Tuesday, February 18, 2020


Shades of Detroit? Germany's auto heartlands in peril as 'golden age' fades


Michael Nienaber
BAMBERG, Germany (Reuters) - When Kristin and Thomas Schmitt took out a mortgage and bought a house last summer, the German couple’s dream looked as if it was coming true. Two months later, they learned that the tire factory where both work would be shut down early next year.


Employees Kristin and Thomas Schmitt walk towards the main gate of the Bamberg branch of French tyre manufacturer Michelin, in Bamberg, Germany, February 13, 2020. REUTERS/Andreas Gebert

A malaise in Germany’s mighty automobile industry, caused by weaker demand from abroad, stricter emission rules and electrification, is starting to leave a wider mark on Europe’s largest economy by pushing up unemployment, eroding job security and hitting pay.

“It’s a nightmare. This is pulling the rug out from under our feet,” said Kristin Schmitt, 40, of the plant closure in the Bavarian region of Bamberg, one of Germany’s auto supplier hubs.

The couple, who have three children, still hopes managers at their Michelin tire factory change their mind, but the risk of unemployment looms large - and not only for the Schmitts.

The German auto sector is expected to cut nearly a tenth of its 830,000 jobs in the next decade, according to the VDA industry association.

Some think-tanks and government officials fear that the toll will be higher as electric cars provide less assembly work than combustion engine vehicles, simple work steps are replaced by automation and companies relocate production.

This is not yet 1970s Detroit, a U.S. car center that was plagued by urban decay as factory relocations, cheaper imports and higher fuel prices destroyed jobs.

But the danger is growing, automotive companies, workers, as well as regional and labor leaders, told Reuters.

Different firms are taking different steps. At the Schmitts’ plant in Hallstadt, workers are trying to avoid forced layoffs; at a Bosch factory in nearby Bamberg, pay cuts and reduced hours have been agreed, as has investment in new fuel cell technology.


With pockets of rising joblessness in the affluent, auto-producing heartlands of Bavaria and Baden-Wuerttemberg in southern Germany, there are serious implications for a country which relies on the car industry for roughly 5% of its economic output and, and an important part of its national identity.

“Germany is entering uncharted waters. The transition could well mark the end of the golden age for cars as a mass employer,” said Stefan Bratzel, head of the Center of Automotive Management, a German research institute.

“For politics, it’s a ticking time bomb.”

The outbreak of the coronavirus is adding to the crisis by disrupting global supply chains and dampening passenger car sales in China, an important market for German manufacturers.

Threats of mass lay-offs will be a defining feature of upcoming wage negotiations in the metalworking industry where unions are focusing more on job security than pay hikes.

“It could well be that we have passed the peak of automotive production,” Volkmar Denner, CEO of Germany’s largest car supplier Robert Bosch, said in January when he announced massive job cuts and a business review to cope with plunging profits.

(GRAPHIC: Less work in Germany - here)


POST-WAR ‘MIRACLE’


The Schmitts live north of the city of Bamberg, whose medieval and baroque architecture has been lovingly restored since the 1950s. It is typical of the well-heeled cities that prospered during the “economic miracle” of Germany’s post-war reconstruction.

Yet this region, which heavily depends on combustion engine technology, is facing a challenge that will have repercussions for Germany as a whole.

“We’re talking here about some 25,000 jobs in the region; that’s roughly 15% of the overall workforce,” Bamberg mayor Andreas Starke told Reuters. “This shows how dependent the region is on combustion engines.”

For the Schmitts - Thomas works on the assembly line and Kristin in the stockroom - and their more than 850 colleagues at the Michelin tire factory, the chances of keeping their jobs are looking grim.

Works council head Josef Morgenroth is trying to convince the management that the company can’t pull out of an earlier agreement which ruled out forced lay-offs until the end of 2022.

The local Michelin management declined to comment, saying it was still in talks with the works council.

‘AUTOMOBILE CRISIS’

To help workers affected by the car industry disruption, politicians, companies and labor unions have called on the government to support the shift to alternative technologies such as electric cars or hydrogen-powered fuel cells.

In a rare joint statement, automakers and unions said in January that Berlin must expand state-backed employment schemes, known as Kurzarbeit, to cover a longer pay subsidy period of up to 24 months as well as retraining in new skills such as building electric vehicle parts.

The German cabinet is expected to approve the more flexible Kurzarbeit rules next month. Under the scheme, companies can apply for state aid to avoid lay-offs and keep skilled workers for a limited time of currently up to 12 months.


Slideshow (14 Images)

Depending on agreements between company and works council, employees work reduced hours or even stay at home, with the government paying two-thirds of the lost net income.

For the economy as a whole, this means consumers have less money to spend, eroding Germany’s most important pillar of economic support in recent years as exports falter. That in turn could become an issue for the European Central Bank as it seeks to stimulate the wider euro zone economy with a limited arsenal.

Research institute GfK expects German household spending to grow by 1% in 2020, down from roughly 1.5% last year.

Even without the planned changes, the number of employees already forced to work in Kurzarbeit schemes jumped to 96,000 in November, up from about 20,000 two years before, and surpassing levels last seen during the euro zone debt crisis in 2012/13, according to the Federal Labour Office.

Projections suggest that the number will rise to 117,000 this month, with the increase mainly due to the problems in the car industry, said Detlef Scheele, head of the state agency.
PAY CUT VS JOB CUT

Some auto suppliers have cut pay without applying for state aid under the short-time schemes.

At the Bosch factory, management and the works council sealed a deal to avoid forced lay-offs until 2026 under the condition that all 7,000 employees reduce working hours and accept a pay cut of nearly 10% from April 2020.

“Of course, this is causing mixed feelings,” said Sven Bachmann, production manager at the plant, which is 100% focused on combustion engine parts. “For me personally, the relief prevails that my job is safe for the next six years.”

In addition, the company pledged to invest in fuel cells, which could become an important alternative energy source for trucks and buildings over the next 10 years.


“This pledge is really important because it shows Bosch is not only thinking about cutting costs, but also about securing future growth and jobs,” works council head Mario Gutmann told Reuters.

The city of Bamberg is complementing the efforts by building a new district on an old U.S. military base where stationary fuel cells, powered with hydrogen, will provide electricity, heating and warm water for up to 1,000 apartments.

Mayor Starke is hoping that Bamberg’s efforts to diversify its local economy can help cushion the negative effects of the car crisis on the regional labor market.

There’s a lot at stake for people like the Schmitts.

“We canceled our holidays, we also told the children that we have to scale back special treats,” Kristin said. “Now, we all pray that we can keep the house.”


Reporting by Michael Nienaber; Additional reporting by Mark John, Edward Taylor, Ilona Wissenbach and Jan Schwartz; Editing by Pravin Char
Our Standards:The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
GM shuts Australia, NZ operations; sells Thai plant to Great Wall

Hilary Russ, Yilei Sun

NEW YORK/BEIJING (Reuters) - General Motors Co (GM.N) said it would wind down its Australian and New Zealand operations and sell a Thai plant in the latest restructuring of its global business, costing the U.S. auto maker $1.1 billion.

The moves will accelerate GM’s retreat from unprofitable markets, making it more dependent on the United States, China, Latin America and South Korea, and give up an opening to expand in Southeast Asia.


They come after the company told analysts this month that restructuring GM’s international operations outside of China to produce profit margins in the mid-single digits would represent “a $2 billion improvement” on two years ago.

RELATED COVERAGE

Timeline: General Motors streamlines its international operations


GM has forecast a flat profit for 2020 after a difficult 2019, and is facing ballooning interest in electric car rival Tesla Inc (TSLA.O).

GM is “focusing on markets where we have the right strategies to drive robust returns, and prioritizing global investments that will drive growth in the future of mobility,” especially in electric and autonomous vehicles, GM Chair and CEO Mary Barra said in a statement late on Sunday.

The latest changes - a continuation of GM’s retreat from Asia that began in 2015 when it announced it would stop making GM-branded cars in Indonesia - will lead to cash and non-cash charges of $1.1 billion. Some 600 jobs will be lost in Australia and New Zealand, while GM said about 1,500 jobs would be affected by the sale in Thailand.

Barra has prioritized profit margins over sales volume and global presence since taking over in 2014.

In 2017, she sold GM’s European Opel and Vauxhall businesses to Peugeot SA (PEUP.PA) and exited South Africa and other African markets. Since then, Barra has decided to pull GM out of Vietnam, Indonesia and India.

“THE END OF AN ERA”

Like Britain, Australia and New Zealand are right-hand drive markets. With sales of GM’s Australian Holden brand plummeting, the company could not justify the investment to continue building right-hand drive vehicles, GM President Mark Reuss said.


The move stoked anger in Australia, where GM Holden long ranked among the country’s best selling car companies after the first locally made mass-production car rolled off the assembly line with a Holden badge in 1948.

Amid continuous decline in new car sales, GM said it was ending Australian factory production in 2017 and last year called time on former best-seller the Commodore as part of a shift towards more compact SUVs and utility vehicles.

Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison said on Monday he was disappointed and angry at the decision, although not surprised.

“Australian taxpayers put billions into this multinational company. They let the brand just wither away on their watch,” he told reporters in Melbourne.

GREAT WALL GOING ABROAD

Great Wall, one of China’s biggest sport-utility vehicle makers, said it will sell cars from the Thai manufacturing base, which also has an engine plant, in Southeast Asia and Australia as it seeks global sales amid a slowing domestic market.

“There is no choice, if we don’t go global, we will not survive,” Wei Jianjun, chairman of the Baoding-based automaker, said last year when Great Wall opened a plant in Russia.


It also signed an agreement in January to buy GM’s car plant in India. The Thai transaction is expected to be completed by the end of 2020.


“Such an acquisition could give Great Wall quick access to the ASEAN market, and Thailand is a good choice for its production base amid the country’s established supply chain in the automotive industry,” said Shi Ji, analyst at Haitong International.

Great Wall is likely to face fierce competition from Japanese automakers which dominate Thailand’s domestic car sales. Thailand produces around 2 million vehicles each year, with just over half exported.

Great Wall may consider also building pickup trucks and SUVs in Thailand, a source familiar with the matter told Reuters .

The firm, which is building a car plant with BMW (BMWG.DE) in China, sold 1.06 million cars last year, including 65,175 units for export.

Reporting by Hilary Russ, Joe White, Yilei Sun, Chayut Setboonsarng, Byron Kaye and Kevin Buckland; Editing by Christopher Cushing and Richard Pullin
Our Standards:The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
Pakistan confirms escape of Taliban leader who justified Malala shooting

Asif Shahzad

ISLAMABAD (Reuters) - A high-profile local Taliban figure who announced and justified the 2012 attack on teenage Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai has escaped detention, Pakistan’s interior minister confirmed a few days after the militant announced his breakout on social media.

Former Pakistani Taliban spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan, who claimed responsibility on behalf of his group for scores of Taliban attacks, proclaimed his escape on Twitter and then in an audio message sent to Pakistani media earlier this month.

The Pakistani military, which had kept Ehsan in detention for three years, has declined to comment but, asked by reporters about the report, Interior Minister Ijaz Shah, said: “That is correct, that is correct.”

Shah, a retired brigadier general, added that “you will hear good news” in response to questions about whether there had been progress in hunting down Ehsan.

Ehsan later told a Reuters reporter by telephone that he had already left Pakistan and arrived in Turkey together with his wife and children. He said he had surrendered to the army under a deal, and escaped only after the agreement was not honored.


He said he escaped on Jan. 11 but did not clarify how he had broken out of a maximum-security military prison and made his way to another country.

Pakistani analysts and experts on militant Islam have voiced doubt about Ehsan’s claim to have escaped. They have speculated that he may have been converted into an asset by the state and that reports he was on the run could be a ruse to plant him back in the Islamist militant scene for use as an informant.

After Ehsan’s surrender in 2017, local Geo News TV aired an interview he gave in custody in which he asserted that the intelligence services of Pakistan’s arch-rival, India, had been funding and arming Pakistani Taliban fighters.

The Pakistan army pledged to put Ehsan on trial but has not done so.

Taliban attacks in Pakistan have declined in recent months since the army carried out several operations against sanctuaries used by the Islamist militant groups in lawless districts along the border with Afghanistan.

Additional reporting by Jibran Ahmad in Peshawar, Pakistan; Writing by Asif Shahzad; Editing by Mark Heinrich
Canada’s legal pot market mirrors U.S. states in the worst ways: analyst

Jeff Lagerquist Yahoo Finance Canada February 12, 2020



TORONTO, ON - APRIL 1: Cannaibis educator Jonathan Hirsh
 smokes a joint he purchased outside the Hunny Pot Cannabis Co. 
store at 202 Queen St. W. 
(Andrew Francis Wallace/Toronto Star via Getty Images)

Canada was lauded as a trailblazer when it became the first G7 nation to legalize pot for both recreational and medical use. However, the market today mirrors the patchwork of U.S. states where the drug is legal in the worst possible ways, according to one analyst.

“A close look at the U.S. recreational and medical markets makes us think the Canadian cannabis market has adopted the worst of each recreational state, and little of the good,” Cantor Fitzgerald’s Pablo Zuanic wrote in a research note on Wednesday.

The state of Canada’s legal cannabis market has been in sharp focus as of late following layoffs Aurora (ACB.TO)(ACB), Tilray (TLRY), and most recently The Supreme Cannabis Company (FIRE.TO).

Producers have blamed a litany of regulatory headwinds for lacklustre performance, ranging from retail store shortages, to restrictions on branding and packaging, to the delayed roll-out of vape products in certain provinces amid health concerns. Those factors have been compounded by a persistently robust black market with far cheaper prices.

Such complaints are likely to resurface later this week as two of largest players, Aurora and Canopy Growth (WEED.TO)(CGC), report financial results for challenging quarters.

When it comes to the slow pace of pot shop openings, a persistent problem in Canada’s most populous province of Ontario, Zuanic draws comparisons to Michigan and Massachusetts.

While store openings are accelerating today, Zuanic said Massachusetts’ 33 stores amount to only 4.8 locations for every million residents 37 months after recreational legalization. To compare, he notes Ontario has 1.7 stores per million residents, and Quebec has 2.7 stores per million residents.

Thriving illicit cannabis sources have been a major headwind for Canada's fledgling legal market. Zuanic sees Canada akin to California when it comes to the balance of black market supply versus legal product. He estimates 60 per cent of pot purchases in the Golden State comes from illegal sources. According to Statistics Canada’s most recent projections, 61.8 per cent of spending in the fourth quarter of 2019 was made in the illegal market.

While the early days of recreational legalization in Canada were plagued by shortages, the situation has now swung to one of oversupply, with a number of producers rolling out discount brands to offload excess inventory.

Zuanic traces this downward pressure on prices to a high number of cultivator licences, a situation he also sees weighing on prices in Oregon.

“In Canada, most of the 194 licensed producers for medical marijuana were allowed to produce recreational cannabis, and the initial flood of capital (now a trickle) helped most to expand aggressively. The result is an oversupply situation,” he wrote.

Jeff Lagerquist is a senior reporter at Yahoo Finance Canada. Follow him on Twitter @jefflagerquist.
Russians rally against torture after verdict against ‘terrorist cell’

There is reason to suspect that key confessions in the "Network" case were extracted by torture

Posted 15 February 2020

“Stop torture! #NetworkCase” reads this protester's placard outside the FSB headquarters in Moscow, February 14, 2020. Photo (c): Marc Bennetts. Used with permission.

A trial in the Russian city of Penza, south-east of Moscow, has brought a close to one of the country's most disturbing criminal cases of recent years. On Monday 10, seven anarchists and anti-fascists were sentenced to long prison sentences under Article 205.4 of Russia's criminal code, concerning “participation in terrorist activities,” along with several drugs and weapons charges. The youngest, Ilya Shakursky, is just 23 years old; the oldest, the musician Vasily Kuksov, is 31. Their prison sentences range from six to 18 years. The length of these sentences, which amounts to 87 years overall, have shocked the country — the 18 years handed to Dmitry Pchelintsev is longer than some sentences received by convicted murderers in Russia.

The “Network Case,” named after the terrorist group to which the young men are alleged to belong, has prompted a nationwide discussion about the use of torture by Russia's law enforcement bodies. Prominent human rights defenders argue that key evidence for the existence of “The Network” was obtained through torture. Over the past week, hundreds of protesters have held solitary pickets outside the headquarters of the FSB, the Russian security services, in Moscow and several other cities. They have launched an online flashmob under the hashtags #делосети (the Network case), #мывсевсети (we are all Network), #судебныйбеспредел (lawless courts), and #НетПыткам (no to torture.)


Пыточное дело “Сети” – история о страхе. Напугавшееся до истерики ФСБ хочет этими дикими сроками напугать кого-то, кого себе там в ужасе напридумывала. Но в реальности лишь убеждает народ, что ФСБ сейчас – дикая истеричка, нестабильная, недалекая и злобная

— Олег Козырев (@oleg_kozyrev) February 10, 2020


The “Network” torture case is a story about fear. Hysterically fearful, the FSB wants these harsh sentences to terrify somebody who they have conjured up in the midst of their own horrors. But in reality, all this has done is convince the people that the FSB has become wildly hysterical, unstable, myopic, and vicious.

Such accounts are not uncommon in Russia today. According to a poll by the Levada Centre last year, as many as one in ten Russians claim to have been tortured at the hands of law enforcement, while an analysis of court data in 2018 indicated that most perpetrators face only mild repercussions. The “Network” case has been marred by accusations of torture since its inception, in keeping with harsh repression of anarchists and antifascist groups in recent years.

In mid-October 2017, Yegor Zorin, a student from Penza, was arrested and charged with terrorist conspiracy. His acquaintances suggested that he had been tortured in custody, during which the first allegations of the existence of “The Network” were made. Then in January 2018, two Russian antifascists, Viktor Filinkov and Igor Shishkin, went missing in St Petersburg. Filinkov stated that FSB agents demanded that he admit to membership of a terrorist cell known as “The Network,” alongside several acquaintances from Penza, who had been arrested in 2017. He later provided a detailed testimony of torture and retracted his confession. Shishkin, on the other hand, did not make any allegations against the authorities despite a medical report indicating signs of torture. He instead pled guilty and agree with the investigators’ account of events. He received three and a half years’ imprisonment. By 2019, “The Network” was officially designated an extremist organisation.

The young men in Penza whom Filinkov incriminated were a group of local activists from Penza's anarchist and antifascist scene. According to independent publication Novaya Gazeta, there is reason to believe that several members of the group did not know one another. Other members of the accused had filmed videos of themselves playing AirSoft, which was presented by the prosecution as evidence of military training to prepare for attacks. Investigators also claimed that the group, which they claimed had cells in Belarus, St Petersburg, and Moscow, planned to target the 2018 World Cup and presidential elections in Russia, charges which were not included in the final case against them.

Several members of the group, such as Ilya Shakursky, Dmitry Pchelintsev, and Ilya Kapustin, also provided detailed testimonials of torture at the hands of FSB agents, all of which allege severe beating and electric shocks all over their bodies. Nevertheless, Russia's investigative committee repeatedly refused to open a comprehensive investigation into the allegations of torture; in 2018, officials even concluded that the bruises and electrocution marks on Kapustin's body were the result of bedbug bites.

These graphic and often disturbing testimonies have resonated with a society already deeply disturbed by state officials’ lack of accountability. The political beliefs of the convicted men have also prompted some soul-searching among the opposition about the meaning of solidarity. In March 2018, Novaya Gazeta correspondent Yan Shenkman called on Russians to understand that, whatever their political differences, the Network case sets a disturbing precedent for all citizens:

Translation
Original Quote


In St Petersburg and Moscow there are developed systems of assistance. There are independent journalists and human rights defenders. There's nothing like that in Penza. The context also matters. The Bolotnaya case, under which many left-wingers, including myself, were sentenced was important for the entire liberal-democratic opposition. It was a story which the average journalist from the capital could understand. And here are people who face extremely harsh accusations. They're not liberals. They're not Moscow activists. We need to cut through the preconceptions towards them […] This case isn't about anarchism and isn't even about antifascism, but about the fact that tomorrow, they could come for you — for whatever reason. The electric shocker doesn't distinguish between “us” and “them.”

That solidarity took some time to materialise. But over the two years since Shenkman's column, the case has come to broader public awareness. In December 2018, the celebrated theatre company Teatr.Doc staged a production based on the torture testimonies of the accused men from Penza. On 12 February, prominent academics published an open letter against the “fabricated” case, and the following day prominent opposition campaigner Alexey Navalny harshly criticised the “barbaric” court verdict on his popular YouTube channel. The following post by Dmitry Bavyrin, a journalist for the Vzglyad newspaper, is a good indication of the mood among Russia's online opposition:

Translation
Original Quote


I haven't attempted to dig into the details of the “Network” case, as I can only act as a jury on a superficial level.

Do you believe that, on messengers or over a few drinks, a group of anti-fascists and anarchists might hypothetically discuss the possibility of overthrowing the state by violent means? Yes, I can easily believe that.

Do you believe that FSB officers might apply torture to their detainees in this case? Yes, I can easily believe that?

Which of these, in your opinion, represents a greater danger to society: students’ chats about overthrowing the regime or torture in detention centres. I think it's the second one.

— Dmitry Bavyrin, Facebook, 14 February 2020

The popular video blogger Yury Dud voiced a similar sentiment, alongside a film by Yevgeny Malyshev, a journalist for the independent media outlet 7×7, about the case. It features interviews with over 40 acquaintances of the convicted men.


И обязательно посмотрите вот этот фильм. Никакой героизации подсудимых (среди них были вполне проблемные чуваки), просто пошаговое исследование дела. От этой пошаговости волосы на голове шевелятся еще сильнее https://t.co/NECTn4nTsR

— Юрий Дудь (@yurydud) February 10, 2020


You must watch this film. There's no heroisation of the defendants (among whom are some wholly problematic guys), just a step-by-step investigation of the case. And it's that step-by-step analysis which will make your hairs stand on end even more.

Unsurprisingly, some of the loudest voices raising the alarm over Monday's verdict are from the left wing of Russia's opposition — such as the activist Sergey Udaltsov and singer Kirill Medvedev. Placards held outside the FSB building in Moscow frequently featured the logo of the opposition RSD, or Russian Socialist Movement. The verdict in the “Network” case also comes at a resonant moment for Russia's antifascists — a month after the ten year anniversary of the murder of antifascist human rights lawyer Stanislav Markelov and journalist Anastasia Baburova.

Responses to the verdict also suggest that the Russian opposition is aware that whatever their political differences, the threat (and sometimes experience) of torture unites them. Comparisons to Stalinist show trials are not uncommon. On February 9, the independent politician Alexey Minyaylo posted a picture of himself holding a placard which asked the question “What would you confess to under torture?” He soon received an answer from Ildar Dadin, who in 2015 became the first Russian to be imprisoned for repeated violation of the country's draconian law on non-violent protest. Dadin, who was released in 2017, alleged brutal torture at the hands of his guards at a prison colony in Karelia, in Russia's north-west. His answer drew on this trauma:

Translation
Original Quote


Firstly, I would put the word “confessed” in quotation marks. When criminal terrorists force you to incriminate yourself under torture, that can hardly be called a confession. Secondly, they also broke me in the Karelian torture colony, through savage physical torture […] As a result, I can only say that under conditions of terror and wild, prolonged, maddening pain, I'm convinced that the overwhelming majority of people would not only say they did things they did not do; they'll invent anything, be ready to betray their NEAREST AND DEAREST (no matter how wild that sounds to ordinary people.) When you experience that maddening, ongoing pain, all your human principles and concepts, your moral compass, are all turned off. They are overwhelmed by the animal instinct which grows under that pain, which demands, screams, just one thing: end this maddening pain, which literally switches off your mind.

Russian society's attempts to make sense of this harsh verdict speak to the unease at relations with the state. As the political scientist Ekaterina Shulmann writes, draconian measures in the name of “anti-extremism” are self-defeating, and are more likely to convince ordinary Russians that there are no legal ways to express their discontent.

Perhaps, in those circumstances, the authorities are merely determined to remind the opposition that the truth is often what those in power wish it to be, however it is extracted.




Written by Maxim Edwards
The feminist translators and interpreters revolutionizing the profession in Argentina

TEIFEM was the best way for me to get closer to feminism.

Translation posted 16 February 2020 

Some members of Feminist Translators and Interpreters of 
Argentina (TEIFEM). Photo by Lía Díaz, used with permission.

Feminism is always growing and diversifying, and the need is arising for feminists to come together and create areas of common interest and practice unique forms of activism that move away from hegemonic feminism, the manifestation of the movement that is most visible to the general public.

The world of translation is no exception, and that's the reason I joined the Feminist Translators and Interpreters of Argentina (TEIFEM). We are a group of women and gender-nonconforming translation and interpreting professionals, students and teachers, who have come together in order to “speak up in favour of gender equality and to challenge the structures established within the profession” and to promote growth and solidarity amongst colleagues.


Bookmarks designed for the Mujeres colectivas book launch. Credit TEIFEM.

TEIFEM was created in May 2018, when Argentina was debating the draft bill to legalize abortion. At that time, several professional groups were voicing their support and some feminist translators wanted to do the same. Within a few hours of its creation, 100 members had joined, and 178 signatures had been collected on a letter of support. After fifteen days there were four hundred of us! There is no doubt that we very much needed something like this.

I joined TEIFEM days after its creation. A friend and colleague who was already a member recommended it to me, and it was something entirely different from what I was used to seeing in other translation groups. It was a pleasant surprise to find several acquaintances (fellow students, teachers and professionals) whom I very much respected.

It's also been a pleasure to engage with debates and questions concerning various feminist issues that are presented and explained with respect, without arrogance or belittling of others’ lack of knowledge, and by considering what we have in common when arriving at agreements.

Although the abortion law failed to muster enough votes in the Senate to be enacted, TEIFEM continued beyond its initial aim of gathering support. We therefore sought new ways to practice a different style of activism, both professionally and linguistically, through activities where we could debate the various aspects of our work.
Linguistic sexism and translation meets non-binary language

Non-binary language is another major debate that has created considerable controversy in Argentina and several other Spanish-speaking countries. Also known as inclusive language, it involves modifying the Spanish language in order to introduce a neutral gender to refer to individuals whose gender expression isn't fixed, or a group of individuals with various genders.

For example, because third person pronouns either have a feminine or masculine gender in Spanish, where the “-a” ending generally indicates feminine and the “-o” indicates masculine, it has been suggested that the neutral gender pronoun “elle/elles” be used in place of “ella/ellas” and “él/ellos” (“she/they” and “he/they”). When adjectives are used to describe nouns or pronouns it is also important that they agree with the gender of the noun or pronoun, which is why the use of alternative neutral gender characters such as “x”, “@” or “e” has been suggested for the endings indicating the gender of adjectives and nouns—”todes” as opposed to “todas” or “todos” (all/every).


During the first TEIFEM Meeting, 28 September 2019. Credit: TEIFEM.

Interestingly, it is in the field of translation and interpreting, professions practiced mainly by women, where linguistic sexism is most evident. Each time that articles or comments concerning inclusive language are published, or when it is used in a written text, the most common reactions from many translators tend to be outright rejection, and sometimes forceful jibes, insults and attacks, as can be seen in the comments of this post from Las 1001 Traducciones, a well-known page dedicated to translation that shared a news story about TEIFEM.

Although TEIFEM's members are not unified on the subject of non-binary language, we have arrived at a basic consensus on how to deal with it. Mariana Rial, one of the group's creators, summarized this perspective in the translation podcast series En Pantuflas:

Translation
Original Quote


As language professionals, we have to be mindful of these phenomenona, irrespective of what seems good or bad to people as indviduals, what they like or dislike and what they think they can or cannot use… Essentially, it's about looking at it from a professional perspective.

Personally, except for in special circumstances, I'm not in the habit of using non-binary language in daily or work communications, although I do closely monitor this phenomenon with great interest. For me, it's a way doing my part, linguistically, to highlight a social and political issue: It has nothing to do with “forcibly” changing the language, but rather with showing how language reflects the social order.

The reality is also that many publishers, LGBT+ and trans rights organizations, and even official and international bodies have already started to consider using non-binary or gender-neutral language in some of their communications. The phenomenon has become difficult to ignore, and from a practical perspective, for those of us who translate, it's way to broadens our professional horizons.
An area that is revolutionizing the profession

The practice of translation is known for being relatively lonely and highly competitive. A translator or proofreader spends many hours in front of a screen, virtually connected to the world; a simultaneous interpreter generally spends hours in a booth with a headset and notes.

At TEIFEM, we are always looking for reasons to organize meetings that remove us from this isolation, that celebrate the professional achievements of our colleagues and encourage professional solidarity.


Many TEIFEM members are also members of other feminist and human rights organizations, giving us many opportunities for collaboration and strategic exchanges of knowledge and tools in order to achieve common objectives.

One example of this is the translations done by a few colleagues for the book The tragedy of woman's emancipation and other texts, a compilation of the writings of Emma Goldman produced by Red Editorial in which non-binary language was used. Also, as part of some of our activities, we donate menstrual hygiene products to organizations that distribute them to people living on the street or in extreme poverty.


A flyer for TEIFEM's participation in the Modern Languages information seminar of the University of La Plata, 2019.

Since it began almost two years ago, TEIFEM has become a highly active community, organizing and participating in talks, seminars and meetings. Some of its members have been interviewed for news articles, podcasts and there is even a chapter to us in a book published in 2019 called Mujeres colectivas.

On the time the Spanish version of that article was published, TEIFEM had more than 1,100 members. We maintain a private Facebook group, but many of the ideas that arise within it are shared externally on an Instagram account and on Twitter using the #TEIFEM hashtag, including information, recommendations, cultural stories and a variety of feminist- and linguistically-themed activities.

Like the languages we work with, TEIFEM is active and dynamic, developing in step with these fast-changing times in order to deal with new challenges creatively, professionally and, above all, through sisterhood between women.

For me, TEIFEM was the best way to get closer to feminism. I found a community where I am completely at ease, where the only rule is respect and tolerance, where I can ask questions without apprehension and share opinions that inspire us and make us all grow.


Written by Romina Navarro

Translated by Laura
‘Luanda Leaks': How Africa's richest woman plundered the Angolan state
The investigation was based on more than 715,000 documents

Translation posted 13 February 2020 10:10 GMT

Isabel dos Santos | ©NunoCoimbra – Cross-wikimedia CC BY-SA 4.0

In January 2020, the investigation “Luanda Leaks,” led by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) and a team of journalists from different countries, revealed how Isabel dos Santos, the daughter of former Angolan President José Eduardo dos Santos, illegally accumulated a fortune of more than 2 billion US dollars while being advised by North American and European consulting firms.

The investigation was based on more than 715,000 documents received by the Platform to Protect Whistleblowers in Africa (PPLAAF), a Paris-based nonprofit.

The investigation revealed Dos Santos directed millionaire contracts from state-oil company Sonangol, where she served as chairwoman from 2016 to 2017, to her own firms or those linked to her. It also indicates that the businesswoman managed to hid her fortune through companies based in tax havens such as Malta, Mauritius, and Hong Kong.

Angola is the second-largest oil producer and the fourth-largest diamond producer in Africa. Although poverty levels have improved in the past 15 years, half of the population still lives in poverty according to data by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative.

Isabel dos Santos’ father, José Eduardo dos Santos, known in Angola as “JES”, served as president of Angola from 1979 to 2017. His government was marked by violations of human rights, and persecution to journalists and critics were widespread.

In 2016, JES appointed Isabel dos Santos as chairwoman of Sonangol, but she was dismissed as soon as a new president took office the following year. João Lourenço replaced JES as the leader of the ruling party Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and became president after the party obtained a parliamentary majority in the August 2017 elections.

In contrast with his predecessor, João Lourenço has been pushing anti-corruption reforms and opening channels of dialogue with civil society. In 2018, he received in his office activists and journalists who in the past had been persecuted by the authorities. In the same year, Lourenço said in an interview that he found the state coffers “practically empty” when he took over from JES.

In February 2018, the new Sonangol chief, Carlos Saturnino, revealed that Isabel dos Santos had ordered a bank transfer of 38 million US dollars from Sonangol to a bank account in Dubai shortly after she was fired from her job.

Dos Santos, who holds Russian citizenship due to her maternal ancestry, currently lives in Dubai.

Carlos Saturnino was fired from Sonangol in May 2019 amid a fuel shortage crisis in Angola.

Dos Santos has since denied any wrongdoing during her time as Sonangol's chairwoman. Through her social networks, she alleges that she is a victim of political persecution by the new Angolan government.


Consórcio ICIJ recebeu fuga de informação das “autoridades angolanas “??!! Interessante ver o estado angolano a fazer leaks jornalistas e para SIC-Expresso e depois vir dizer que isto não é um ataque político ?

— Isabel Dos Santos (@isabelaangola) January 19, 2020


So the ICIJ consortium received leaked information from “Angolan authorities” ?? !! Interesting to see the Angolan state leaking to journalists and to SIC-Expresso [a newspaper in Portugal] and then come saying that this is not a political attack?


Se houvesse interesse na verdade e não no assassinato de caracter,a SIC-Expresso teria entrevistado o actual PCA da Sonangol,teria entrevistado Dr.Edeltrudes Costa, teria entrevistado Dr.Archer Mangueira.
Como é um ataque político comandado e orquestrado só entrevistam o PGR.

— Isabel Dos Santos (@isabelaangola) January 19, 2020


If there was an interest in the truth rather than character assassination, SIC-Expresso would have interviewed the current Sonangol chief, it would have interviewed Dr. Edeltrudes Costa, it would have interviewed Dr. Archer Mangueira. As this is a commanded and orchestrated political attack, they have only interviewed the prosecutor-general.

Isabel dos Santos’ sister, Tchizé, suggested that Isabel returned an amount of 75 million US Dollars to the Angolan State:

Translation
Original Quote


Is it the debt of 75 million that is at stake? Pay, then, if they are asking for euros and do not want kwanzas, although a state would normally want to receive in its own currency, but if they need dollars and they are asking [dos Santos], the citizen who has benefited the most from business opportunities in Angola, it is time for her to repay everything the state has provided her, allowing her to close great deals and become the woman she is today… So, send money to Angola.

Rafael Marques, the Angolan journalist who had long investigated corruption in the Dos Santos family, commented to DW Africa about ICIJ's investigation:

Translation
Original Quote


This is news for which I have effectively waited for many years, but it also makes me sad. It makes me sad because only when foreigners speak the citizens listen, the world listens.

As an Angolan journalist, many of the facts that were revealed by these documents had already been revealed by me, but no one paid attention because I am an African journalist.

Only when European and American journalists talk about the issue that it becomes serious enough for certain governments and many countries’ societies to begin to pay attention. But it is important.

Amid the revelations, Isabel dos Santos has been disconnecting herself from several companies of which she holds shares, particularly businesses located in Portugal.

The director of the Portuguese bank Eurobic, where Sonangol had an account, was found dead in Lisbon on January 22, the same day Angola's prosecutor-general named him as a suspect in an inquiry into Sonangol and Isabel dos Santos.

The inquiry was opened in March 2018 following complaints made by Carlos Saturnino, but had been moving slowly until the more recent developments.


Written Translated byDércio Tsandzana
In Lebanon, journalists and activists who cover protests face threats 

Lebanon needs laws to protect journalists and media practitioners


Posted 14 February 2020


Journalists covering an anti-government protest near one of the blocked entrances to the Lebanese Parliament in the capital Beirut. Photo credit: Hassan Chamoun, used with permission.

Since the anti-austerity protests broke out in Lebanon on October 17, 2019, reporters and journalists have been flocking to the scene to provide up-to-date coverage.

Tens of thousands of people reflecting Lebanon’s diverse religious and class sectors took to the streets to demand social and economic reforms. What started as socio-economic protests have grown into a movement demanding the fall of political rulers who have governed the country under a sectarian political system since the end of the civil war in 1990, using the popular slogan, “All of them means all of them.”

Journalists and camera crews who showed up at the protests became the target of harassment by not only the country’s police and army but in some cases by protesters.

Media professionals have raised their voices against the use of excessive force against journalists who cover the mass protests. Many said they were harassed or had their equipment confiscated, or both. The SKeyes Center for Media and Cultural Freedom at the Samir Kassir Foundation (SKeyes) reported multiple incidents of injury and harassment of journalists from the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation (LBC), Murr Television (MTV), Agence France Presse (AFP) and Al-Jadeed on January 18 alone.

In one incident reported by Skeyes center on January 15, 2020 freelance journalist Saada Saada was covering a roadblock staged by protesters in the Furn al-Shubak area in Beirut, the capital, when a couple of soldiers started to beat him. He declared that he was a journalist and presented his press identification card, but soldiers reportedly tried to snatch his phone from his hands as they dragged, kicked and beat him. His injuries demanded medical attention and transfer to a local hospital.

In another incident on January 22, a correspondent for France 24, Leila Molana-Allen shared a video in which she says the police targeted a camera crew with water cannons:


Just got hit by water cannon myself after riot police turned the cannon on a group of journalists and onlookers filming the scene.#LebanonProtests https://t.co/x2eXL7dtfO

— Leila Molana-Allen (@Leila_MA) January 22, 2020

On January 21, SKeyes reported that an Associated Press photographer was pepper-sprayed by the police as he was covering protests in Beirut:


@LebISF also decide to mace journalists in downtown #Beirut tonight, after shooting them with rubber bullets two nights ago. #LebanonProtests https://t.co/JbVDVXYnfm

— Bachar EL-Halabi | بشار الحلبي (@Bacharelhalabi) January 21, 2020

On February 11, the same organisation reported that another journalist was hit with a rubber bullet.


Security forces shot photojournalist Jad Ghorayeb in the mouth with a rubber-coated steel bullet. #LebanonProtests #لبنان_يتنفض https://t.co/IPlVUCykc9

— Timour Azhari (@timourazhari) February 11, 2020

This treatment also extends to activists who report from the ground and express their views about the protests. This puts almost every active citizen at risk of harassment or arrest. Political expression on social media is getting more popular but also more risky, as several independent journalists and activists face interrogation or physical violence and threats for sharing their opinions on their social media profiles.

When the protests started, activist and blogger Joey Ayoub was one of many who headed to the scenes of the protests to report what he witnessed. On October 25, 2019, when he was recording on his mobile phone, a soldier tried to snatch the phone away, in an attempt to stop him from filming.

You can hear Ayoub tell the soldier in Arabic, “I have the right to record.”


Soldiers tried to take my phone away. Furn El Chebbak now#lebanonprotests#لبنان_ينتفض pic.twitter.com/gn3qFIb1tQ

— ابن بالدوين (@joeyayoub) October 25, 2019

This is problematic not only because it violates freedom of expression and freedom of the press, but also because digital media and content creators on digital media platforms are not protected under the Lebanese press law.

The current press law — adopted in 1962 and amended in 1977, 1994 and 1999 — covers print media only. Cases concerning broadcast journalists and content creators on digital platforms like web outlets and social media are dealt with under criminal law. As social media becomes increasingly more widespread among youth, activists and even officials, Lebanon has yet to adapt its legislation to expand protections to freedom of expression online and digital media.
Privacy threats

Police have reportedly taken away phones of people they arrest and force detainees to give up their passwords to grant authorities full access to their devices.

Mohamed Najem, the executive director of Social Media Exchange (SMEX), a digital rights advocacy group working in the Arab region, told Global Voices that his organization received complaints and reports of cases of protesters having to leave their phones behind even after they have been released, and police stations asked them later to go back and give them the passwords to their phones.

Najem says this issue has not gotten the attention it deserves yet and has called for a law that protects the personal data and the privacy of citizens:


We really need a law for data protection in #Lebanon. After the release of protestors, the security agency kept the protestors phone in custody and now asking them to give their phone passwords. This is a breach of privacy, and laws are not protective. #LebanonProtests

— Mohamad محمد (@monajem) January 22, 2020

Protests are ongoing in different parts of Lebanon, as the parliament approved a new government on February 12. Protesters, who have been calling for an independent transitional government and new parliamentary elections, see the this government as part of the old political establishment.

As the protests continue, journalists and activists remain at risk of arrest, harassment and physical violence.

SMEX has circulated tips to help activists and journalists minimise risks to their privacy during protests. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has put out a list of steps and measures journalists should take before heading out to cover the protests — including logistical planning and things to pack —to digital security and privacy protection.

These tips and precautions are useful for journalists and activists seeking to protect their right to privacy and avoid harassment and attacks as they report on the ground. However, unless the Lebanese authorities put strong measures in place to ensure the protection of press freedom and freedom of expression, violations will continue to take place.


Written byFaten Bushehri
Russian pranksters target Bernie Sanders
Vovan and Lexus posed as Greta Thunberg in a call with the Vermont senator

Posted 16 February 2020


Screenshot from Vovan and Lexus’ YouTube video of their prank call with US Senator Bernie Sanders.

In the heat of the US Democratic primary, Senator Bernie Sanders would appear to be the latest international politician to fall victim to Russian pranksters Vovan and Lexus, the pseudonyms of Vladimir Kuznetsov and Alexey Stolyarov. At least, that's what the pranksters claim: the Vermont senator's campaign office has not yet commented on the recording's authenticity.

On 13 February, an animated video was uploaded to the comedians’ YouTube channel featuring the audio of Sanders’ 11-minute call with whom he believes to be Greta Thunberg and her father Svante. “Greta” praised the senator's ecological proposals and offered to provide an endorsement for his presidential campaign. The video soon descends to the strange when the pranksters suggest that Sanders would gain the youth vote if he starred in a rap video with Kanye West and Billie Eilish. The senator laughs cordially at the suggestion that he would have to wear gold jewellery.

It doesn't take long for Russia to feature in the call, when “Greta” and her father express their concerns about an upcoming trip to the country and ask Sanders for his advice. The senator tells them that “to the best of [his] knowledge, Putin is very bad on climate change,” warning them against “just walking in there and getting used as a photo opportunity,” and advising them to research the ecological situation in Russia and urge the Russian leadership to “transform their energy system.”

Sanders is then asked whether he believes it is possible to “lead the United States towards communism,” to which he responds that democratic socialism has far more in common with governance in Sweden than in the Soviet Union.

Then things go downhill when “Greta” and her father express interest in Sanders’ visit to the Russian city of Yaroslavl in 1988. They jokingly suggest that he was a sleeper agent for the KGB, the Soviet secret police, which has altered the senator's memory in case the CIA discover the truth. “Is this what you really believe?” asks Sanders, incredulously. “Greta” responds that it is time for her to activate him with a special phrase. The call abruptly ends.

It is not known when Vovan and Lexus recorded their latest call, but they did allude to a prank with Sanders in a Tweet shortly before its release:


Сделать ли нам пранк с Берни Сандерсом? / Should we do a prank with Bernie Sanders?

— Пранкер Вован (@evilprank) February 12, 2020

Sanders, if the voice is indeed the senator's, was not the first politician pranked by Vovan and Lexus and will probably not be the last. This January, they used much the same script against Califonia Congresswoman Maxine Waters, and then in a call with actor Joaquin Phoenix. The duo shot to international prominence in 2015, when they phoned Elton John posing as Vladimir Putin — the singer believed he was speaking to the Russian president via a translator.

The mischievous pranksters insist that they have no political agenda, stressing that they have also pranked celebrities. Nevertheless, it has not escaped the attention of international media that their choice of victims seems to coincidentally align with whoever is in the Kremlin's bad books — particularly if they are Ukrainian politicians and western public officials deemed hostile to Russian interests. These have included French President Emmanuel Macron, former Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko, North Macedonian Prime Minister Zoran Zaev, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Governor of Alaska Sarah Palin, the Ukrainian oligarchs Ihor Kolomoiskyi and Rinat Akhmetov, and many others. There has been much speculation as to how two pranksters are able to dial through directly to foreign heads of state with such ease — leading some to suspect, such as the lawyer Mark Feygin, that they may have a helping hand from the Russian security services.

The pranksters laugh off that suggestion, but have been asked on several occasions why they have never once prank called Putin. In a January 2019 interview with Ukrainian news portal Strana.Ua, they claimed that Putin knew who they were, and cited technical problems in reaching him:

Translation
Original Quote


It's not that easy to call through to Putin. Putin, and several other heads of state, have a completely different system of communications. Putin doesn't have a telephone, first of all. The channels through which he communicates are encrypted. If we're talking about the CIS states, then every president has encrypted communications. Theoretically, even if we wanted to, we wouldn't be able to reach them.

In a March 2016 interview with the BBC's Russian service, Lexus was more open about their reticence:

Translation
Original Quote


We are nevertheless aimed at doing what is necessary for Russia. We understand that some recordings, including incriminating ones, would be harmful to our country; other political forces would play on them and get dividends. We believe that corrupt officials and others have to be fought in any case. But every concrete case needs to be assessed so that the country does not suffer politically as a result.

Questions about Vovan and Lexus's intentions will no doubt continue to be asked — until and unless the pranksters be their boldest yet by trying to dupe a prominent Russian politician.



Written by RuNet Echo


Hong Kong's labor laws aid and abet the abuse of foreign domestic workers

Written byKatie McQue

Posted 16 February 2020 14:38 GMT




Foreign domestic workers take a break on their rest day in central Hong Kong. Photo by author.

Her body is heavy with fatigue after a 17-hour shift, but Janey*, 29, finds it impossible to fall asleep. She scrolls through her Facebook newsfeed in an effort to distract herself from the hunger pangs. It’s midnight, and her working day will begin again in six short hours.

Janey traveled to Hong Kong from the Philippines two years ago to take up a job as a live-in domestic maid for a family. She knew the work was going to be hard, but she didn’t expect her living conditions to be so difficult. Janey told me in an interview that:

The food here is very limited. My employer just gives me instant noodles, you have to train yourself to be able to eat them every day. I can also eat leftovers but sometimes there isn’t enough.

Families that employ maids are legally obligated to provide them with a private room, yet Janey sleeps on the sofa in the living room of the 700-square-foot apartment that houses the five people she waits on. She keeps her possessions in bags.

Hong Kong’s 350,000 domestic workers come mainly from poorer Asian countries such as the Philippines and Indonesia and are essential to the functioning of the city. Getting a job as a maid enables these women to send money back home to provide much-needed support to their families. Janey, a graduate in computer programming, is ambitious and determined to start a career in her field, but there aren't jobs in the Philippines, she says.

According to a 2017 report by Mission For Migrant Workers, a Hong Kong-based NGO, nine out of ten maids suffer from insufficient rest, two out of five do not have a private room, one in five have reported ill-treatment by their employers, and 25 percent are given insufficient food.

Much of the abuse these maids face is abetted by employment laws. For instance, Hong Kong’s domestic workers are legally required to live with their employers. This rule has created a breeding ground for abuse. According to Nicole Lai, Organisation Secretary at the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions:

Because maids have to live with their employers, the hours are long. They either work or sleep. Sleep may also be interrupted; they are often asked to work and are often caring for children and the elderly, which can involve working at night.

Living with their employers affords maids very little privacy, and makes them more vulnerable to physical and sexual abuse. In cases where this happens, it is very difficult for them to get help. They are afraid to report cases to the police and cannot easily leave the home to do so anyway, adds Lai.

It is commonplace for Hong Kong households to have at least one maid. The busy and expensive city has a scarcity of daycare facilities for young children. By law, the minimum wage for a domestic worker is HK$4,630 (595 US dollars) per month. Families who may not be able to comfortably afford this sum may be tempted to squeeze as much work as possible from their domestic worker.

Gabriela*, 32, from Mindanao island in the Philippines, reports experiencing this. She took out a loan to pay a recruitment agency US$ 1,200 to place her with a supposedly reputable employer. The agency assured her that she would be treated well and would work a standard eight hours per day, six days per week, in her new home. She told me:

When I arrived at my employers’ house, I gave them my contract. But they told me that it is just a piece of paper that doesn’t mean anything, and I must live by the family’s rules because they paid a lot for me.

In reality, Gabriela is made to work from sunrise until past midnight, doing everything from cooking, helping look after three children and two elderly parents, and cleaning and washing the family car:

I can’t sit down for even one second because my employer doesn’t want to waste it. Sunday is my holiday but I still work 8 hours then, when I’m supposed to have the whole day off.

But leaving is almost impossible. Gabriela must earn money to pay back her loan, and she needs to send money home to support her elderly mother. She’d like to complain to Hong Kong’s Labour Department, but she’s afraid of being fired.

Breaking an employment contract through resignation or by being fired puts foreign maids in an impossible situation, because immigration laws stipulate that a domestic worker must find a new employer within two weeks, or leave Hong Kong. Finding a new job in the space of two weeks is highly unlikely. As Lai points out:

The Hong Kong labour department can’t issue new documents in that time even if they do find a new employer. It also takes four to six weeks for the immigration department to issue new visa documents.

Leaving and re-entering Hong Kong also means incurring the expense of costly recruitment agency fees and flights all over again.

Should a domestic worker get pregnant, Hong Kong's maternity laws are often not upheld by the employer. In such cases, a domestic worker is typically fired, meaning she swiftly loses her income, home, residency visa and access to healthcare.

Children born to women who overstay their visas inherit the same immigration status as their mothers — undocumented.

Migrant workers who become pregnant often seek help from Pathfinders, a local NGO focused on helping foreign domestic workers which operates several shelters for migrant workers who are pregnant or have recently given birth. Pathfinders’ CEO, Catherine Gurtin, told me that:


Our beneficiaries often arrive hungry, sick, undocumented and homeless. They are often unable to return home financially, or because they are too pregnant to fly or because their Hong Kong-born baby is undocumented.

Jessie*, from Luzon island in the Philippines, is in her early 20s. She was just eight weeks from her due date when I interviewed her in one of Pathfinders’ shelters. She learned she was pregnant after taking a mandatory pregnancy test before beginning a new contract as a maid, and then lost her job. She says she’s too scared to tell her family and can’t go home out of fear of her safety.

Pregnant maids not fired by their employers still encounter significant challenges. Under the government’s live-in rule, domestic workers have to live in their employer’s home even during their maternity leave. Unsurprisingly, most employers are unwilling to accommodate a baby, so they are often left in the care of the state until the mother can take them home.

A joint statement provided to Global Voices by the Hong Kong government’s Labour and Immigration Department said:


Any change to the “live-in requirement” that foreign domestic helpers must reside in employers’ residences will go against the rationale for importing Foreign Domestic Helpers and the fundamental policy that local employees (including local domestic helpers) should enjoy priority in employment.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government does not tolerate and takes stringent actions against any abuse or exploitation of foreign domestic helpers. Any reported case of physical abuse or violation of the statutory provisions such as non-payment/under-payment of wages, non-granting of weekly rest days and statutory holidays, etc. will be thoroughly investigated, and if there is sufficient evidence, the culprits will be prosecuted.

*Names have been changed to protect identities.