ecological degradation posing significant risks to sustainability and long-term resilience. Finally, institutional limits within ASEAN’s consensus-driven model may slow progress, while differing national interests could complicate efforts at harmonization and collective action.

These challenges underscore the strong need for strategic foresight, institutional innovation, and confidence‑building measures among participating economies.

The Philippines as a Bridge

In this context, the Philippines occupies a unique geopolitical position. As a treaty ally of the United States and a close neighbor of China, the Philippines can serve as an important bridge in U.S.–China great power relations. This bridging role is crucial to creating a conducive geopolitical environment for the success of the China‑ASEAN Blue Economy Common Market.

The Philippines can also advance ASEAN’s centrality by syncing maritime cooperation and ocean governance into its regional strategy, ensuring it is not forced into difficult choices between major powers. This means initiating trilateral dialogues with China and the United States on maritime security and economic cooperation, while also promoting joint blue economy projects such as sustainable fisheries management, renewable energy ventures, and marine biodiversity protection. These initiatives would highlight the Philippines’ role as a bridge-builder, reduce tensions, and demonstrate leadership in balancing ecological sustainability with economic growth.

At the same time, Manila can pursue confidencebuilding measures in the South China Sea, including cooperative marine environmental protection, disaster response coordination, and joint scientific research. By leveraging ASEAN platforms, the Philippines can institutionalize U.S.–China engagement in ways that support regional stability and economic integration.

Alignment with the Code of Conduct

It is very important to align the China‑ASEAN Blue Economy Common Market with the ongoing negotiation and eventual conclusion of the Code of Conduct (COC) in the South China Sea. The COC serves as a confidence‑building mechanism that can provide the normative foundation for cooperative maritime development.

By synchronizing the Blue Economy initiative with the COC, China and ASEAN can ensure that economic integration is underpinned by rules‑based order, maritime stability, and peaceful dispute management. This alignment will strengthen trust, reduce tensions, and create a secure environment for sustainable economic growth in the region. In this way, the Blue Economy becomes not just an economic vision, but a regional peace‑building strategy.
Key Tasks and Measures

To advance under these conditions, several interconnected tasks are paramount.

First, an institutional framework must be established through the creation of a ChinaASEAN Blue Economy Council. This body would serve as the central mechanism for coordinating policies, setting standards, and resolving disputes, ensuring that cooperation remains structured and effective.

Another important measure is infrastructure connectivity, which involves developing smart ports, green shipping corridors, and digital maritime platforms. These innovations would enhance efficiency, reduce environmental impact, and strengthen regional trade links.

A strong emphasis on sustainability is also essential. This means committing to marine conservation, investing in renewable energy, and pursuing carbon reduction strategies to safeguard ecosystems while supporting long-term economic growth.

To make these ambitions feasible, financial support must be secured. A dedicated Blue Economy Fund could provide resources for small and medium enterprises, foster innovation, and build capacity across the region.

Finally, peopletopeople linkages are vital. Promoting academic exchanges, maritime education, and joint research initiatives would deepen mutual understanding and cultivate the expertise needed to sustain the blue economy for future generations.

Transforming the vision of a China–ASEAN Blue Economy Common Market into reality requires integrating maritime cooperation and ocean governance, while carefully navigating the region’s geopolitical complexities, particularly in the context of the Hainan Free Trade Port.

The Role of Hainan Free Trade Port

Hainan Free Trade Port is strategically positioned at the heart of the South China Sea, serving as a vital gateway to ASEAN. Its location along one of the busiest maritime routes in the world allows it to facilitate shipping, logistics, and cultural exchange, while also playing a role in regional maritime security. This geographic advantage makes Hainan a natural hub for advancing connectivity and cooperation between China and Southeast Asia.

Policy innovations further strengthen Hainan’s role. With preferential tariffs, streamlined customs, and liberalized investment regimes, the port offers a business-friendly environment that attracts global investors and fosters cross-border trade. These measures not only reduce barriers but also create a platform for testing new governance frameworks that can later be scaled across the region.

Economically, Hainan is diversifying into marine biotechnology, ocean tourism, and renewable energy, positioning itself as both an innovation laboratory and a demonstration site for China-ASEAN maritime connectivity. By showcasing sustainable practices and cooperative governance, Hainan can act as a bridge of cooperation, setting standards for ocean governance and maritime collaboration that benefit the wider Asia-Pacific region.


Conclusion


The ChinaASEAN Blue Economy Common Market represents far more than a conventional trade framework. It is also a bold geopolitical vision designed to anchor resilience, sustainability, and integration across Asia’s maritime sphere. By weaving together economic cooperation with ocean governance, it seeks to transform the IndoPacific into a zone defined not by rivalry but by collaboration. Its urgent mission is to craft a maritime future that is cooperative, sustainable, and inclusive, one where shared prosperity flows from the responsible stewardship of oceans and seas.



Updated and revised version of a Plenary Speech delivered at the China-ASEAN Blue Economy Cooperation Dialogue: Building a Strategic Hub for the China-ASEAN Blue Economy Big Common Market — The Strategic Task of “Creating a New Maritime Hainan” hosted by Hainan Institute for Free Trade Port Studies, China Oceanic Development Foundation, and China Foreign Affairs University with the support of China Institute for Reform and Development (CIRD) and co-organized by Hainan Reform and Development Research Foundation and Huayang Center for Maritime Cooperation and Ocean Governance held in Haikou, Hanan, China on 10 May 2026.


About Rommel C. Banlaoi
Rommel C. Banlaoi, PhD is the Chairman of the Philippine Institute for Peace, Violence and Terrorism Research (PIPVTR) and President of the Philippine Society for International Security Studies (PSISS). He is currently a Non-Resident Fellow of the Huayang Center for Maritime Cooperation and Ocean Governance and member of the Board of Directors of China Southeast Research Center on the South China Sea (CSARC) and Director of Philippines-China Studies Center. He served as the President of the Philippine Association for Chinese Studies (PACS) and member of the Management Board of the World Association for Chinese Studies (WACS).

View all posts by Rommel C. Banlaoi →

Despite Court Protection Orders, Trump Admin Deports Refugees to War-Torn Central African Republic, Putting ‘Lives at Risk’

“It’s hard to fathom how deeply evil this is,” said Sen. Chris Murphy.




Central African Republic soldiers and Tanzanian peacekeepers of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) patrol during a joint operation near Carnot on May 25, 2026.
(Photo by Pacome PABANDJI / AFP via Getty Images)


Stephen Prager
Jun 12, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

The US government advises Americans not to travel to the Central African Republic “for any reason.” But it just deported nearly two dozen people to the war-torn country, including several refugees who fled persecution in other nations.

On Friday morning, Human Rights First’s deportation flight tracker reported that a plane used by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) had landed in Accra, Ghana, after departing from Louisiana the previous day and was believed to be en route to the CAR’s capital, Bangui.

Per The New York Times on Thursday, the administration was preparing to deport “at least two Iranian women who had sought refuge in the United States” as well as “migrants from Afghanistan and Syria.”

According to their lawyers, several of the migrants had received court orders from judges prohibiting their deportation to their home countries, citing the risk of persecution there.

A lawyer for one of the Iranian women told the Times that neither of them has a criminal record and that they both have been granted court protection due to fear of threats to their freedom or lives if they returned to Iran. One is a Christian convert, and the other is a pro-democracy activist.

According to Reuters, just the activist ended up on the flight from Louisiana. But the Christian woman is still at risk, along with another Iranian national.



The burden of proof to receive what is known as a “withholding of removal” status from an immigration judge is even higher than that needed for migrants to qualify for asylum.

Those seeking their deportations to be halted must demonstrate that it’s more likely than not that their life or freedom would be threatened if they returned to a specific country due to their race, religion, nationality, or political or social affiliation.

In order to get around orders protecting these migrants from deportation to their home countries, the administration is instead dumping them in what have been described as “third countries.”

The flight departed on Thursday is the first US deportation flight to the CAR, which is one of the poorest countries in the world and is reeling from a civil war that’s displaced more than a million people both inside and outside the country.

The country is under the State Department’s highest travel advisory, warning US citizens not to go there “due to risk of unrest, crime, kidnapping, landmines, health, and terrorism.”



“People on this flight proved to a judge that they were likely to be persecuted in their home countries,” said Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, a senior fellow at the American Immigration Council. “This is profoundly unjust.”

Human rights law experts Anjli Parrin and Savi Arvey wrote on Wednesday for Just Security that the administration was putting “lives at risk” by sending these migrants to a dangerous country where they know nobody and where basic healthcare infrastructure hardly exists.

They said the administration’s deportation of these migrants “is the latest example of its dangerous and potentially life-threatening strategy: using secretive deals with countries to expel asylum seekers and migrants with no legal or personal connection to the places where they are being sent.”

“Since early last year, the US government has signed a growing number of third-country forced transfer agreements with over 30 countries worldwide to expel and deport people to places where they have no legal or personal ties,” they said.

“These deportations are often carried out in secrecy and without any semblance of due process,” they added. “Individuals are often not given any advance warning or the opportunity to challenge their deportation to a third country—with many only discovering they are being sent to a country they may have never heard of while airborne.”

Emily Trostle, a lawyer for the Iranian activist, told Reuters that the migrants facing deportation to the CAR “have absolutely no connection to this place.”

“These individuals are being removed from the United States and abandoned in a country where they have no status, no connection, and no support network,” she said. “We fear they will ultimately be forced to return to the countries they originally fled.”

According to Human Rights First’s Third Country Deportation Watch, governments around the world have been given $44 million from US taxpayers to receive these migrants. More than 19,000 people, it found, have been deported across 24 countries.

Most of them have been sent to Mexico, but the US has also shipped migrants to some of the poorest, most unstable nations in sub-Saharan Africa, including Eswatini, Equatorial Guinea, and Sierra Leone. Many have faced arbitrary detention and torture or been returned to the country where they fled persecution.

In order to avoid having to allow over 1,000 Afghans who fought alongside US soldiers to settle as refugees in the US as planned, the Trump administration is reportedly trying to ink a deal with the Democratic Republic of the Congo to take them instead, but the plan was stalled amid public backlash, and the administration is seeking other options.


The Iranian American Legal Defense Fund said on Thursday that the deportation of Iranian nationals was a “potentially fatal action,” as they could face danger in the CAR or be sent back to Iran.

Another person scheduled to be deported to the CAR was an elderly man from Syria, whose immigration attorney, Margaret Stock, told the Times that he had scars all over his body due to torture in his home country.

He is a Sufi Muslim and feared persecution if he returned there, and is in danger of lacking access to care for his diabetes if sent to the CAR. According to Stock, he received an emergency temporary order halting his deportation.

Sen. Chris Murphy (Conn.), the ranking Democrat on the subcommittee in charge of funding for the Department of Homeland Security and its immigration agencies, responded to the Times report on the deportations with outrage.

“It’s hard to fathom how deeply evil this is, and that we have people running our country who get sick pleasure from sending women fleeing violence in Iran to an African country in the middle of a brutal civil war,” he said.

Reichlin-Melnick agreed: “Evil is the right word for... taking people who are safe in the United States, who have proven to a judge they would be persecuted in their home country, and dumping them in a random country in the middle of a civil war.”

“No previous administration would have done this, despite it likely being legal,” he added.

US flight carrying deported migrants lands in Central African Republic


The first plane carrying Iranian, Afghan, Turkish and Georgian migrants deported from the United States arrived in Bangui in the Central African Republic on Friday evening as part of a controversial US programme to send undocumented foreigners – some of whom have legal protections – to third countries. The Central African Republic is the latest country to join the list of African nations that have agreed to accept people deported from the US.


Issued on: 13/06/2026 
By: FRANCE 24

A general view shows part of the capital Bangui, Central African Republic on February 16, 2016. © Siegfried Modola, Reuters

A US deportation flight landed in the Central African Republic on Friday, lawyers and activists said, carrying nationals from Iran, Afghanistan, Turkey and Georgia as part of the latest "third-country" deportation under US President Donald Trump.

Deportations of people – including those with legal protections – to countries where they have no links have become a staple Trump's expanded crackdown on immigration.

The US State Department advisory for the impoverished, violence-wracked Central African Republic reads: "Do not travel to Central African Republic for any reason."


Eye on Africa: Migrants deported from US stuck in DRC
Cover image: © France 24
01:49



Trump has described Iran, with whom Washington is currently at war, as a "terrorist regime" but is nonetheless deporting nationals who have fled the country, including at least two Iranian women slated for the flight, their lawyer said.

The Iranians had been granted "withholding of removal" – a status that carries weaker rights than asylum but has been considered a "win" in immigration court under previous administrations.

"We fear they will ultimately be forced to return to the countries they originally fled," as has repeatedly happened with other deportees sent across Africa, their attorney, Emily Trostle, told AFP.

The flight took off from Alexandria, Louisiana, on Thursday evening, according to the ICE Flight Monitor, affiliated with non-profit Human Rights First.

It then made a scheduled stopover in Ghana – which is itself a hub for third-country deportations – Friday afternoon and landed in Central African capital Bangui around 2100 GMT.

It was unclear if some people were to be taken off the plane in Ghana or if they were all sent to the Central African Republic, said Alma David, a US immigration lawyer familiar with the case.

Ghanaian immigration authorities did not respond to a request for comment.

She said those headed to the Central African Republic "are mainly withholding grantees from a variety of countries, including Iran, Afghanistan, Turkey, Georgia".

In recent years, a United Nations peacekeeping mission, Rwandan troops and Russian mercenaries have helped to improve the Central African Republic's security situation.

But anti-government fighters and armed groups are still present throughout the unstable, mineral-rich country.

Previous allegations of abuse

As part of its crackdown, the Trump administration has expanded who is targeted for deportation and where they can be sent.

Washington has argued it is only barred from sending people with "withholding of removal" to their country of origin – and thus can send them anywhere else, even if those countries then send them home.

Deportees and lawyers have described unsanitary holding conditions in Ghana and indefinite detention in Eswatini, among other alleged abuses.

Failed American dream: Deportees restart their lives in Guatemala
Cover image: FOCUS © FRANCE 24
05:40

From Ghana and Equatorial Guinea, another African hub, some people have been sent back home to countries in which US judges ruled they faced danger.

It was not clear what would happen to the deportees upon arrival in the Central African Republic.

It appears to be Bangui's first accord with Washington, which has made a slew of opaque deportation deals in Africa and elsewhere.

"We don't know if these migrants who are coming to and will be received on Central African soil are in transit or if they are entitled to apply for asylum," Paul Crescent Beninga, a political scientist and civil society leader, told AFP.

"The government doesn't want to provide any answers, the government isn't communicating."

A State Department spokesman said "we remain unwavering in our commitment to end illegal and mass immigration" but did not answer questions about the terms of the deal.

Central African authorities did not respond to a request for comment.

"These individuals are being removed from the United States and abandoned in a country where they have no status, no connection and no support network," Trostle said.

Last week, a lawsuit was filed with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights – the continent's top human rights body – to halt US deportations to Equatorial Guinea, a small, authoritarian petro-state that has served as a waystation for African deportees.

The lawsuit also seeks to stop Equatorial Guinea's onward expulsion of the deportees to their home countries.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP)















ciberconflitos.wordpresshttps://ciberconflitos.wordpress.com  › wp-content  › uploads  › 2014  › 12  › hardt_negri_multitude_-war-and-democracy-in-the-age-of-empire.pdf

MULTITUDE WAR AND DEMOCRACY IN THE AGE OF EMPIRE MICHAEL HARDT...

Michael Hardt and Anronio Negri.



What's in the landmark EU migration reform hardening border protections?

Brussels (AFP) – A major reform of European migration rules aimed at hardening border procedures and overhauling the asylum process comes into force on Friday.


Issued on: 12/06/2026 - RFI

Migrants irregularly entering the EU will have their fingerprints taken under new rules coming into force on 12 June. © Aris MESSINIS / AFP

"For the first time we have a comprehensive European system," said the EU's migration chief Magnus Brunner, maintaining the reform would hand EU nations more control over comings and goings.

Here is an overview of the main changes:

Border procedures

Migrants irregularly entering the European Union will undergo identity and security checks in a process lasting up to seven days.

Identity documents and biometric readings of their faces and fingerprints will be recorded in a database.

The screening aims to determine who should receive an accelerated or normal asylum application process, and who should be sent back to their country of origin or transit.

Rights groups complain this will de facto result in most migrants, including children, being detained for the duration of the process.


Fast-track rejection

Asylum-seekers considered a security risk or with lower chances of receiving refugee status – those coming from countries such as Morocco and Bangladesh whose nationals are declined protection in at least 80 percent of cases – will be processed faster.

Their applications would be processed in centres close to the EU's "external borders" – meaning land frontiers, ports and airports – in a process taking up to 12 weeks.

Rights groups say this will in most cases result in a further period of detention and a rushed decision.

For other asylum seekers, the standard procedure will continue to apply.


Solidarity mechanism

Under EU rules, the country in which an irregular migrant first sets foot is responsible for handling their case.

That places stress on Italy, Greece and Malta, which have received the bulk of land and sea arrivals in recent years.

To ease that burden, the reform introduces a solidarity mechanism compelling member states to take in a certain number of asylum-seekers arriving in the outer-rim countries.

Alternatively, they can pay 20,000 euros ($23,000) per asylum-seeker to the countries under pressure.

At least 30,000 asylum-seekers a year will come under this relocation system.

Related negotiations have already proven difficult, with a first round held last year seeing several countries refusing to accept any relocations.

Surge response

The package establishes an emergency response in the event of unexpected migration surges – the same sort of crisis the EU faced in 2015-2016 when more than two million asylum-seekers entered the bloc, many from war-torn Syria and Afghanistan.

It will allow member states to reduce protections for asylum-seekers, making it possible to hold them longer than usually permitted in detention centres on the EU's external borders.

The system will also apply to the so-called "instrumentalisation" of migratory flows – an accusation often levelled at Belarus and Russia, which EU neighbours say push migrants across the border in a bid to destabilise the 27-nation bloc.

Concerns

A dozen member states are yet to finalise preparations, including setting up the necessary infrastructure, to accommodate the new screening procedures.

Others have experienced troubles with the biometric database.

Public opinion has further hardened on migration since the changes were adopted, pushing EU states to demand further action.

A new package of measures aimed at boosting deportations of failed asylum-seekers is currently rushing through the EU's legislative process.

This has added to rights groups' worries that humanitarian concerns were taking the back seat to politics in Europe.

"The Pact takes a sledgehammer to the right to asylum at a time when the world needs Europe more than ever to champion human rights," Judith Sunderland of Human Rights Watch said of the measures coming into force on June 12.
















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MULTITUDE WAR AND DEMOCRACY IN THE AGE OF EMPIRE MICHAEL HARDT...

Michael Hardt and Anronio Negri.





‘Abolish ICE,’ Summer Lee Says After Haitian Immigrant Daphy Michel’s Death Ruled a Homicide

“Rather than pour billions more into the agency that murdered her, we must abolish ICE and build systems rooted in equity and basic human dignity,” said the Pennsylvania Democrat.



Daphy Michel, a Haitian immigrant, died on March 2, 2026, shortly after being released from federal immigration custody.
(Photo via Joseph Murphy)

Jessica Corbett
Jun 12, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

Congresswoman Summer Lee renewed her call to abolish US Immigration and Customs Enforcement on Friday after the Allegheny County Office of the Medical Examiner ruled the death of Daphy Michel, a Haitian immigrant who died after being released from ICE custody, a homicide.

“Michel died on March 2, four days after departing the Washington County Correctional Facility, where she spent six months awaiting a preliminary hearing on misdemeanor charges of terroristic threats and harassment, which were ultimately dismissed,” Pittsburgh’s Public Source reported in April. “She was turned over to Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which fitted her with an ankle bracelet and released her under the agency’s Alternatives to Detention Program.”

The 31-year-old Charleroi resident then “spent around 24 hours across the last two days of her life in sub-freezing weather in a bus shelter on the South Shore,” according to the the outlet, which cited visual records released by Pittsburgh Regional Transit.

The medical examiner’s office said in a Friday statement that she died of hypothermia, and “the opinion of the forensic pathologist in this case is that Ms. Michel was a vulnerable adult, suffering from untreated severe mental health issues, and a significant language barrier when she was released from federal custody.”

“Based on all available information during the investigation, the pathologist ruled Ms. Michel’s death a homicide,” the office said. The finding means “the death was caused by the actions of another individual,” but is “not to be interpreted as a declaration of criminal guilt.”

Emma Federkeil, a spokesperson for Allegheny County District Attorney Stephen A. Zappala Jr., told the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette that the office hasn’t yet seen a copy of the report and opinion.

“As such,” she Federkeil, “we must obtain a copy of the official report and opinion and any and all records relied on by the report, in order to determine the basis for the finding of homicide as the manner of death which requires a finding the death occurred ‘at the hand of another.’”

“As we gather the necessary investigation documentation and reports,” she added, “we cannot comment further.”

ICE is part of the US Department of Homeland Security. In response to the newspaper’s request for comment, DHS acting Assistant Secretary Lauren Bis reiterated the text of a March statement and added that “all illegal aliens who are processed have access to phones to call family, friends, and attorneys.”

Regardless of any criminal charges, Joseph Murphy, an attorney who has represented Michel’s family since her death, told Public Source that he expects a civil lawsuit in the weeks ahead.

Lee (D-Pa.), who has joined other progressives in calling for an end to ICE throughout President Donald Trump’s deadly crackdowns on immigrants across the United States, stressed in a Friday statement that “Daphy Michel was a human being. She happened to be born on the other side of a border, but she was no less worthy of care, safety, and dignity. That should not have been a death sentence. Daphy’s death was preventable and is the result of a violent system that cages people, surveils them, abandons them, dehumanizes them in life, and smears them in death to escape accountability.”

“She deserved care, shelter, language access, and medical support. ICE and every agency that failed her must answer for this,” Lee continued. “And now, as more people die in and around ICE custody, their answer is not transparency, accountability, or care, but to stop reporting the deaths of recently released detainees altogether. We may never know how many more stories like Daphy’s have been hidden by a system built to disappear people. Rather than pour billions more into the agency that murdered her, we must abolish ICE and build systems rooted in equity and basic human dignity.”



As Trump has pursued his mass deportation agenda since returning to office last year, at least dozens of people have died in ICE custody or shortly after being released. Earlier this month, ICE announced that it was rescinding a 2021 Biden administration policy requiring a report to Congress and an investigation any time a detainee died within 30 days of their release.

Following that announcement, the Republican-controlled Congress sent a bill with nearly $70 billion in new DHS funding to Trump’s desk. The legislation, which the president signed on Wednesday, includes $38 billion for ICE and $26 billion for US Customs and Border Protection (CBP).

House Republicans handed ICE and CBP billions more while families struggle to afford rent, groceries, childcare, and healthcare,” Lee said on social media after the chamber’s vote. “Congress shouldn’t be writing blank checks for cruelty while everyday people are being crushed by rising costs.”















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MULTITUDE WAR AND DEMOCRACY IN THE AGE OF EMPIRE MICHAEL HARDT...

Michael Hardt and Anronio Negri.





NATO Can No Longer Treat The Arctic As A Peripheral Concern – Analysis

June 13, 2026 
Arab News
By Luke Coffey

The next NATO Summit is now only weeks away. With no end in sight to Russia’s war with Ukraine and instability continuing in the Middle East between the US and Iran, the leaders of the alliance have a full in-tray. Even so, NATO recently turned its attention to another region, one that it often overlooks: the Arctic.

NATO last week activated its Forward Land Forces battlegroup in the Arctic nation of Finland. The Forward Land Forces are battlegroups of a few thousand soldiers that were created to bolster the alliance’s military presence along its eastern flank after Russia’s annexation of Crimea. Originally, NATO’s forward presence was centered on Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the concept has expanded along the entirety of the alliance’s eastern flank.

After Finland joined NATO in 2023, there was discussion about Helsinki hosting such a battlegroup of its own. This came to fruition only this year. Neighboring Sweden, also a new NATO member and fellow Arctic country, will command the unit. The battlegroup will focus predominantly on warfare in Arctic conditions. Including Finland in the concept marks a major change in NATO’s force posture, not only in the Baltic region but in the Arctic as well.


On the same day that the battlegroup in Finland was activated, NATO announced that an Italian scientific research ship would be sent to the Arctic as part of Task Force X-Arctic. This new task force will operate for 18 months above the Arctic Circle to improve NATO’s situational awareness while testing new technologies. A particular focus will be unmanned systems and how they operate in the Arctic’s harsh environmental conditions.

The fact that the Italian navy will lead this mission is notable. In recent years, there has been an informal divide inside the alliance over where the main threats are coming from. Southern European member states tend to look toward North Africa and the Mediterranean as their primary sources of security concern. Eastern and Northern European members tend to look toward Russia and, increasingly, the Arctic. Having Italy lead this task force shows that a broader consensus is emerging inside NATO about the importance of the High North.

Finally, the US announced the creation of Nordic Bridge, a US-led initiative designed to improve coordination among its combat commands, including US Northern Command, which is primarily responsible for the defense of North America, and US European Command, which oversees US military operations across Europe. The goal is to improve American coordination and response in the Arctic.

For years, the administrative division of the Arctic between NORTHCOM and EUCOM has made it harder for Washington to develop a common and coherent approach to the region. With Nordic Bridge, this should no longer be the case.

The Arctic, rich in energy and critical mineral resources, is growing in strategic importance. NATO’s recent focus on the region reflects a new trend for the alliance. Until recently, it did not formally focus on the Arctic because of internal divisions among member states. Some allies wanted NATO to be more involved there. Others believed the Arctic was primarily a matter of national concern for the countries in the region, not an issue for an intergovernmental security alliance.

These views are changing for three reasons.

First, there is growing concern over Russia’s actions in the Arctic. In recent years, Moscow has reopened, refurbished or built new military bases across the region. A large share of Russia’s naval nuclear strike capability is assigned to the Northern Fleet, headquartered in the Arctic. Russia has also invested heavily in military units specially trained and equipped to fight in Arctic conditions.

Of course, Russia is the world’s largest Arctic country, so it is natural that it would be active there. But when NATO considers Russia’s behavior elsewhere, especially in Ukraine, it has every reason to be concerned about Moscow’s intentions in the Arctic.

Second, Finland and Sweden’s entry into the alliance all but forces NATO to focus more seriously on the Arctic. For decades after NATO’s founding in 1949, both countries remained militarily nonaligned. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 changed attitudes in Helsinki and Stockholm almost overnight. Finland joined NATO in 2023 and Sweden followed in 2024.

Their accession means that seven of the world’s eight Arctic countries are now members of the same security alliance. Only Russia remains outside NATO. This reality inevitably places the Arctic on NATO’s agenda.


Finally, President Donald Trump has helped spur the Arctic debate inside NATO with his remarks about Greenland. His desire to acquire Greenland has been divisive inside the alliance. But he has also raised legitimate concerns about growing outside influence in the Arctic, particularly around Greenland and the wider North Atlantic.

This has motivated European countries to invest more in Arctic security. It is no coincidence that NATO’s recent Arctic initiatives have come on the heels of renewed American attention on Greenland.

An increased NATO role in the Arctic can help bring stability to the region. The Arctic remains a zone of low tension and it is in everyone’s interest that it stays that way. However, low tension does not mean no competition. Respecting the sovereignty of countries in the region, while maintaining the ability to defend and enforce that sovereignty, is what will ultimately keep the Arctic secure.

For decades, NATO treated the Arctic as a peripheral concern. That is no longer possible. With seven Arctic countries now inside the alliance, Russia becoming more assertive in the region and the strategic value of the High North increasing, NATO has both a responsibility and a role to play. The alliance’s recent moves in Finland, through Task Force X-Arctic, and with Nordic Bridge show that it is beginning to take that role seriously.


Luke Coffey is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. X: @LukeDCoffey

About Arab News
Arab News is Saudi Arabia's first English-language newspaper. It was founded in 1975 by Hisham and Mohammed Ali Hafiz. Today, it is one of 29 publications produced by Saudi Research & Publishing Company (SRPC), a subsidiary of Saudi Research & Marketing Group (SRMG).
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